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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Democratic Labour Party (Barbados)

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Academic literature on the topic 'Democratic Labour Party (Barbados)'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 August 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Democratic Labour Party (Barbados)"

1

Phillips, Dion E. "Defense Policy in Barbados, 1966-88." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 32, no. 2 (1990): 69–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166009.

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When barbados became the fourth English-speaking Caribbean country to achieve its constitutional independence, in November 1966, one of its prime responsibilities was to assume defense of the new state. How Barbados approached this problem of defense planning and policy-making in its first 22 years of nationhood (1966-1988) will be the focus of this study. No previous study devoted exclusively to this subject has been published in all this time, a most surprising omission.Barbados defense policy may be divided into three phases which correspond, roughly, with the periods during which its two major parties — the Democratic Labor Party (DLP) and the Barbados Labor Party (BLP) — have alternated in power.

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Rabotyazhev, N. "West European Social Democracy in the Early 21st Century." World Economy and International Relations, no. 3 (2010): 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2010-3-39-55.

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The article is devoted to the evolution of the West European social democracy in the late 20th and early 21st century. The author analyses the causes of the social democracy crisis in 1980-90s and considers its attempts to meet the challenges of globalization and the “new economy”. Modernization of the British Labour Party under Tony Blair's leadership and updating of the German Social Democratic Party initiated by Gerhard Schröder are thoroughly examined in the article. Political and ideological processes ongoing in such parties as the French Socialist Party, the Dutch Labour Party, the Swedish Social Democratic Party, the Austrian Social Democratic Party are also considered. The author comes to a conclusion that the radical shift towards social liberalism took place merely in the British Labour Party. Schröder’s attempt to modernize the German Social Democratic Party turned out to be unsuccessful, while other European social democratic parties did not regard Blair’s “Third Way” as a suitable model for them.

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O’Connor, Emmet. "Neither democratic nor a programme: the Democratic Programme of 1919." Irish Historical Studies 40, no. 157 (May 2016): 92–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2016.4.

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AbstractOn 21 January 1919, the first Dáil adopted four constitutional documents, the best known of which is the Democratic Programme, a statement of social values, based on proposals from the Labour Party. The Programme is usually regarded as a cynical reward to Labour for its abstention from the 1918 general election, and nationalist elites have frequently been criticised for reneging on it. This paper will argue that the Programme was written to advance the Irish cause at the International Socialist Conference at Berne in February 1919, that parts of the Programme were implemented, and that it is very likely that the Labour Party did not write it to be implemented.

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Hickson, Kevin, and Jasper Miles. "Social democratic Euroscepticism: Labour’s neglected tradition." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 20, no. 4 (July 20, 2018): 864–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148118787148.

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The referendum result of 2016 creates a timely opportunity to reappraise Euroscepticism in British politics. This article examines the Eurosceptic tradition within the Labour Party, specifically its moderate wing. During the referendum campaign, Euroscepticism within the Labour Party was presented as a temporary phenomenon limited to the ‘hard left’ of the Party in the early 1980s. However, this view neglects a much longer tradition of Euroscepticism on the moderate wing of the Labour Party dating back to the earliest post–Second World War attempts to foster European unity. This article seeks to restore that tradition and concludes that it is built on a clear conceptualisation of social democratic ideology.

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Molendijk, Arie L. "Willem Banning and the Reform of Socialism in the Netherlands." Contemporary European History 29, no. 2 (January 22, 2020): 139–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077732000003x.

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AbstractIn 1947 the liberal Protestant minister Willem Banning drafted a new programme for the Labour Party, in which the party dropped the Marxist view of history and class struggle. New Labour in the Netherlands was envisioned as a party that strove for a democratic and just society. Banning's role in reforming the Labour Party was part of his broader project of breaking down structures of socio-political segregation that had existed since the end of the nineteenth century. Banning argued that the Labour Party had to abandon its atheist ideology to open up to Protestants and Catholics. This article will examine Banning's views and ideals and show how he contributed to the transformation of Labour into a social democratic party and seek answer to the question: how could a liberal Protestant minister become the main ideologue of the Labour Party?

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Ekot, Basil, and Zekeri Momoh. "Youth Political Participation and Party Politics during the 2023 General Elections in Nigeria." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 15, no. 1 (January 5, 2024): 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/mjss-2024-0005.

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The waning of young participation in politics has made the involvement of Nigerian youth in politics a contentious issue since the country's return to democracy on May 29, 1999. Therefore, this study seeks to investigate the level of youth participation at the party level during 2023 general elections in Nigeria. This study used secondary data such as textbooks, Journal articles and online sources while content analysis was used to analyse the data collected. Moreover, this study is situated within the “Sleeping Dog Theory”. The study argues that the African Democratic Congress (ADC) recorded the highest number of youth participation at the party level during the 2023 general elections. Other parties in order of increased youth participation include Action Democratic Party, New Nigeria's People Party (NNPP), Socialist Democratic Party (SDP), Action Alliance (AA) and Labour Party among others. However, Labour Party occupied sixth position, Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) thirteen positions while the All Progressive Congress (APC) fifteen positions. This shows that the three dominant Political parties during the 2023 general elections namely Labour Party, Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) and All Progressive Congress (APC) were not among the leading political parties that encouraged youth participation at the party level during the 2023 general elections. On the whole, this study recommends among other things that Interparty Advisory Council (IPAC) which is the umbrella body for Political parties in Nigeria should work closely with the various political party leadership on ways to increase youth participation at the party level like the reduction of the party nomination/interest form. Received: 10 October 2023 / Accepted: 28 December 2023 / Published: 5 January 2024

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Ludlam, Steve, Matthew Bodah, and David Coates. "Trajectories of Solidarity: Changing Union-Party Linkages in the UK and the USA." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 4, no. 2 (June 2002): 222–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-856x.t01-1-00003.

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This article analyses the linkage between trade unions and the US Democratic Party and the UK Labour Party in the twentieth century. A typology suited to longitudinal analysis of labour movement union-party linkages is proposed to help characterise and explain historical development of these two national movements through earlier types of linkage, into ‘New Labour’ and ‘New Democratic’ forms. The paper suggests that, from similar starting points, differences through time in the range of types of linkage in the two movements can be explained by a combination of factors of political economy and electoral strategy, a combination that today points towards weaker relationships.

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Lichtenstein, Nelson. "Labour, Liberalism, and the Democratic Party: A Vexed Alliance." Articles 66, no. 4 (January 17, 2012): 512–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1007631ar.

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This essay argues that the American trade union movement constitutes a social democratic bloc within the U.S. body politic, episodically successful in broadening the welfare state, expanding citizenship rights, and defending the standard of living of working class Americans, including those unlikely to be found on the union membership roll. But such political influence, which has also helped make organized labour a backbone of Democratic Party electoral mobilization, has rarely been of usefulness when the unions sought to enhance their own institutional vibrancy, their own capacity to organize new members. When demands of this sort are put forward, Republican presidents and politicians denounce them outright, while most Democrats, including virtually every postwar president from that party, see such legislation as but the product of an unpopular interest group and thus safely devalued and ignored.American unions have almost always failed to win legislation advancing their institutional strength and political legitimacy. To understand why, this essay explores the three distinct regimes which have governed trade union “bargaining,” with employers, with the Democrats, and with the state, during the era since the New Deal. They are the era of the New Deal itself (1933-1947) during which a corporatist politicialization of all wage, price and production issues achieved some purchase; the years of classic industrial pluralism and collective bargaining (1947-1980), in which industrial relations was reprivatized to a large extent; and finally, our current moment (1980s forward) in which the labour movement exists and holds the possibility of growth largely in government and the service sector. A highly politicized form of tripartite bargaining, between companies, unions, and government (mainly state and local), has provided the chief avenue for raising the social wage and building nodes of trade union influence in key government-dependent sectors of the economy. With the arrival of the Obama era, this third system is becoming the only game in town, although this appears to be falling far short of labourite expectations.

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Pilon, Dennis, Stephanie Ross, and Larry Savage. "Solidarity Revisited: Organized Labour and the New Democratic Party." Canadian Political Science Review 5, no. 1 (April 6, 2011): 20–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.24124/c677/2011291.

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This article seeks to engage Jansen and Young’s recent research on the impact of changing federal campaign finance laws on the relationship between organized labour and the New Democratic Party. Jansen and Young use models from mainstream comparative politics to argue that unions and the NDP retain links due to a “shared ideological commitment” to social democracy, rather than an expectation of mutual rewards and despite changes in the global economy. We critically assess the evidence, method of comparison, and theoretical assumptions informing their claims and find many aspects unconvincing. Instead, we propose that better explanations of this enduring yet strained relationship can be formulated by drawing insights from Canadian political economy, labour history and working class politics, and comparative social democracy.

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Jones, Rhian E. "Levelling up versus democratic localism." Soundings 80, no. 80 (May 1, 2022): 22–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/soun.80.02.2022.

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The Johnson government's pledge to 'level up' in response to regional inequality has been derided for its continuing lack of political substance. Responses from the Labour Party leadership have tended to ignore the development in several parts of the UK of approaches focusing on democratic localism or 'community wealth building', in which local leaders, groups and communities in neglected or 'left behind' areas are not only achieving central aspects of what 'levelling up' promises, but doing so with more progressive principles and intentions than those that underpin the Tory-led project. The obvious example of this is the 'Preston Model', a project brought in over the past decade by a Labour-led city council. While some criticisms of the Preston Model and community wealth building are misconceived, others are valid areas of question or concern for the left, in particular those that centre on the democratic nature of these economic experiments, and the risk that their focus on the spending policies of local or regional authorities ignores the potential for genuinely democratic community decision-making. This article looks at the extent to which community wealth building has integrated or accommodated these concerns; the potential for doing so in future iterations of the strategy; and how a focus on these alternative strategies could offer a path to renewal for the Labour Party nationally.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Democratic Labour Party (Barbados)"

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Williams, Christopher Mark. "Democratic Rhondda : politics and society, 1885-1951." Thesis, Cardiff University, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.283877.

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Wolff, Annabelle. "The British Labour Party and the German Social Democratic Party : changing attitudes towards the welfare state." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/10100.

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Placing politics in time can greatly enrich our understanding of complex social dynamics. The question this thesis tries to answer is which mechanism led to the change in attitudes of the German Social Democratic Party and the British Labour Party towards the welfare state during the period from 1990 to 2010 and which effects in consequence these changes had on the existing welfare states. This thesis builds on the welfare state categorization work done by the Danish sociologist Gosta Esping-Andersen ("Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism"). However, the thesis focuses its in- depth analysis on Germany and the United Kingdom as prototypical conservative and liberal states. The heuristic text analysis, as well as the discourse analysis of party leader speeches, party manifestos and programmes, as well as the conducted expert interviews reveal that social, political, technological and economic changes during the given time period radically challenged and changed the norms and values of the welfare providers and with it the given welfare state, as well as the meaning, function and value of work. While many may argue that it was mainly the neo-liberal political and economic style that changed the attitude towards the welfare state, it was in fact just the trigger for a radical change in the interpretation of the basic social democratic values of freedom, justice and solidarity. This change made significant welfare state reforms inevitable and only with further changes can a balance and satisfaction within the welfare state system and within all welfare providing sectors (the state, the market, households and the third sector) be achieved. A new balanced social democratic approach for the 21st century is a ‘symmetrical welfare state’ that stands for mirror-image equality.

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Halcli, Abigail Lee. "Gender relations and social democratic party transformation : the case of women in The British Labour Party /." The Ohio State University, 1996. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487941504295481.

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Barker, Ray Clinton Carleton University Dissertation History. "The Commonwealth labour conferences, the British Labour Party model, and their influence on Canadian social democratic politics, 1920-1961." Ottawa, 1996.

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Hertner, Isabelle. "Don't mention Europe : a study of the Europeanisation of party organisation in the British Labour Party, the French Socialist Party and the German Social Democratic Party." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2013. http://repository.royalholloway.ac.uk/items/475dfca8-c859-35f1-f6cc-cc8bfbfb1f15/7/.

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This thesis examines how the British Labour Party, the French Socialist Party (PS) and the German Social Democratic Party (SPD) have ‘Europeanised' their organisations in three different arenas: (1) in the electorate and party system; (2) in central government and parliament; and (3) in their internal procedures and activities. ‘Europeanisation' is defined as ‘a shorthand term for a complex process whereby national actors (in this case, parties) adapt to, and also seek to shape, the trajectory of European integration in general, and EU policies and processes in particular' (Bomberg: 2002, 32). The underlying argument is that social democratic parties have to respond to challenges created by the European Single Market, which demands the reduction of state subsidies, and by the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU), which sets limits to public spending. Social democratic parties are expected to react to these challenges by Europeanising their organisations. This thesis draws on the academic literature, party documents and contemporary newspaper articles, together with insights gained from 70 semi-structured interviews with EU experts at the European and national levels. The central claim is that Labour, the PS and SPD have not become as Europeanised as might have been supposed for three ostensibly pro-European parties. Whilst successive party leaderships have paid lip service to the increasing importance of European integration, their party organisations have barely been involved in the formulation of European policy. The findings have serious implications for the three parties and domestic politics in Britain, France and Germany, since the memberships lack the enthusiasm and expertise to lead well-informed, critical, Europeanised debates and election campaigns.

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Gardner, Mark J. "Restructuring social bargains : the politics of trade and labor policy in the US Democrats and British Labour /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10770.

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Charlton, Christopher, and University of Lethbridge Faculty of Arts and Science. "An analysis of the links between the Alberta New Democrats and organized labour." Thesis, Lethbridge, Alta. : University of Lethbridge, Dept. of Political Science, 2009, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10133/2526.

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Like its counterparts in other provinces, the Alberta New Democratic Party has a formal relationship with organized labour. This thesis will examine the logic of the underlying relationship that persists between the two parties despite the difficult political and economic environment in Alberta. This thesis will discuss the complex and changing relationship between labour and the NDP in Alberta, making use of data from a variety of sources, but will rely heavily on data gathered from a series of interviews conducted with union and party officials in 2008. The thesis will deal particularly with the increasing fragmentation of the union movement in Alberta and the increasing independence of labour union campaigns during elections as challenges for the Alberta NDP in the future.
vi, 176 leaves ; 29 cm

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Bolger, Brian. "The Impact of Social Movements on Political Parties : Examining whether anti-austerity social movements have had an impact on social democratic political parties in Ireland and Spain, 2011-2016." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-280758.

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Research on social movements has traditionally addressed issues of movement emergence and mobilisation, paying little attention to their outcomes and consequences. Moreover, despite research on the political consequences of social movements accelerating in recent years, much has been left under researched, no more so than the impact social movements have on one of the most important actors in liberal democracies: political parties. This paper extends social movement research by examining whether social movements have an impact on political parties and under what conditions impact is more likely to take place. The empirical analysis, investigating whether anti-austerity social movements have had an impact on social democratic parties in Ireland and Spain during the years 2011 to 2016, suggests that the relationship between social movements and political parties is both under-theorised and under-researched, and mistakenly so. The paper finds that while parties are more likely to be influenced by social movements when certain conditions are present, social movements can also have unintended impacts on parties. Ultimately, this paper encourages research on political parties, and particularly research on party change, to pay greater attention to social movements and for social movement research to pay greater attention to political parties.

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Foos, Florian. "Bringing the party back in : mobilization and persuasion in constituency election campaigns." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:6a9e144a-33c5-444c-90f2-cd04f909dc16.

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In this thesis, I report the results from the first randomized field experiments conducted in collaboration with party-affiliated candidates and campaigns in the United Kingdom. The papers presented as part of this thesis test both the limits and possibilities of campaign influence, in a partisan political environment. During election campaigns parties provide signals to voters, voluntarily or involuntarily imposing a structure, and thereby constraints, on individuals’ electoral decisions. By integrating insights about heuristic and social decision-making into the experimental campaign literature, I formulate testable hypotheses about the direct and indirect effects of party cues on campaign mobilization and persuasion. The first paper, The Heuristic Function of Party Affiliation in Voter Mobilization Campaigns, addresses how the provision of party cues, used during campaign phone calls, affects turnout among party supporters, opponents and unattached voters. The second paper on Household Partisan Composition and Voter Mobilization, explores the spillover effects from the previous experiment, testing whether campaign-induced mobilization between household members is conditioned by the partisan composition of a household, and the partisan intensity of a campaign message. Paper three investigates if candidates who are Reaching Across The Partisan Divide can win over supporters of rival parties. In the fourth paper, I test if Impersonal, But Noticeable methods of voter contact, such as door hangers and text messages, affect the turnout decisions of partisans and unattached voters. The final paper, The National Effects of Subnational Representation, highlights the importance of local party organization for the outcomes of national elections. The results of this thesis show the electoral consequences of direct and indirect interactions between campaigns and voters of different partisanship, and point to strategies that allow constituency campaigns to successfully navigate challenging partisan environments.

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Tunney, Sean. "An exploration of Labour Party policy and debates on national newspaper ownership from 1972-2002, with regard to models for achieving pluralistic and democratic ownership of the media." Thesis, University of Wolverhampton, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2436/90240.

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Books on the topic "Democratic Labour Party (Barbados)"

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(Barbados), Democratic Labour Party. Pathways to progress: Manifesto of the Democratic Labour Party 2008. St. Michael [Barbados]: Democratic Labour Party, 2008.

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Party, Barbados Labour. Manifesto of the Barbados Labour Party, 1991. Bridgetown: BLP, 1990.

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Fasano, Luciano M., Paolo Natale, and James L. Newell. The Italian Democratic Party and New Labour. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-54059-2.

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1942-, Kinnock Neil Gordon, Hattersley Roy, and Labour Party (Great Britain), eds. Democratic socialist aims & values. London: Labour Party, 1988.

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1957-, Ward Tony, and Labour Campaign for Criminal Justice., eds. Democratic policing: Towards a Labour Party policy on police accountability. Alperton: Labour Campaign for Criminal Justice, 1986.

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Hattersley, Roy. Choose freedom: The future for democratic socialism. London: Joseph, 1987.

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Party, Barbados Labour. BLP manifesto. Bridgetown: Barbados Labour Party, 1986.

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Durbin, Elizabeth. New Jerusalems: The Labour Party and the economics of democratic socialism. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1985.

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Tomlinson, Jim. Democratic socialism and economic policy: The Attlee years, 1945-1951. Cambridge [England]: Cambridge University Press, 1997.

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Blewett, Neal. Tony Blair and the crisis of democratic socialism. Bundoora, Vic.?]: La Trobe University, 1998.

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Book chapters on the topic "Democratic Labour Party (Barbados)"

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Holmes, Michael. "The Irish Labour Party." In Social Democratic Parties in the European Union, 123–32. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230374140_10.

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van Kersbergen, Kees. "The Dutch Labour Party." In Social Democratic Parties in the European Union, 155–65. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230374140_13.

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Webb, Paul. "The British Labour Party." In Social Democratic Parties in the European Union, 95–109. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230374140_8.

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Fasano, Luciano M., Paolo Natale, and James L. Newell. "New Labour and the Italian PD." In The Italian Democratic Party and New Labour, 69–97. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-54059-2_3.

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Fasano, Luciano M., Paolo Natale, and James L. Newell. "A Brief History of the Italian Democratic Party and Its (Declining) Support." In The Italian Democratic Party and New Labour, 31–68. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-54059-2_2.

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Fasano, Luciano M., Paolo Natale, and James L. Newell. "Ten Secretaries in Fifteen Years: Leadership and Organisational Changes." In The Italian Democratic Party and New Labour, 99–134. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-54059-2_4.

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Fasano, Luciano M., Paolo Natale, and James L. Newell. "Back to the Future: Reflections on Prospects for the European Left." In The Italian Democratic Party and New Labour, 135–53. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-54059-2_5.

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Fasano, Luciano M., Paolo Natale, and James L. Newell. "European Socialist Parties Trends: Where Socialdemocratic Parties Are Going After the Berlin Wall Crash." In The Italian Democratic Party and New Labour, 1–30. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-54059-2_1.

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McCall, Cathal. "Dialogue with the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP)." In Identity in Northern Ireland, 95–122. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333983553_6.

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Hopkins, Stephen. "Ideology and Identity in the Founding Group of the Social Democratic and Labour Party: Evaluating the Life-Writing of a Political Generation." In The Contested Identities of Ulster Catholics, 201–17. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-78804-3_13.

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Conference papers on the topic "Democratic Labour Party (Barbados)"

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YEŞİLBURSA, Behçet Kemal. "THE FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN TURKEY (1908-1980)." In 9. Uluslararası Atatürk Kongresi. Ankara: Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayınları, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51824/978-975-17-4794-5.08.

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Political parties started to be established in Turkey in the second half of the 19th century with the formation of societies aiming at the reform of the Ottoman Empire. They reaped the fruits of their labour in 1908 when the Young Turk Revolution replaced the Sultan with the Committee of Union and Progress, which disbanded itself on the defeat of the Empire in 1918. Following the proclamation of the Republic in 1923, new parties started to be formed, but experiments with a multi-party system were soon abandoned in favour of a one-party system. From 1930 until the end of the Second World War, the People’s Republican Party (PRP) was the only political party. It was not until after the Second World War that Turkey reverted to a multiparty system. The most significant new parties were the Democrat Party (DP), formed on 7 January 1946, and the Nation Party (NP) formed on 20 July 1948, after a spilt in the DP. However, as a result of the coup of 27 May 1960, the military Government, the Committee of National Union (CNU), declared its intentions of seizing power, restoring rights and privileges infringed by the Democrats, and drawing up a new Constitution, to be brought into being by a free election. In January 1961, the CNU relaxed its initial ban on all political activities, and within a month eleven new parties were formed, in addition to the already established parties. The most important of the new parties were the Justice Party (JP) and New Turkey Party (NTP), which competed with each other for the DP’s electoral support. In the general election of October 1961, the PRP’s failure to win an absolute majority resulted in four coalition Governments, until the elections in October 1965. The General Election of October 1965 returned the JP to power with a clear, overall majority. The poor performance of almost all the minor parties led to the virtual establishment of a two-party system. Neither the JP nor the PRP were, however, completely united. With the General Election of October 1969, the JP was returned to office, although with a reduced share of the vote. The position of the minor parties declined still further. Demirel resigned on 12 March 1971 after receiving a memorandum from the Armed Forces Commanders threatening to take direct control of the country. Thus, an “above-party” Government was formed to restore law and order and carry out reforms in keeping with the policies and ideals of Atatürk. In March 1973, the “above-party” Melen Government resigned, partly because Parliament rejected the military candidate, General Gürler, whom it had supported in the Presidential Elections of March-April 1973. This rejection represented the determination of Parliament not to accept the dictates of the Armed Forces. On 15 April, a new “above party” government was formed by Naim Talu. The fundamental dilemma of Turkish politics was that democracy impeded reform. The democratic process tended to return conservative parties (such as the Democrat and Justice Parties) to power, with the support of the traditional Islamic sectors of Turkish society, which in turn resulted in the frustration of the demands for reform of a powerful minority, including the intellectuals, the Armed Forces and the newly purged PRP. In the last half of the 20th century, this conflict resulted in two periods of military intervention, two direct and one indirect, to secure reform and to quell the disorder resulting from the lack of it. This paper examines the historical development of the Turkish party system, and the factors which have contributed to breakdowns in multiparty democracy.

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