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Books on the topic 'Democratic educational values'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 11 February 2022

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1

Colloquy of Directors of Educational Research Institutions (1989 Ericeira, Portugal). Socialisation of school children and their education for democratic values and human rights: Report of the Colloquy of Directors of Educational Research Institutions held in Ericeira (Portugal) on 17-20 October 1989. Amsterdam: Swets & Zeitlinger, 1991.

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2

Education and Democratic Values. Cosmo (Publications,India), 2003.

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3

Szukala, Andrea, and Tonio Oeftering, eds. Protest und Partizipation. Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/9783845296357.

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In democracy, political participation is seen as the most important way for citizens to communicate information to political decision-makers (Sydney Verba) and the bureaucracy affiliated to them. Protest plays a special role here among the political and cultural varieties of participation, since it can be seen as a symptom of democratic defects or as an expression of a living, transformative democracy. Civic education situates itself in relation to this particular form of expression of political culture in a multidimensional way: it transmits basic democratic values to educational institutions and marks the boundaries of accepted practice of protest quite differently. This can also result in a transformative practice of protest (Banks), which is also discussed in this volume. In it, the authors resurvey the field of political education according to the conditions of the current crisis-ridden transformation in democracy. This anthology was created to document the 2017 Münster Conference of the DVPW-Committee on Political Science and Civic Education.

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1949-, Ramet Sabrina P., and Matic Davorka 1962-, eds. Democratic transition in Croatia: Value transformation, education & media. College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 2007.

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5

Education for a Democratic Society: Central European Pragmatist Forum. Volume Three (Value Inquiry Book Series 179) (Value Inquiry Book). Editions Rodopi BV, 2007.

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6

(Editor), Sabrina P. Ramet, and Danica Fink-Hafner (Editor), eds. Democratic Transition in Slovenia: Value Transformation, Education, and Media. Texas A&M University Press, 2006.

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7

(Editor), Kevin McDonough, and Walter Feinberg (Editor), eds. Citizenship and Education in Liberal-Democratic Societies: Teaching for Cosmopolitan Values and Collective Identities. Oxford University Press, USA, 2003.

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8

(Editor), Kevin McDonough, and Walter Feinberg (Editor), eds. Citizenship and Education in Liberal-Democratic Societies: Teaching for Cosmopolitan Values and Collective Identities. Oxford University Press, USA, 2006.

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9

1963-, McDonough Kevin, and Feinberg Walter 1937-, eds. Education and citizenship in liberal-democratic societies: Teaching for cosmopolitan values and collective identities. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003.

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10

Crucibles of democracy: American international schools and the globalization of democratic values. Bloomington, Ind: Phi Delta Kappa International, 2006.

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11

Luescher-Mamashela, Thierry M. The University in Africa and Democratic Citizenship. African Minds, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.47622/9781920355678.

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Whether and how higher education in Africa contributes to democratisation beyond producing the professionals that are necessary for developing and sustaining a modern political system, remains an unresolved question. This report, then, represents an attempt to address the question of whether there are university specific mechanisms or pathways by which higher education contributes to the development of democratic attitudes and behaviours among students, and how these mechanisms operate and relate to politics both on and off campus. The research contained in this report shows that the potential of a university to act as training ground for democratic citizenship is best realised by supporting students' exercise of democratic leadership on campus. This, in turn, develops and fosters democratic leadership in civil society. Thus, the university's response to student political activity, student representation in university governance and other aspects of extra-curricular student life needs to be examined for ways in which African universities can instil and support democratic values and practices. Encouraging and facilitating student leadership in various forms of on-campus political activity and in a range of student organisations emerges as one of the most promising ways in which African universities can act as training grounds for democratic citizenship. The project on which this report is based forms part of a larger study on Higher Education and Democracy in Africa, undertaken by the Higher Education Research and Advocacy Network in Africa (HERANA). HERANA is coordinated by the Centre for Higher Education Transformation in South Africa.

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12

Harvey, Mark, and Norman Geras. Inequality and Democratic Egalitarianism. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526114020.001.0001.

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This book arose out of a friendship between a political philosopher and an economic sociologist, and their recognition of an urgent political need to address the extreme inequalities of wealth and power in contemporary societies. The book provides a new analysis of what generates inequalities in rights to income, property and public goods in contemporary societies. It claims to move beyond Marx, both in its analysis of inequality and exploitation, and in its concept of just distribution. In order to do so, it critiques Marx’s foundational Labour Theory of Value and its closed-circuit conception of the economy. It points to the major historical transformations that create educational and knowledge inequalities, inequalities in rights to public goods that combine with those to private wealth. In two historical chapters, it argues that industrial capitalism introduced new forms of coerced labour in the metropolis alongside a huge expansion of slavery and indentured labour in the New World, with forms of bonded labour lasting well into the twentieth century. Only political struggles, rather than any economic logic of capitalism, achieved less punitive forms of employment. It is argued that these were only steps along a long road to challenge asymmetries of economic power and to realise just distribution of the wealth created in society.

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13

Susan, Hopkins, and Child Care Information Exchange, eds. Hearing everyone's voice: Educating young children for peace and democratic community. Redmond, Wash: Child Care Information Exchange, 1999.

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14

Hearing Everyone's Voice: Educating Young Children for Peace and Democratic Community. Exchange Press, Inc., 1999.

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15

Lester, Emile. Democracy, Religion, and American Education. Edited by Michael D. Waggoner and Nathan C. Walker. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199386819.013.6.

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The debate over religion in public schools in the United States since the 1960s has pitted two forces of democracy celebrated in Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s The Social Contract against each other. The Supreme Court’s exclusion of sectarian prayer and Bible reading reflected democracy’s commitment to respect the rights of all. The politically engaged response of evangelical and conservative Christians has drawn upon democracy’s need for robust participation by ordinary citizens. While Rousseau believed that only an agreement upon a civil religion could reconcile these democratic forces, the results of a required world religions course in Modesto, California, suggests otherwise. The course enhanced students’ respect for religious liberty while allowing them to maintain their sectarian beliefs. Modesto’s course did not resolve all the dilemmas of democracy, however. The aversion to open-ended class discussions neglects the value of democratic deliberation that notable democratic theorists like Jurgen Habermas and Amy Gutmann celebrate.

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16

Schattle, Hans, and Jeremy Nuttall, eds. Making social democrats. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526120304.001.0001.

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Amidst ‘Brexit’, a divided and out of power Labour Party, and the wider international rise of populism, contemporary British social democracy appears in a state of crisis. This book, a collection of essays by some of Britain’s leading academics, public intellectuals and political practitioners, seeks to engage with the ‘big picture’ of British social democracy, both historical and contemporary, and point to grounds for greater optimism for its future prospects. It does so in honour of the renowned centre-left thinker David Marquand. Drawing on many of the themes which have preoccupied Marquand in his career and his writing, such as social democratic citizenship, values and participation, the volume offers the original perspective that social democracy is as much about cultures and mindsets as it is about economic policy or public institutions. This points to the importance of education, democratisation, and relationships as under-valued tools in social democracy, which must raise horizons as much as pay packets. It also suggests the need for social democrats to re-visit their relationship with ‘the people’, both so as to be better in tune with their aspirations, and to be able to forge a more lofty and optimistic agenda which challenges both the government and the governed to raise their sights.

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17

Ramet, Sabrina P., and Davorka Matic. Democratic Transition in Croatia: Value Transformation, Education, & Media (Eugenia and Hugh M. Stewart '26 Series on Eastern Europe). Texas A&M University Press, 2007.

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18

Schudson, Michael. How to Think Normatively About News and Democracy. Edited by Kate Kenski and Kathleen Hall Jamieson. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199793471.013.73.

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Journalism serves multiple democratic functions identified here as information, investigation, analysis, social empathy, public forum, mobilization, and democratic education. All help make representative democracy a better system than direct democracy and not just an attenuated direct democracy. New thinking in political theory emphasizes this and insists that the agents of representation in modern democracy are not just legislatures but a wide variety of civil society monitors of government, including of course the press, whose role in defining contemporary democracy deserves more attention in the effort to place the news media’s democratic role in perspective. Within this framework, an attempt is made to outline criteria for assessing the adequacy of the news media for serving democracy. These include not only the much studied and counted legal and political guarantees of freedom but also journalistic professionalism and values, diversity of perspectives available in the news system, and access to government information.

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19

Canevaro, Mirko. Demosthenic Influences in Early Rhetorical Education. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198748472.003.0004.

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This chapter discusses the afterlife of Demosthenes as a political model in the Hellenistic period, and through his image the afterlife of Athenian democratic values in the Hellenistic world. It shows how political struggles in Athens between the heirs of Demosthenes’ ‘party’ and pro-Macedonian politicians and philosophers shaped the later reception of this figure—the biographical tradition on Demosthenes has its foundation in slanderous assessments of his character and ability by Peripatetic philosophers after his death. Against the scholarly consensus, it argues that this was a minority tradition, and far from ignoring Demosthenes, a flourishing rhetorical and political tradition in the Hellenistic poleis saw Demosthenes as a political and rhetorical model symbolizing the civic virtues of a free city. This tradition is less represented in the works transmitted, but allusions to rhetorical exercises in Polybius and elsewhere and new papyrological finds shed light on its importance and its characters.

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20

van Dijck, José, Thomas Poell, and Martijn de Waal. The Platform Society. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190889760.001.0001.

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Individuals all over the world can use Airbnb to rent an apartment in a foreign city, check Coursera to find a course on statistics, join PatientsLikeMe to exchange information about one’s disease, hail a cab using Uber, or read the news through Facebook’s Instant Articles. In The Platform Society, Van Dijck, Poell, and De Waal offer a comprehensive analysis of a connective world where platforms have penetrated the heart of societies—disrupting markets and labor relations, transforming social and civic practices, and affecting democratic processes. The Platform Society analyzes intense struggles between competing ideological systems and contesting societal actors—market, government, and civil society—asking who is or should be responsible for anchoring public values and the common good in a platform society. Public values include, of course, privacy, accuracy, safety, and security; but they also pertain to broader societal effects, such as fairness, accessibility, democratic control, and accountability. Such values are the very stakes in the struggle over the platformization of societies around the globe. The Platform Society highlights how these struggles play out in four private and public sectors: news, urban transport, health, and education. Some of these conflicts highlight local dimensions, for instance, fights over regulation between individual platforms and city councils, while others address the geopolitical level where power clashes between global markets and (supra-)national governments take place.

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21

Stitzlein, Sarah M. American Public Education and the Responsibility of its Citizens. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190657383.001.0001.

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Not only is the future of our public schools in jeopardy, so is our democracy. Public schools are central to a flourishing democracy, where children learn how to deliberate and solve problems together, build shared identities, and come to value justice and liberty. As citizen support for public schools wanes, our democratic way of life is at risk. While we often hear about the poor performance of students and teachers, the current educational crisis is at heart not about accountability, but rather about citizen responsibility. Yet citizens increasingly do not feel that public schools are our schools, that we have influence over them or responsibility for their outcomes. Citizens have become watchdogs of public institutions largely from the perspective of consumers, without seeing ourselves as citizens who compose the public of public institutions. Accountability becomes more about finding fault with and placing blame on our schools and teachers, rather than about taking responsibility as citizens for shaping our expectations of schools, determining the criteria we use to measure their success, or supporting schools in achieving those goals. This book sheds light on recent shifts in education and citizenship, helping the public to understand not only how schools now work, but also how citizens can take an active role in shaping them. It provides citizens with tools, habits, practices, and knowledge necessary to support schools. It offers a vision of how we can cultivate citizens who will continue to support public schools and thereby keep democracy strong.

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