Relevant bibliographies by topics / Democratic Party (New York, N.Y.)

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'Democratic Party (New York, N.Y.)'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 29 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Democratic Party (New York, N.Y.)"

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Krook, Mona Lena. "Party Institutionalization and Women’s Representation in Democratic Brazil. By Kristin N. Wylie. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2018. 290p. $99.99 cloth." Perspectives on Politics 17, no. 02 (May 15, 2019): 605–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592719000318.

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Pérez-Curiel, Concha, Rubén Rivas-de-Roca, and Mar García-Gordillo. "Impact of Trump’s Digital Rhetoric on the US Elections: A View from Worldwide Far-Right Populism." Social Sciences 10, no. 5 (April 26, 2021): 152. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci10050152.

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A time of turmoil and uncertainty is invading the public sphere. Under the framework of the 2020 US elections, populist leaders around the world supported Trump’s speech on Twitter, sharing a common ideology and language. This study examines which issues (issue frame), and strategies (game frame) framed the messages of populism on Twitter by analyzing the equivalences through Trump’s storytelling and checking the bias of the media in the coverage of the US elections. We selected a sample of tweets (n = 1497) and digital front pages of global newspapers (n = 112) from the date of the Trump/Biden face-to-face debate (29 September 2020) until the Democratic party candidate was proclaimed the winner of the elections by the media (7 November 2020). Using a content analysis method based on triangulation (quantitative and qualitative-discursive), we analyzed the Twitter accounts of five leaders (@realDonalTrump, @MLP_officiel, @matteosalvinimi, @Santi_ABASCAL, and @Jairbolsonaro) and five digital front pages (The New York Times, O Globo, Le Monde, La Repubblica, and El País). The results show that populist politicians reproduced the discourse of fraud and conspiracy typical of Trump’s politics on Twitter. The negative bias of the media was also confirmed, giving prominence to a rhetoric of disinformation that overlaps with the theory of populism.
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Bohn, Simone R. "Kristin N. Wylie, Party Institutionalization and Women’s Representation in Democratic Brazil. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2018. Figures, tables, appendixes, bibliography, index, 290 pp.; hardcover $99.99, ebook $80." Latin American Politics and Society 61, no. 04 (August 27, 2019): 165–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lap.2019.35.

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KITLV, Redactie. "Book Reviews." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 69, no. 1-2 (January 1, 1995): 143–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002650.

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-Sidney W. Mintz, Paget Henry ,C.L.R. James' Caribbean. Durham: Duke University Press, 1992. xvi + 287 pp., Paul Buhle (eds)-Allison Blakely, Jan M. van der Linde, Over Noach met zijn zonen: De Cham-ideologie en de leugens tegen Cham tot vandaag. Utrecht: Interuniversitair Instituut voor Missiologie en Oecumenica, 1993. 160 pp.-Helen I. Safa, Edna Acosta-Belén ,Researching women in Latin America and the Caribbean. Boulder CO: Westview, 1993. x + 201 pp., Christine E. Bose (eds)-Helen I. Safa, Janet H. Momsen, Women & change in the Caribbean: A Pan-Caribbean Perspective. Bloomington: Indiana University Press; Kingston: Ian Randle, 1993. x + 308 pp.-Paget Henry, Janet Higbie, Eugenia: The Caribbean's Iron Lady. London: Macmillan, 1993. 298 pp.-Kathleen E. McLuskie, Moira Ferguson, Subject to others: British women writers and Colonial Slavery 1670-1834. New York: Routledge, 1992. xii + 465 pp.-Samuel Martínez, Senaida Jansen ,Género, trabajo y etnia en los bateyes dominicanos. Santo Domingo: Instituto Tecnológico de Santo Domingo, Programa de Estudios se la Mujer, 1991. 195 pp., Cecilia Millán (eds)-Michiel Baud, Roberto Cassá, Movimiento obrero y lucha socialista en la República Dominicana (desde los orígenes hasta 1960). Santo Domingo: Fundación Cultural Dominicana, 1990. 620 pp.-Paul Farmer, Robert Lawless, Haiti's Bad Press. Rochester VT: Schenkman Press, 1992. xxvii + 261 pp.-Bill Maurer, Karen Fog Olwig, Global culture, Island identity: Continuity and change in the Afro-Caribbean Community of Nevis. Chur, Switzerland: Harwood Academic Publishers, 1993. xi + 239 pp.-Viranjini Munasinghe, Kevin A. Yelvington, Trinidad Ethnicity. Knoxville: University of Tennesee Press, 1993. vii + 296 pp.-Kevin K. Birth, Christine Ho, Salt-water Trinnies: Afro-Trinidadian Immigrant Networks and Non-Assimilation in Los Angeles. New York: AMS Press, 1991. xvi + 237 pp.-Steven Gregory, Andrés Isidoro Pérez y Mena, Speaking with the dead: Development of Afro-Latin Religion among Puerto Ricans in the United States. A study into the Interpenetration of civilizations in the New World. New York: AMS Press, 1991. xvi + 273 pp.-Frank Jan van Dijk, Mihlawhdh Faristzaddi, Itations of Jamaica and I Rastafari (The Second Itation, the Revelation). Miami: Judah Anbesa Ihntahnah-shinahl, 1991.-Derwin S. Munroe, Nelson W. Keith ,The Social Origins of Democratic Socialism in Jamaica. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1992. xxiv + 320 pp., Novella Z. Keith (eds)-Virginia Heyer Young, Errol Miller, Education for all: Caribbean Perspectives and Imperatives. Washington DC: Inter-American Development Bank, 1992. 267 pp.-Virginia R. Dominguez, Günter Böhm, Los sefardíes en los dominios holandeses de América del Sur y del Caribe, 1630-1750. Frankfurt: Vervuert, 1992. 243 pp.-Virginia R. Dominguez, Robert M. Levine, Tropical diaspora: The Jewish Experience in Cuba. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1993. xvii + 398 pp.-Aline Helg, John L. Offner, An unwanted war: The diplomacy of the United States and Spain over Cuba, 1895-1898. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992. xii + 306 pp.-David J. Carroll, Eliana Cardoso ,Cuba after Communism. Cambridge MA: MIT Press, 1992. xiii + 148 pp., Ann Helwege (eds)-Antoni Kapcia, Ian Isadore Smart, Nicolás Guillén: Popular Poet of the Caribbean. Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1990. 187 pp.-Sue N. Greene, Moira Ferguson, The Hart Sisters: Early African Caribbean Writers, Evangelicals, and Radicals. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1993. xi + 214 pp.-Michael Craton, James A. Lewis, The final campaign of the American revolution: Rise and fall of the Spanish Bahamas. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1991. xi + 149 pp.-David Geggus, Clarence J. Munford, The black ordeal of slavery and slave trading in the French West Indies, 1625-1715. Lewiston NY: The Edwin Mellen Press, 1991. 3 vols. xxii + 1054 pp.-Paul E. Sigmund, Timothy P. Wickham-Crowley, Guerillas and Revolution in Latin America: A comparative Study of Insurgents and Regimes since 1956. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992. xx + 424 pp.-Robert E. Millette, Patrick A.M. Emmanuel, Elections and Party Systems in the Commonwealth Caribbean, 1944-1991. St. Michael, Barbados: Caribbean Development Research Services, 1992. viii + 111 pp.-Robert E. Millette, Donald C. Peters, The Democratic System in the Eastern Caribbean. Westport CT: Greenwood Press, 1992. xiv + 242 pp.-Pedro A. Cabán, Arnold H. Liebowitz, Defining status: A comprehensive analysis of United States Territorial Relations. Boston & Dordrecht: Martinus Nijhoff, 1989. xxii + 757 pp.-John O. Stewart, Stuart H. Surlin ,Mass media and the Caribbean. New York: Gordon & Breach, 1990. xviii + 471 pp., Walter C. Soderlund (eds)-William J. Meltzer, Antonio V. Menéndez Alarcón, Power and television in Latin America: The Dominican Case. Westport CT: Praeger, 1992. 199 pp.
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Howard, Marc Morjé. "Continuity and Change in Germany's Turbulent Twentieth Century." German Politics and Society 18, no. 3 (September 1, 2000): 137–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503000782486552.

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Carl F. Lankowski, ed., Breakdown, Breakup, Breakthrough: Germany’s Difficult Passage to Modernity (New York: Berghahn Books, 1999)John Brady, Beverly Crawford, and Sarah Elise Wiliarty, eds., The Postwar Transformation of Germany: Democracy, Prosperity, and Nationhood (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1999)Christopher S. Allen, ed., Transformation of the German Political Party System: Institutional Crisis or Democratic Renewal? (New York: Berghahn Books, 1999)
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McGerr, Michael, and Robert F. Wesser. "A Response to Progressivism: The Democratic Party and New York Politics, 1902-1918." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 19, no. 3 (1989): 538. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/204395.

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Broesamle, John J., and Robert F. Wesser. "A Response to Progressivism: The Democratic Party and New York Politics, 1902-1918." American Historical Review 92, no. 5 (December 1987): 1291. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1868656.

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Gould, Lewis L., and Robert F. Wesser. "A Response to Progressivism: The Democratic Party and New York Politics, 1902-1918." Journal of American History 74, no. 2 (September 1987): 541. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1900105.

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Garud-Patkar, Nisha, and Yusuf Kalyango. "News stories don’t match political party agendas." Newspaper Research Journal 38, no. 4 (November 14, 2017): 462–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0739532917739876.

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Using rank order correlations, this study contrasts party agendas propagated in press releases and tweets of Democratic and Republican parties in USA and India’s BJP and Congress Party, with front-page newspaper agendas published in The New York Times and The Times of India. Analysis of all news articles shows governance, economy/business, international relations, and defense rank highly in both newspapers, whereas press releases and tweets in political parties are mainly concerned with governance and economy/business.
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NIKONOVA, EKATERINA A. "BALANCE OF OPINION IN NEWSPAPERS THROUGH EDITORIAL AND OP-ED GENRES." Cherepovets State University Bulletin 6, no. 105 (2021): 78–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/1994-0637-2021-6-105-7.

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The article deals with the analysis of the balance of opinion in the newspaper, which is originally realized through editorial and op-ed genres. We analyzed 20 articles from “The Wall Street Journal” and “The New York Times” in the genres of editorial and op-ed about events in Afghanistan in August 2021, which were interpreted differently in mass media due to the role of the White House. The findings prove that in the context of new digital reality the op-ed has lost its original function of conveying alternative positions to the ones stated in the editorial; at the same time newspapers tend to advocate the positions shared by the political parties they have historically developed close relations with: “The Wall Street Journal” - with the Republican Party, “The New York Times” - the Democratic Party.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Democratic Party (New York, N.Y.)"

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Scroop, Daniel Mark. "Jim Farley, the Democratic Party and American politics." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.365516.

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Neve, S. L. "The Democratic Party in New York State, 1890-1910 : a traditional party in a time of change." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.355888.

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Brand, Molly Ziek. "The Electoral Influence of Teachers’ Unions on Democratic Education Policy Priorities." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1435092973.

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Nilsson, Anton. "En socialistisk farbror mot en krönt, erfaren toppkandidat : En innehållsanalys av New York Times och Washington Posts inramning av Bernie Sanders och Hillary Clinton i demokraternas primärval 2016." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för kultur- och medievetenskaper, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-124585.

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The study of political communication is an old and diverse field, and the media has been proven to have an effect on their readers. The narratives that they create in their reporting can be as damning as they can be auspicious. Therefore, the study of media and how they frame certain events is as important as it has ever been. The democratic primaries in 2016 were certainly an interesting event. Hillary Clinton, the apparent nominee of the party, faced off against Bernie Sanders, who, in America, is something as unusual as a democratic socialist. How were these two polar opposites framed? To find out, a framing analysis was made on New York Times and Washington Post, two of the largest newspapers in the US. The analysis was built around four “events” that were deemed important in the election. 195 articles were analyzed. The methods that were used were both quantitative and qualitative, and the theories of framing (how the media depicts the election) and agenda-setting (what the media deems to be important) were applied. The results showed that the two newspapers did not differentiate all that much from each other, except for a few percent in certain aspects. All in all, the narrative was obvious. Clinton was the candidate that would go on to win the nomination. She was also the most suitable candidate. Bernie Sanders, on the other hand, was framed as the loser and as unsuitable. Though he was consistently framed as having more integrity than his opponent. Clinton was also the candidate that had the biggest focus on her. This was true for all of the events, and in both newspapers. The implications of the study are twofold. First, Sanders was consistently painted in a negative light, which created an undesirable narrative and gave him negative momentum. Secondly, the virtual duplication of the narratives in New York Times and Washington Post suggests that there was some kind of consensus. Either Clinton really was the obvious nominee for the party, or the media hampered Sanders chances to clinch the nomination by depicting him in a negative manner.
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Smith, Tamara Leanne. "Too foul and dishonoring to be overlooked : newspaper responses to controversial English stars in the Northeastern United States, 1820-1870." Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2010-05-921.

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In the nineteenth century, theatre and newspapers were the dominant expressions of popular culture in the northeastern United States, and together formed a crucial discursive node in the ongoing negotiation of American national identity. Focusing on the five decades between 1820 and 1870, during which touring stars from Great Britain enjoyed their most lucrative years of popularity on United States stages, this dissertation examines three instances in which English performers entered into this nationalizing forum and became flashpoints for journalists seeking to define the nature and bounds of American citizenship and culture. In 1821, Edmund Kean’s refusal to perform in Boston caused a scandal that revealed a widespread fixation among social elites with delineating the ethnic and economic limits of citizenship in a republican nation. In 1849, an ongoing rivalry between the English tragedian William Charles Macready and his American competitor Edwin Forrest culminated in the deadly Astor Place riot. By configuring the actors as champions in a struggle between bourgeois authority and working-class populism, the New York press inserted these local events into international patterns of economic conflict and revolutionary violence. Nearly twenty years later, the arrival of the Lydia Thompson Burlesque Troupe in 1868 drew rhetoric that reflected the popular press’ growing preoccupation with gender, particularly the question of woman suffrage and the preservation of the United States’ international reputation as a powerfully masculine nation in the wake of the Civil War. Three distinct cultural currents pervade each of these case studies: the new nation’s anxieties about its former colonizer’s cultural influence, competing political and cultural ideologies within the United States, and the changing perspectives and agendas of the ascendant popular press. Exploring the points where these forces intersect, this dissertation aims to contribute to an understanding of how popular culture helped shape an emerging sense of American national identity. Ultimately, this dissertation argues that in the mid-nineteenth century northeastern United States, popular theatre, newspapers, and audiences all contributed to a single media formation in which controversial English performers became a rhetorical antipode against which “American” identity could be defined.
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Books on the topic "Democratic Party (New York, N.Y.)"

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Witcover, Jules. Party of the people: A history of the Democrats /Jules Witcover. New York: Random House, 2003.

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Leeds, Isabelle Russek. My love affair with-- politics & parties: Family & political life in Rhode Island and New York. Boynton Beach, Fla: American Life Publishers, 2008.

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Leeds, Isabelle Russek. My love affair with-- politics & parties: Family & political life in Rhode Island and New York. Boynton Beach, Fla: American Life Publishers, 2008.

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Leeds, Isabelle Russek. My love affair with-- politics & parties: Family & political life in Rhode Island and New York. Boynton Beach, Fla: American Life Publishers, 2008.

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Jaenicke, Douglas. Reuniting a party ruptured by the conflict over slavery: The case of the New York Democrats 1848-1856. [Manchester]: Department of Government, University of Manchester, 1995.

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Bai, Matt. The argument: Inside the battle to remake Democratic politics. New York: Penguin Books, 2008.

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Richards, Ann. Straight from the heart: May life in politics and other places. New York u.a: Simon and Schuster, 1989.

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Schumer, Charles E. Positively American: How the Democrats can win in 2008. New York, NY: Rodale, 2007.

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Sady, Rachel. District leaders: A political ethnography. Boulder, Colo: Westview Press, 1990.

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1952-, Rogers Joel, ed. Right turn: The decline of the democrats and the future of American politics. New York: Hill and Wang, 1986.

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Book chapters on the topic "Democratic Party (New York, N.Y.)"

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Schneier, Edward V., Antoinette Pole, and Anthony Maniscalco. "Parties, Political Changes, and Elections." In New York Politics, 62–97. Cornell University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501767265.003.0003.

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This chapter focuses on New York State's political parties. Even though Democratic and Republican parties occupy all of the state's key political offices, minor parties play a vital role in New York election laws. New York's elections are conducted under state laws and state party rules, and both the Republican and Democratic Parties regularly confront the tension between the preferences of their core primary voters. Moreover, remnants of the old Democratic organization continue to exert clout in the outer boroughs, where major-party organizations still tend to have a foothold. Meanwhile, the Republican Party continues to control nominations, raise money, and contest elections at a statewide level.
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Wilentz, Sean. "“A Phalanx of Honest Worth”: The General Trades’ Union of the City of New York." In Chants Democratic, 219–54. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195174502.003.0007.

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Abstract Class consciousness joined New York craft workers across trade lines in the 1830s. While the radical remnants of the Working Men’s party dis integrated in 1831, the journeymen printers formed the Typographical Association, separate from the polite mutual-aid society run by their masters. Two years later, following a bitter strike for higher wages by the carpenters, representatives from nine trades organized the General Trades’ Union of the City of New York. Over the next four years, the GTU led a series of offensives that saw New York wage earners organize over fifty unions and nearly forty strikes (Table 19). Without raising a barricade (although with occasional violence), the journeymen in the most rapidly dividing crafts sundered remaining solidarities between craft employers and employees.
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Soyer, Daniel. "Labor Politics in New York." In Left in the Center, 10–35. Cornell University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501759871.003.0002.

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This chapter discusses the labor politics in New York. Beginning in 1936, New York's moderate socialists, as well as its independent laborites and social reformers, finally found an effective means to reinsert themselves squarely into the political mainstream—establishing the American Labor Party (ALP). Over the next eight years, the ALP became an essential partner in the complex local New Deal coalition that ranged at times from liberal Republicans to communists, demonstrating in the process that a powerful constituency existed for its brand of practical social democratic politics. At the same time, however, the civil war between communists and anti-communist social democrats that had embroiled the Left in the 1920s had never been settled, and when the two sides found themselves uncomfortably together in the ALP, their battles took the form of a struggle for control. The internal war, though waged in primaries for local public and party office, often centered on international issues, especially those of special interest to the New York Left's core Jewish constituency. By 1944, the conflict led to a split and the founding of the Liberal Party.
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Soyer, Daniel. "New Frontiers." In Left in the Center, 160–86. Cornell University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501759871.003.0008.

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This chapter assesses how, at the beginning of the 1960s, the Liberal Party was at the height of its influence, punching above its weight in presidential elections and playing a leading role in rebranding Mayor Robert Wagner as a reformer. It stuck to its traditional social democratic stance. But both the demography and the politics of New York were changing around it, and the party had difficulty adjusting itself to the new realities. Not only was its accustomed base shrinking, but it faced rivals on the left in the Reform Democrats, and on the right in the form of a new Conservative Party, modeled explicitly on the Liberals but ready to battle it for Row C on the ballot. For a time, however, the dangers facing the party were obscured by its successes. Going into the 1960 presidential election, Liberal sentiment was divided between Adlai Stevenson, making his third run for the office, and senators John F. Kennedy and Hubert Humphrey. Once Kennedy won his party's nomination, the Liberals worked hard on his behalf in New York.
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Bernstein, Iver. "The Rise and Decline of Tweed’s Tammany Hall." In The New York City Draft Riots, 195–236. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195071306.003.0007.

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Abstract William M. Tweed’s Tammany Democracy was the most successful attempt to resolve the problem of political rule exposed by the volcanic social eruption of July 1863. Tweed and Tammany’s domination of the Democratic Party dated from late 1864 and 1865. In the eighteen months after the riots, a loyal Tammany Hall gained ascendancy after the Peace Democracy was branded the provocateur of an insurrectionary working class and traitor to the Northern cause. Tweed’s political domination began with the electoral victories of December 1865 and in the state with the victories of December 1869. His regime lasted until the Orange riot and revelations of fraud in July 1871. During this six-year tenure, Tweed’s organization managed to negotiate tensions between contesting groups of wage earners and elites, an accomplishment which had eluded a host of Republican and Democratic predecessors during the middle decades.
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Heersink, Boris. "Examining DNC and RNC Party Branding Quantitatively." In National Party Organizations and Party Brands in American Politics, 27—C2F11. Oxford University PressNew York, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197695104.003.0002.

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Abstract This chapter uses a new quantitative data set measuring Democratic and Republican National Committee (DNC and RNC) branding and service activity across time to assess conditions under which national committees increase or decrease their activities. The chapter first introduces the data set and the coding mechanism. The data set is based on analysis of over 40,000 New York Times articles mentioning the DNC, RNC, or its chairs between 1913 and 2016. Subsequently, the data is used to test a core prediction of the branding theory of national committees: that national committees should engage in less branding activity when their party is in the White House. The results suggest this is true: New York Times coverage of DNC and RNC branding is considerably lower when the incumbent president is from their party.
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Keating, Ryan W. "Connecticut, Illinois, and Wisconsin React to the New York City Draft Riots." In Shades of Green. Fordham University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5422/fordham/9780823276592.003.0007.

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The relationship between Irish Americans and the Democratic Party is well documented and widely accepted. The men who served in these units were staunchly allied with that political party. Democratic rhetoric that appeared in local periodicals most often reflected local community issues and attitudes, which were inclusive of the immigrant population. Historians have stressed the decline of Irish American support for the war, most notably after the summer of 1863, and most visibly through the Draft Riots in New York City in July 1863. In shifting the historical perspective towards analysis of local community the extent of loyalty and dissent on the Irish American home front can be more appropriately judged. Although many Democrats questioned the legality of major political decisions such as emancipation and the draft, there was no support in these areas for the rioters in the summer of 1863 and local responses to the events in New York City illuminate how Irish-Americans understood their relationship to their adopted nation and the ways that observers understood the place of these immigrants within their local communities.
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Furniss, Jack. "To Save the Union “in Behalf of Conservative Men”." In New Perspectives on the Union War, 63–90. Fordham University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5422/fordham/9780823284542.003.0004.

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Horatio Seymour was the Civil War’s most successful Democrat, securing the governorship of New York in 1862. This chapter analyses his election as a means to reconsider the record of the Democratic Party during the Civil War. Republicans at the time constantly questioned the loyalty of their partisan opponents. Scholarly discussion ever since has tended to reflect this, with historians explaining Democratic victories as the result of people voting against Republicans rather than for Democrats, who supposedly relied on race prejudice and antiwar sentiment to secure votes. I argue that Seymour offered an alternative vision of the Union war that Democrats and many swing voters deliberately endorsed. Reevaluating Seymour’s campaign on its own terms provides a clearer explanation of what the Union war meant for Democrats and why their party continued to receive support from upwards of 45 percent of the northern electorate during the conflict.
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"Abijah Beckwith’s Consideration of Civil Rights for Women." In New York's Burned-over District, edited by Spencer W. McBride and Jennifer Hull Dorsey, 328–32. Cornell University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501770531.003.0052.

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This chapter details how Abijah Beckwith, an elected official, championed some of the more “progressive” causes of the antebellum era: the Erie Canal, religious liberty, and the expansion of the franchise. It looks at Beckwith's prediction in 1846 that if enslaved people in the South make a bold strike for freedom, the north will not readily take sides with the masters to restrain them in their tyranny and oppression. It also recounts how Beckwith renounced his party and affiliated with the Free Soil Party when the New York State Democratic Party did not stand up to the Southern slavocracy. The chapter highlights Beckwith's belief that his philosophy of government aligned perfectly with the Revolutionary era's principles of democracy and liberty. It analyzes Beckwith's 1851 letter to his daughter, wherein he wrestled with the question of women's civil rights.
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Anbinder, Tyler. "The Know Nothings and the Collapse of the Second Party System." In Nativism And Slavery, 75–102. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195072334.003.0004.

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Abstract With the October contests behind them, many Know Nothings believed that the November elections in New York and Massachusetts would provide the true test of the Order’s political potential. Although Know Nothings had dominated the anti-Democratic forces in Indiana and Pennsylvania, in most states the Order had functioned as a minority partner in anti-Nebraska coali tions. In the November elections, however, Know Nothing leaders decided to run independent tickets. This was a risky strategy, because many Know Nothings had not realized when they joined the Order that they would have to vote against all of their old party’s candidates. Yet the Know Nothings’ surprisingly strong showing in New York and landslide victory in Massachusetts proved that a significant proportion of Northerners had abandoned the conventional parties, and that the Whigs were destined for extinction. In light of these results, Northerners came to realize that the political order in which Whigs and Democrats vied for supremacy-what political scientists often call the second American party system-no longer defined American politics.
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