Journal articles: 'Democratic Labour Party (Barbados)'

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Phillips, Dion E. "Defense Policy in Barbados, 1966-88." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 32, no. 2 (1990): 69–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166009.

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When barbados became the fourth English-speaking Caribbean country to achieve its constitutional independence, in November 1966, one of its prime responsibilities was to assume defense of the new state. How Barbados approached this problem of defense planning and policy-making in its first 22 years of nationhood (1966-1988) will be the focus of this study. No previous study devoted exclusively to this subject has been published in all this time, a most surprising omission.Barbados defense policy may be divided into three phases which correspond, roughly, with the periods during which its two major parties — the Democratic Labor Party (DLP) and the Barbados Labor Party (BLP) — have alternated in power.

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Rabotyazhev, N. "West European Social Democracy in the Early 21st Century." World Economy and International Relations, no. 3 (2010): 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2010-3-39-55.

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The article is devoted to the evolution of the West European social democracy in the late 20th and early 21st century. The author analyses the causes of the social democracy crisis in 1980-90s and considers its attempts to meet the challenges of globalization and the “new economy”. Modernization of the British Labour Party under Tony Blair's leadership and updating of the German Social Democratic Party initiated by Gerhard Schröder are thoroughly examined in the article. Political and ideological processes ongoing in such parties as the French Socialist Party, the Dutch Labour Party, the Swedish Social Democratic Party, the Austrian Social Democratic Party are also considered. The author comes to a conclusion that the radical shift towards social liberalism took place merely in the British Labour Party. Schröder’s attempt to modernize the German Social Democratic Party turned out to be unsuccessful, while other European social democratic parties did not regard Blair’s “Third Way” as a suitable model for them.

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O’Connor, Emmet. "Neither democratic nor a programme: the Democratic Programme of 1919." Irish Historical Studies 40, no. 157 (May 2016): 92–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2016.4.

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AbstractOn 21 January 1919, the first Dáil adopted four constitutional documents, the best known of which is the Democratic Programme, a statement of social values, based on proposals from the Labour Party. The Programme is usually regarded as a cynical reward to Labour for its abstention from the 1918 general election, and nationalist elites have frequently been criticised for reneging on it. This paper will argue that the Programme was written to advance the Irish cause at the International Socialist Conference at Berne in February 1919, that parts of the Programme were implemented, and that it is very likely that the Labour Party did not write it to be implemented.

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Hickson, Kevin, and Jasper Miles. "Social democratic Euroscepticism: Labour’s neglected tradition." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 20, no. 4 (July 20, 2018): 864–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148118787148.

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The referendum result of 2016 creates a timely opportunity to reappraise Euroscepticism in British politics. This article examines the Eurosceptic tradition within the Labour Party, specifically its moderate wing. During the referendum campaign, Euroscepticism within the Labour Party was presented as a temporary phenomenon limited to the ‘hard left’ of the Party in the early 1980s. However, this view neglects a much longer tradition of Euroscepticism on the moderate wing of the Labour Party dating back to the earliest post–Second World War attempts to foster European unity. This article seeks to restore that tradition and concludes that it is built on a clear conceptualisation of social democratic ideology.

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Molendijk, Arie L. "Willem Banning and the Reform of Socialism in the Netherlands." Contemporary European History 29, no. 2 (January 22, 2020): 139–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077732000003x.

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AbstractIn 1947 the liberal Protestant minister Willem Banning drafted a new programme for the Labour Party, in which the party dropped the Marxist view of history and class struggle. New Labour in the Netherlands was envisioned as a party that strove for a democratic and just society. Banning's role in reforming the Labour Party was part of his broader project of breaking down structures of socio-political segregation that had existed since the end of the nineteenth century. Banning argued that the Labour Party had to abandon its atheist ideology to open up to Protestants and Catholics. This article will examine Banning's views and ideals and show how he contributed to the transformation of Labour into a social democratic party and seek answer to the question: how could a liberal Protestant minister become the main ideologue of the Labour Party?

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Ekot, Basil, and Zekeri Momoh. "Youth Political Participation and Party Politics during the 2023 General Elections in Nigeria." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 15, no. 1 (January 5, 2024): 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/mjss-2024-0005.

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The waning of young participation in politics has made the involvement of Nigerian youth in politics a contentious issue since the country's return to democracy on May 29, 1999. Therefore, this study seeks to investigate the level of youth participation at the party level during 2023 general elections in Nigeria. This study used secondary data such as textbooks, Journal articles and online sources while content analysis was used to analyse the data collected. Moreover, this study is situated within the “Sleeping Dog Theory”. The study argues that the African Democratic Congress (ADC) recorded the highest number of youth participation at the party level during the 2023 general elections. Other parties in order of increased youth participation include Action Democratic Party, New Nigeria's People Party (NNPP), Socialist Democratic Party (SDP), Action Alliance (AA) and Labour Party among others. However, Labour Party occupied sixth position, Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) thirteen positions while the All Progressive Congress (APC) fifteen positions. This shows that the three dominant Political parties during the 2023 general elections namely Labour Party, Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) and All Progressive Congress (APC) were not among the leading political parties that encouraged youth participation at the party level during the 2023 general elections. On the whole, this study recommends among other things that Interparty Advisory Council (IPAC) which is the umbrella body for Political parties in Nigeria should work closely with the various political party leadership on ways to increase youth participation at the party level like the reduction of the party nomination/interest form. Received: 10 October 2023 / Accepted: 28 December 2023 / Published: 5 January 2024

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Ludlam, Steve, Matthew Bodah, and David Coates. "Trajectories of Solidarity: Changing Union-Party Linkages in the UK and the USA." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 4, no. 2 (June 2002): 222–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-856x.t01-1-00003.

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This article analyses the linkage between trade unions and the US Democratic Party and the UK Labour Party in the twentieth century. A typology suited to longitudinal analysis of labour movement union-party linkages is proposed to help characterise and explain historical development of these two national movements through earlier types of linkage, into ‘New Labour’ and ‘New Democratic’ forms. The paper suggests that, from similar starting points, differences through time in the range of types of linkage in the two movements can be explained by a combination of factors of political economy and electoral strategy, a combination that today points towards weaker relationships.

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Lichtenstein, Nelson. "Labour, Liberalism, and the Democratic Party: A Vexed Alliance." Articles 66, no. 4 (January 17, 2012): 512–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1007631ar.

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This essay argues that the American trade union movement constitutes a social democratic bloc within the U.S. body politic, episodically successful in broadening the welfare state, expanding citizenship rights, and defending the standard of living of working class Americans, including those unlikely to be found on the union membership roll. But such political influence, which has also helped make organized labour a backbone of Democratic Party electoral mobilization, has rarely been of usefulness when the unions sought to enhance their own institutional vibrancy, their own capacity to organize new members. When demands of this sort are put forward, Republican presidents and politicians denounce them outright, while most Democrats, including virtually every postwar president from that party, see such legislation as but the product of an unpopular interest group and thus safely devalued and ignored.American unions have almost always failed to win legislation advancing their institutional strength and political legitimacy. To understand why, this essay explores the three distinct regimes which have governed trade union “bargaining,” with employers, with the Democrats, and with the state, during the era since the New Deal. They are the era of the New Deal itself (1933-1947) during which a corporatist politicialization of all wage, price and production issues achieved some purchase; the years of classic industrial pluralism and collective bargaining (1947-1980), in which industrial relations was reprivatized to a large extent; and finally, our current moment (1980s forward) in which the labour movement exists and holds the possibility of growth largely in government and the service sector. A highly politicized form of tripartite bargaining, between companies, unions, and government (mainly state and local), has provided the chief avenue for raising the social wage and building nodes of trade union influence in key government-dependent sectors of the economy. With the arrival of the Obama era, this third system is becoming the only game in town, although this appears to be falling far short of labourite expectations.

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Pilon, Dennis, Stephanie Ross, and Larry Savage. "Solidarity Revisited: Organized Labour and the New Democratic Party." Canadian Political Science Review 5, no. 1 (April 6, 2011): 20–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.24124/c677/2011291.

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This article seeks to engage Jansen and Young’s recent research on the impact of changing federal campaign finance laws on the relationship between organized labour and the New Democratic Party. Jansen and Young use models from mainstream comparative politics to argue that unions and the NDP retain links due to a “shared ideological commitment” to social democracy, rather than an expectation of mutual rewards and despite changes in the global economy. We critically assess the evidence, method of comparison, and theoretical assumptions informing their claims and find many aspects unconvincing. Instead, we propose that better explanations of this enduring yet strained relationship can be formulated by drawing insights from Canadian political economy, labour history and working class politics, and comparative social democracy.

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Jones, Rhian E. "Levelling up versus democratic localism." Soundings 80, no. 80 (May 1, 2022): 22–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/soun.80.02.2022.

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The Johnson government's pledge to 'level up' in response to regional inequality has been derided for its continuing lack of political substance. Responses from the Labour Party leadership have tended to ignore the development in several parts of the UK of approaches focusing on democratic localism or 'community wealth building', in which local leaders, groups and communities in neglected or 'left behind' areas are not only achieving central aspects of what 'levelling up' promises, but doing so with more progressive principles and intentions than those that underpin the Tory-led project. The obvious example of this is the 'Preston Model', a project brought in over the past decade by a Labour-led city council. While some criticisms of the Preston Model and community wealth building are misconceived, others are valid areas of question or concern for the left, in particular those that centre on the democratic nature of these economic experiments, and the risk that their focus on the spending policies of local or regional authorities ignores the potential for genuinely democratic community decision-making. This article looks at the extent to which community wealth building has integrated or accommodated these concerns; the potential for doing so in future iterations of the strategy; and how a focus on these alternative strategies could offer a path to renewal for the Labour Party nationally.

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BERGER, STEFAN, and DARREN G. LILLEKER. "THE BRITISH LABOUR PARTY AND THE GERMAN DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC DURING THE ERA OF NON-RECOGNITION, 1949–1973." Historical Journal 45, no. 2 (June 2002): 433–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x02002443.

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The German Democratic Republic (GDR) became the focus of a recurrent and sometimes heated debate within the British Labour party before 1973. The official stance of the party followed an all-party consensus within parliament about the non-recognition of the second German state. Yet many on the left wing of the Labour party came, for various reasons, to perceive such an inflexible stance as governed not by reason but dictated by the West German government. Such ambivalence towards West Germany and the Adenauer government in particular led to ambiguities within the party's policy as a considerable minority, including some key figures within the party, offered alternative strategies for maintaining or improving relations with the GDR. The most radical alternative, official recognition of the GDR as a legal, political entity, was only propounded by a core of hard left campaigners both within and outside the party. This article examines why sections of the Labour left came to sympathize with the GDR and how successful it was in influencing official party policy during the whole period of non-recognition of the GDR between 1949 and 1973.

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Buturlimova, Olha. "The Formation and the Evolution of the British Labour Party." European Historical Studies, no. 10 (2018): 50–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2018.10.50-62.

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The article examines the processes of organizational development of the British Labour Party in the early XXth century, the evolution of the party structure and political programme in the twentieths of the XXth century. Special attention is paid to researching the formation of the Social Democratic Federation, Fabian Society and Independent Labour Party till the time of its joining to the Labour Representation Committee in 1900 and adopting the “Labour Party” name in 1906. The author’s aim was to comprehensively investigate the political manifests and activities of those organizations on the way of transformation from separate trade-unions and socialist groups to apparent union of labour, and then to the mass and wide represented parliamentary party. However, the variety of social base of those societies is distinguished, and difference of socialist views and tactics of achieving the final purpose are emphasized. Considerable attention is paid to the system of the individual membership and results thereof in the process of the evolution of the Labour Party’s organization. The reorganization of the Labour party in 1918, Representation of the People Act, 1918 and the crisis in the Liberal party were favourable for the further evolution of the Labour Party. It is summarized that the social base, the history of party’s birth, the conditions of formation and the party system had influenced the process of the evolution of the ideological and political concepts of Labourizm.

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Edwards, Aaron. "Democratic Socialism and Sectarianism: The Northern Ireland Labour Party and Progressive Unionist Party Compared." Politics 27, no. 1 (February 2007): 24–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.2007.00275.x.

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Gwiazda, Anna. "Party Patronage in Poland." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 22, no. 4 (September 8, 2008): 802–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325408316534.

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Patronage is central to Polish party politics. The power of a governing party to appoint its supporters to positions in public and semi-public spheres will be examined in this paper. The two governments under investigation are: the center—left coalition government of the Democratic Left Alliance, the Labour Union, and the Polish Peasant Party formed in October 2001 and the center—right minority government of the Law and Justice party formed in October 2005. A significant extent of party patronage was expected in the case of the Democratic Left Alliance, which confirmed a dominant party thesis. However, in the case of Law and Justice, party patronage was expected to be hindered by party competition. This has not been the case, which challenges two arguments put forward by Grzymała-Busse that the dispersion of parliamentary power constrains party patronage and that in Poland the general pattern is that of decreasing rent-seeking.

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Goretti, Leo. "Sport popolare italiano e Arbeitersport tedesco-occidentale (1945-1950)." PASSATO E PRESENTE, no. 78 (October 2009): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/pass2009-078004.

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- Focuses on the sport policies of the Italian Communist Party and the West German Social Democratic Party in the post-war period. Whereas the Pci leadership decided to build up a flanking sports association (the Unione Italiana Sport Popolare, established in 1948), the Spd abandoned the pre-Nazi tradition of the Arbeitersport (workers' sport). Based on a research undertaken in the archives of the two parties, the article analyses their sport policies in a comparative perspective. Particular attention is paid to the legacy of the Nazi and Fascist regimes and the different political contexts in the two countries after World War II.Keywords: Italian Communist Party, West German Social Democratic Party, Sport, Labour Movement, Leisure.Parole chiave: Partito comunista italiano, Partito socialdemocratico tedesco-occidentale, sport, movimento operaio, tempo libero.

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joong kee roh. "The Unified Progressive Party and Crisis of the Democratic Labour Movement." Korean Journal of Labor Studies 18, no. 2 (December 2012): 59–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.17005/kals.2012.18.2.59.

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Crouch, Colin, and Elizabeth Durbin. "New Jerusalem: The Labour Party and the Economics of Democratic Socialism." British Journal of Sociology 38, no. 1 (March 1987): 134. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/590600.

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Aldcroft, Derek H., and Elizabeth Durbin. "New Jerusalems: The Labour Party and the Economics of Democratic Socialism." Economic History Review 38, no. 4 (November 1985): 656. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2597214.

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Stern, Fritz, and Elizabeth Durbin. "New Jerusalems: The Labour Party and the Economics of Democratic Socialism." Foreign Affairs 64, no. 5 (1986): 1118. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20042818.

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Page, Robert M. "Running out of road? Dilemmas and issues for the British Labour Party and the Swedish Social Democratic Party in their search for a ‘modern’ welfare state narrative." Journal of International and Comparative Social Policy 30, no. 2 (June 2014): 107–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21699763.2014.921234.

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Following significant electoral defeats in 2010, both the British Labour Party and the Swedish Social Democratic Party (SAP) have been re-considering their approach to the welfare state. This article outlines some of the key themes of social democracy and social democratic social policy before discussing the evolution of the latter in both Sweden and Britain. The paper explores the cumulative effect of the revisionist approaches adopted by both parties over time which has resulted in a distancing from a welfare state strategy based on equality, universalism and publicly provided services. It is concluded that both parties now have little road left to construct a modern welfare state narrative that reflects “core” social democratic principles.

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Denver, David, and Hugh Bochel. "Merger or Bust: Whatever Happened to Members of the SDP?" British Journal of Political Science 24, no. 3 (July 1994): 403–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400006918.

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The Social Democratic Party (SDP) was perhaps the nearest thing to a ‘flash’ party seen in British politics in modern times. It was formed in March 1981, largely on the initiative of four leading figures in the Labour party (Roy Jenkins, David Owen, Shirley Williams and William Rogers), following the apparent success of the left in dominating the party, and initially it had a sensational impact on British politics. It had thirty MPs by March 1982 (mostly as a result of defections by Labour MPs); in alliance with the Liberals it immediately went to first place in the opinion polls and stayed in that position until May 1982. The Alliance won four by-elections between 1981 and 1983, and in the 1983 general election, with 25.4 per cent of the vote, came within two points of ousting Labour from its second place. For the next four years the Alliance held its position and in the 1987 election its vote fell only slightly to 22.6 per cent.

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Finseraas, Henning. "Social democratic representation and welfare spending: a quantitative case study." Political Science Research and Methods 8, no. 3 (June 18, 2019): 589–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2019.36.

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AbstractThe welfare state literature argues that Social Democratic party representation is of key importance for welfare state outcomes. However, few papers are able to separate the influence of parties from voter preferences, which implies that the partisan effects will be overstated. I study a natural experiment to identify a partisan effect. In 1995, the Labour Party (Ap) in the Norwegian municipality of Flå filed their candidate list too late and could not participate in the local election. Ap was the largest party in Flå in the entire post-World War period, but have not regained this position. I use the synthetic control method to study the effects on welfare spending priorities. I find small and insignificant partisan effects.

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Watts, Jake, and Tim Bale. "Populism as an intra-party phenomenon: The British Labour Party under Jeremy Corbyn." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 21, no. 1 (October 29, 2018): 99–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148118806115.

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This article seeks to demonstrate that the concept of populism can help us to understand the dynamics of intra-party politics. This argument is made via a case study of the British Labour Party under Jeremy Corbyn, who was elected as its leader in late 2015. Corbynism as a (highly personalistic) political phenomenon has relied, in its resistance to opposition from more moderate MPs to Labour’s leftward turn, upon the idea that the party’s members are ‘the people’. This idea links to notions of the ‘heartland’ members occupy, the elite conspiracy against them and the democratic resolution made possible by the leader. Analysing how the rise of populist politics affects politics within parties, as well as between them, may, the article argues, help account for the populist transformation of established parties. This transformation, in turn, is one way in which populist discourse may infuse a country’s politics, permanently or otherwise.

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Cox, Gary W., and Frances Rosenbluth. "Factional Competition for the Party Endorsement: The Case of Japan's Liberal Democratic Party." British Journal of Political Science 26, no. 2 (April 1996): 259–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400000454.

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This Note explores the candidate-endorsement process in the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) of Japan during its period of hegemony (1955–90). Even in parties without an enduring factional structure such as the LDP, nominations are often troublesome – witness, for example, the reselection controversy in Britain's Labour party at the end of the 1970s or the perennially damaging fights in American primary elections. Moreover, it is easy to understand why nomination politics is so consistently problematic: the gist of the problem is simply that different groups within a party may differ as to who should receive the party endorsement in a given district (or, in list systems, who should get the safe spots on the list). Group A naturally wants its candidate(s) endorsed (there may be more than one in multi-member districts), but so do groups B, C and D. The resulting interaction between groups can be what a game theorist would call a co-ordination, or Battle of the Sexes, game.

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Havas, Peter. "The renewal of social democracy and the „third way” of the British Labour Party." Medjunarodni problemi 55, no. 2 (2003): 237–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0302237h.

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The author tries to enlighten and analyse the current processes in the European Social Democracy intending to renew its strategy and doctrine and adapt it to the new economic, political and social challenges. He devotes special attention to the attempts of the British Labour Party to modernise itself and create a new doctrinal approach, the so-called third way. The author analyses the history of the New Labour and characteristics of the Tony Blair-led party, elaborating in detail the contents of the third way. The main conclusion he makes is that, in spite of the New Labour?s success at the two last general elections in Britain and the positive lessons to be drawn from the third way, it does not mean that all Social Democratic Parties should follow that example, for different social conditions demand different strategies and policies and relevant responses by every party.

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Ericsson, Tom. "Shopkeepers and the Swedish Model: The Petty Bourgeoisie and the State during the Interwar Period." Contemporary European History 5, no. 3 (November 1996): 357–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077730000391x.

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When the Swedish Social Democratic Labour Party came to power in 1932, Sweden experienced a turning point in its history. For the first time the role of the Social Democratic Party in the construction of the welfare state became significant. Until the end of the 1910s the Social Democrats had concentrated their primary efforts on the problems of trade union recognition and the struggle for parliamentary democracy. After 1920 the Social Democrats became the largest party, but did not gain political power except for a brief interlude. The concept of the ‘Swedish Model’ has often been used in Sweden and abroad to describe the unique development of Swedish society in the twentieth century. However, historians and social scientists have tended to analyse Swedish society without a clear definition of the very concept, the ‘Swedish Model’.

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Berntzen, Lars Erik. "How Elite Politicization of Terror Impacts Sympathies for Partisans: Radical Right versus Social Democrats." Politics and Governance 8, no. 3 (July 17, 2020): 19–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i3.2919.

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The populist radical right is frequently engaged in intense political and normative conflict with their political opponents. Does this have a spillover effect on citizens’ sympathies for populist radical right voters and the voters of their political antagonists, and if so, why? This is a study of citizens’ affective evaluation of radical right and social democratic voters when exposed to intense conflict between the two parties at the elite level. It zooms in on the conflict between the Norwegian Progress Party and the Labour Party that revolves around the trauma of the 22 July 2011 terror attacks, in which a former Progress Party member committed two devastating attacks against the Labour government and Labour Youth summer camp. This is studied using a survey experimental approach, relying on panel data from the Norwegian Citizen Panel. Drawing on the authoritarian dynamics’ literature, it incorporates the four-item child-rearing values index measure of authoritarian predispositions which offers a personality-based explanation for why people react differently to threat. In contrast to the authoritarian dynamics’ literature, which has found that it is either authoritarians or non-authoritarians who react, this study finds that both authoritarians and non-authoritarians simultaneously respond to high-intensity political conflict. Whereas non-authoritarians rally in support of social democratic voters, authoritarians rally in support of radical right voters. Further differentiating between those with low and high authoritarianism scores, we see that low-authoritarians also become more hostile to social democratic voters. This indicates that conflict involving populist radical right parties is a driver of personality-based, affective sorting of citizens. Since personality is relatively stable, the resulting state of polarization is also likely to be quite durable.

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Archer, Keith. "The Failure of the New Democratic Party: Unions, Unionists, and Politics in Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 18, no. 2 (June 1985): 353–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900030298.

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AbstractIn 1961, the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation collaborated with the Canadian Labour Congress to form the New Democratic party. The CLC urged its affiliates to affiliate with the new party; and assumed that widespread affiliation would lead to a more competitive party. Increased electoral support, however, was not forthcoming. This note argues that levels of union support forthe NDP(measured by rates of affiliation) are very low, and thus the transformation of the CCF into the NDP was, in many respects, a non-event. However, the study also argues that members of NDP-affiliated union locals are more likely to identify with the vote for the NDP than are members of unions not affiliated with the party. Thus, the problem forthe NDP is that too few Canadian unions are explicitly advocating NDP support through affiliation.

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Cochrane, Feargal. "A History of the Northern Ireland Labour Party: Democratic Socialism and Sectarianism." Irish Political Studies 28, no. 1 (February 2013): 143–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2013.751755.

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Thatcher, Ian D. "The First Histories of the Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party, 1904-06." Slavonic and East European Review 85, no. 4 (October 2007): 724–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/see.2007.0005.

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Rayside, David M. "Homophobia, Class and Party in England." Canadian Journal of Political Science 25, no. 1 (March 1992): 121–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900001943.

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AbstractInstitutionalized homophobia in England has been intensified over the last decade, linked to concerns about “permissiveness” so prominent within the lower middle classes so courted by the modern Conservative party. However, anti-gay norms have long been embedded in working-class and middle-class cultures, more than in continental European and North American societies. Moralistic crusades against homosexuality have been common in England, and are still reinforced by the police, the courts and especially the tabloid press. Opposition has been roused within Labour party and Liberal/Liberal Democratic circles, but often reluctantly, and framed by a limited form of tolerance.

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Gaus, Gerald F. "BACKWARDS INTO THE FUTURE: NEOREPUBLICANISM AS A POSTSOCIALIST CRITIQUE OF MARKET SOCIETY." Social Philosophy and Policy 20, no. 1 (December 18, 2002): 59–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052503201047.

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Socialism, understood as the rejection of markets based on private property in favor of comprehensive centralized economic planning, is no longer a serious political option. If the core of capitalism is the organization of the economy primarily through market competition based on private property, then capitalism has certainly defeated socialism. Markets have been accepted—and central planning abandoned—throughout most of the Third World and in most of the formerly Communist states. In the advanced industrial states of the West, Labor and “democratic socialist” parties have rejected socialism, by deregulating markets and privatizing industries, utilities, and transport. The U.K. Labour Party's 1945 manifesto declared the party to be a “Socialist Party, and proud of it. Its ultimate aim is the establishment of the Socialist Commonwealth of Great Britain.” Today the Labour Party insists that markets are a given.

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Kurvinen, Heidi. "Adopting Public Relations-Like Strategies to Promote Labour Feminism in Finland, 1965–1975." European History Quarterly 53, no. 4 (October 2023): 664–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914231199947.

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When public relations as a field professionalized in Finland in the 1960s, it had knock-on effects beyond the corporate world. As an example of this, I analyse various public relations-like strategies adopted by a party political women's organization, the Finnish Women's Democratic League. I show that as a radical left organization, the Finnish Women's Democratic League began to value media visibility in the mid-1960s, but it also continued to use more traditional communication forms, such as leaflets and workplace visits, to spread its ideological message. The changes of emphasis between various forms of communication were affected by the politicization of Finnish society, which caused tensions between the bourgeois dominant public and the ‘people's democratic’ counterpublic. My analysis is based on a close reading of minutes of Finnish Women's Democratic League meetings, press releases and other archival material, as well as Pippuri, the organization's internal magazine, and Uusi Nainen, a commercial women's magazine published by the organization .

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Власов, А. Е., and А. В. Штепа. "“They started doing their dirty deed…”: Informants and Snitches in Kaluga Committee of the Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party." Вестник Рязанского государственного университета имени С.А. Есенина, no. 4(73) (February 7, 2022): 24–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.37724/rsu.2021.73.4.003.

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В статье актуализируется вопрос образования розыскного пункта — отдельного подразделения политического розыска в составе Калужского губернского жандармского управления. Установлена личность жандармского офицера, первого непосредственного руководителя оперативно-розыскной службы Калужской жандармерии. Рассмотрены права и обязанности данного офицера по вопросам руководства созданным учреждением. Авторы анализируют и дают оценку результатам его деятельности по двум главным направлениям работы специальных служб Российской империи: организации работы внешней и внутренней агентуры — агентов наружного наблюдения и провокаторов, внедренных в различные подразделения Калужского комитета Российской социал-демократической рабочей партии (РСДРП) на территории Калуги и Калужской губернии. Доносы провокаторов помогли калужским жандармам установить точный адрес конспиративной квартиры Калужского комитета РСДРП для встреч с иногородними революционерами, а также пункт связи калужских социал-демократов со своими однопартийцами из других уездных городов Калужской губернии, и разгромить одну из конспиративных квартир военной организации РСДРП в Калуге. К лету 1907 года калужская военно-боевая организация РСДРП была окончательно разгромлена. Авторы делают вывод, что за первые два года реализации «Основного положения об охранных отделениях» розыскной пункт Калужской жандармерии продемонстрировал достаточно эффективную работу. The article focuses on the formation of a political investigation department, a unit of the Gendarmerie force in the Kaluga Province. The article discloses the name of the superior gendarmerie officer who supervised political investigations performed by the Gendarmerie force in the Kaluga Province. The article treats the officer’s rights and duties associated with the supervision of the department. The authors analyze and assess the results of the officer’s work in the spheres controlled by the secret services of the Russian Empire (cooperation with inside and outside informants, snitches, surveillance agents working in various departments of the Kaluga Committee of the Russian Social-Democratic Labor Party in Kaluga and the Kaluga Province). Informants, snitches and surveillance agents were employed by a specially trained gendarmerie officer. Informants and snitches helped Kaluga gendarmes to locate printing houses of the Kaluga Committee of the Russian Social-Democratic Labor Party and places where printing equipment was stored. Informants and snitches helped Kaluga gendarmes to locate the safe house members of the Kaluga Committee of the Russian Social-Democratic Labor Party used to meet with revolutionaries from other cities. Informants and snitches helped Kaluga gendarmes to locate a place Kaluga Social Democrats used to meet with party members from other towns of the Kaluga Province. Due to informants’ help Kaluga gendarmes managed to destroy a safe house used by the fighting squad of the Russian Social-Democratic Labor Party in the Kaluga Province. By the summer of 1907, the fighting squad of the Russian Social-Democratic Labor Party in the Kaluga Province had been completely destroyed. The authors conclude that the political investigation department of the Gendarmerie force in the Kaluga Province functioned really effectively during the first two years of its existence.

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Cushion, Steve. "Neoliberalism and trade unions in Britain." Tempo Social 32, no. 1 (April 15, 2020): 11–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/0103-2070.ts.2020.165088.

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For the past 30 years, Britain’s ruling class has been deeply split over membership of the European Union. This came to a head over the referendum on so-called “Brexit”. The Conservative Party (Tories) was split into “Remain” and “Leave” wings, both neoliberal, but with a different interpretation of the best way to make profits for the section of British capitalism each represents. Meanwhile the Labour Party is divided between the pro-business, neoliberal wing and the social democratic, reformist wing. The trade unions, with one or two notable exceptions, have conducted their activities within the parameters of parliamentary politics and desperately hoped for a Labour victory. The recent general election gave complete victory to the “Leave” Tories, which is potentially disastrous for the trade unions and their members.

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Muldoon, James, and Danny Rye. "Conceptualising party-driven movements." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 22, no. 3 (May 20, 2020): 485–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148120919744.

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This article contributes to scholarship on the relationship between political parties and social movements by proposing the concept of ‘party-driven movements’ to understand the formation of a new hybrid model within existing political parties in majoritarian systems. In our two case studies – Momentum’s relationship with the UK Labour Party and the Bernie Sanders-inspired ‘Our Revolution’ with the US Democratic Party – we highlight the conditions under which they emerge and their key characteristics. We analyse how party-driven movements express an ambivalence in terms of strategy (working inside and outside the party), political aims (aiming to transform the party and society) and organisation (in the desire to maintain autonomy while participating within party structures). Our analysis suggests that such party-driven movements provide a potential answer to political parties’ alienation from civil society and may thus be a more enduring feature of Anglo-American majoritarian party systems than the current literature suggests.

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Wickham-Jones, Mark. "New Labour in the Global Economy: Partisan Politics and the Social Democratic Model." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 2, no. 1 (April 2000): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-856x.00022.

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Drawing on a framework developed by Geoffrey Garrett in his recent book Partisan Politics in the Global Economy, I examine the ‘policy space’ that is available for the social democratic project in the United Kingdom. Garrett is optimistic about the possibilities for reformism: he emphasises the ability of an ‘encompassing’ labour movement to exchange wage restraint for reformist policies. Given the absence of such an encompassing labour movement in the United Kingdom, his conclusion apparently offers little support to those seeking reformist measures in these circumstances. I discuss three reasons why Garrett's model may still be applicable in the British context. First, social democrats may be able to offer policies desirable to capital. Second, wage moderation may be possible without the existence of an encompassing labour movement. Third, and most ambitious, it may be possible to develop an encompassing labour movement within the United Kingdom. My tentative conclusion is that a variant of the Garrett model is potentially a plausible one for a reformist party in the United Kingdom.

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Shaveleva, Marina, and Natalya Kuznetsova. "M.V. Goppius (1875—1961): personality and power." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2022, no. 6-2 (June 1, 2022): 123–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202206statyi51.

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M.V. Goppius (1870-1961) was a teacher by training, and the member of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party of the Bolsheviks since 1904. In 1899-1919 she was living in Arzamas, leading a local revolutionary club. On April, 4th (17th) in her apartment there was a meeting of social-democrats’ group which established the party organisation of the Bolsheviks in Arzamas.At that meeting Goppius was elected as the secretary of the committee. After October 1917 she remained at party and soviet work in Arzamas, later she was managing the propaganda department in the Nizhny Novgorod governorate committee of the party. After moving to Moscow she got a job in the sphere of education. At present one of the streets in Arzamas is called after M.V Goppius.

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SEYMOUR, JANE K., MARTIN GORSKY, and SHAKOOR HAJAT. "Health, wealth and party in inter-war London." Urban History 44, no. 3 (August 22, 2016): 464–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926816000377.

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ABSTRACTThis article examines public health spending, health outcomes and political complexion in London's 28 Metropolitan Borough Councils (MBCs) in the inter-war period. It describes the place of the MBCs in the governance of the capital and demonstrates the variety of experience across the different boroughs in terms of wealth, politics and mortality. Searching for potential causes of differences in outcomes, it discovers some positive statistical relationships between the extent of Labour party presence on the councils, local spending and health outcomes. Our tentative conclusion is that local democratic processes could lead to distinctive and beneficial public health policies, albeit within the context of other local and structural determining factors.

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Kranert, Michael. "‘Today I offer you, and we offer the country a new vision’: The strategic use of first person pronouns in party conference speeches of the Third Way." Discourse & Society 28, no. 2 (February 3, 2017): 182–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957926516685463.

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This article aims to fill a gap in the existing research by analysing the construction of leadership and group identity in a corpus of 13 party conference speeches by the party leaders of the German Social Democratic Party (SPD) and the British Labour Party between 1997 and 2003. The comparative approach chosen will demonstrate the context sensitivity and strategic use of the pronominal self-references. The article will demonstrate how changes of pronominal self-reference in party conference speeches can be understood as strategic changes of footing to foreground either the voice of the party leader or the voice of the party. It will conclude with the results of an analysis of the combination of pronominal self-references and verb forms construing competence and responsiveness, as suggested by Fetzer and Bull, and demonstrates that these verb forms are used differently in combination with the various forms of self-reference, a fact neglected in their analysis.

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민병기. "Emergence of New Party Based on Social Movement and Political Opportunity Structure : Case of Democratic Labour Party and Green Party in Korea." Korean Political Science Review 51, no. 1 (March 2017): 207–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.18854/kpsr.2017.51.1.009.

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Rupasov, Aleksander. "An Uneliminated Enemy: the Social Democratic Party of Finland from 1944 to 1949." ISTORIYA 14, no. 8 (130) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840027714-4.

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The Armistice Agreement signed in September 1944 did not entail any serious changes in the political structure of Finland. However, the access of the banned Communist Party to public life in the country and the liquidation of a number of structures and organizations created the preconditions to develop the internal political situation in the country in a direction favorable to the Soviet Union. This was the reason for the fairly quiet attitude of the Soviet delegation to the Allied Control Commission in 1944—1945 towards the activities of the Social Democratic Party. This attitude was maintained in spite of the fact that this party was seen as the main political enemy, creating a split in the labour movement and preventing the strengthening of the positions of the Communists and the Democratic Union of the People of Finland. The retention of the dominant positions in the SDP leadership by V. Tanner’s supporters and nominees (U. Varjonen, V. Leskinen and others) came as a surprise to the Soviet side. All the more unexpected was the well-organized struggle of the new Party leadership against the Communists. The success accompanying this anti-communist campaign was largely due to the attitude of President J. K. Paasikivi. The formation of a Social-Democratic government, headed by K. -A. Fagerholm, must indirectly have been an indication that the dangerous years had passed, as far as Finland’s political elite was concerned. Paasikivi and the Fagerholm government made it clear that in relations with the Soviet Union the Communists as intermediaries were an unnecessary link. For the Soviets, the Social Democratic Party was a key ideological opponent, and its participation in the Government was to be prevented or at least minimized. This task was not possible.

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PAGE, ROBERT M. "Without a Song in their Heart: New Labour, the Welfare State and the Retreat from Democratic Socialism." Journal of Social Policy 36, no. 1 (December 21, 2006): 19–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279406000353.

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Since coming to power in May 1997, New Labour has been criticised by many Party traditionalists for failing to follow the democratic socialist path laid out by the Attlee, Wilson and Callaghan governments. However, New Labour believes that adherence to a doctrinaire political philosophy is ill suited to contemporary economic and social realities. Accordingly, they have opted to govern on a ‘non-ideological’ pragmatic basis. To this end, they have sought to ensure that the welfare state operates in a way that complements, rather than conflicts with, economic imperatives. While New Labour continues to maintain that the welfare state should be used to tackle opportunity barriers, it no longer believes that the task of the welfare state is to extend opportunities for selflessness, enhance social solidarity or deliver greater equality of outcome.

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Koelble, Thomas A. "Trade Unionists, Party Activists, and Politicians: The Struggle for Power over Party Rules in the British Labour Party and the West German Social Democratic Party." Comparative Politics 19, no. 3 (April 1987): 253. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/421878.

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Skinner, Marianne S. "Political Culture, Values and Economic Utility: A Different Perspective on Norwegian Party-based Euroscepticism." Journal of Contemporary European Research 6, no. 3 (June 10, 2010): 299–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.30950/jcer.v6i3.204.

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Drawing on a content analysis of party manifestos and a survey of Norwegian MPs, this article examines the nuances in, and the causality of, the different Norwegian parties’ Euroscepticism. The study of the comparative party politics of Euroscepticism, which focuses on ideology and strategy, falls short of accounting for the Norwegian case, where, unlike other European countries, the parties’ Euroscepticism is exceptionally stable and appears across the political spectrum. Therefore, the article tests an alternative set of theories, drawn from the literature on opinion formation on European integration, to find a more suitable framework for analysing and explaining the motivation of Norwegian Euroscepticism. The analysis shows that Norwegian party-based Euroscepticism can be divided into three types when it comes to its strength and policy opposition, with the Centre Party and the Socialist Left Party on the ‘hardest’ end of the Euroscepticism scale, followed by the Christian Democratic Party and the Liberal Party, and finally, the Labour Party and the Progress Party. Furthermore, the analysis indicates that Norwegian Eurosceptic party stances on Europe are primarily driven by political values and political culture concerns, except for the Progress Party, which base its Eurosceptic motivation on economic utilitarianism and political culture.

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Väänänen, Pentti. "Fostering peace through dialogue The international social democratic movement and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict." Regions and Cohesion 2, no. 3 (December 1, 2012): 166–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/reco.2012.020310.

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The Socialist International (SI), the worldwide forum of the socialist, social democratic, and labor parties, actively looked for a solution to the Jewish-Palestinian conflict in the 1980s. At that time, the Israeli Labour Party still was the leading political force in Israel, as it had been historically since the foundation of the country. The Labour Party was also an active member of the SI. The Party’s leader, Shimon Peres, was one of its vice-presidents. At the same time, the social democratic parties were the leading political force in Western Europe. Several important European leaders, many of them presidents and prime ministers, were involved in the SI’s work. They included personalities such as Willy Brandt of Germany; former president of the SI, Francois Mitterrand of France; James Callaghan of Great Britain; Bruno Kreisky of Austria; Bettini Craxi of Italy; Felipe Gonzalez of Spain; Mario Soares of Portugal; Joop de Uyl of the Netherlands; Olof Palme of Sweden; Kalevi Sorsa of Finland; Anker Jörgensen of Denmark; and Gro Harlem Brudtland of Norway—all of whom are former vice-presidents of the SI. As a result, in the 1980s, the SI in many ways represented Europe in global affairs, despite the existence of the European Community (which did not yet have well-defined common foreign policy objectives).

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Ashworth, Lucian M. "Rethinking a Socialist Foreign Policy: The British Labour Party and International Relations Experts, 1918 to 1931." International Labor and Working-Class History 75, no. 1 (2009): 30–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547909000040.

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AbstractBetween 1918 and 1929 the British Labour Party, working in conjunction with many of the top names in International Relations (IR), developed a coherent foreign policy centered around reforming the international system. This was a major policy change for a political party that, up until then, had concentrated on domestic social and political issues. The construction of Labour's interwar foreign policy was part of a wider intellectual revolution that produced the separate discipline of IR after the First World War, and the splits in Labour over foreign policy mirrored similar splits in the wider IR literature. Particularly important here were the differences of opinion over the relationship between arbitration, sanctions, and disarmament in a system of League of Nations pooled security. Labour's close association with IR experts and intellectuals resulted in the construction of an international policy that, while addressing socialist themes, drew on an older liberal tradition. The ultimate goal of this policy was to create pacific international conditions favorable to the development of democratic socialism. While events after 1931 forced a major rethinking in the Party, Labour's IR experts continued to provide policy-relevant advice that shaped the Party's responses to the rise of fascism.

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Mcloughlin, P. J. "Horowitz's Theory of Ethnic Party Competition and the Case of the Northern Ireland Social Democratic and Labour Party, 1970–79." Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 14, no. 4 (November 26, 2008): 549–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537110802473324.

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Braun, Dietmar. "Political Immobilism and Labour Market Performance: The Dutch Road to Mass Unemployment." Journal of Public Policy 7, no. 3 (July 1987): 307–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00004463.

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ABSTRACTA political-institutional explanation of the deteriorating labour market performance of the Netherlands during the economic crisis of the 1970s is suggested. By comparing the macroeconomic and labour market strategies of the Netherlands and full employment countries the economic feasibility of Dutch solutions to the unemployment problem is estimated. Dutch strategies turn out to have been of a fragile and contradictory character, while full employment countries could rely on rather coherent and consistent strategies. This difference in strategy-building is very likely a result of differences in the political-institutional structures of countries. The policy-making process in the Netherlands has been subject to political immobilism. Institutional ineffectiveness after the first oilcrisis, a balance-of-power situation, concertation without consensus and internal contradictions within the Christian Democratic party have resulted in the failure to control the labour market.

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Esman, Milton J. "The Americanization of the European Left." Government and Opposition 37, no. 3 (July 2002): 359–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.00105.

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In The Debate That Continues To Rage Over The Question Of American exceptionalism, two facts are historically well established that have distinguished the United States from European countries: the United States failed to develop and to institutionalize an electorally viable social democratic or labour party that represents the interests of its unionized working class and aspires to achieve a socialist society; and the United States has lagged behind its European counterparts in building the institutions of a comprehensive welfare state.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Democratic Labour Party (Barbados)'

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