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Journal articles on the topic 'Democratic Party (New York, N.Y.)'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 29 July 2024

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1

Krook, Mona Lena. "Party Institutionalization and Women’s Representation in Democratic Brazil. By Kristin N. Wylie. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2018. 290p. $99.99 cloth." Perspectives on Politics 17, no. 02 (May 15, 2019): 605–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592719000318.

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Pérez-Curiel, Concha, Rubén Rivas-de-Roca, and Mar García-Gordillo. "Impact of Trump’s Digital Rhetoric on the US Elections: A View from Worldwide Far-Right Populism." Social Sciences 10, no. 5 (April 26, 2021): 152. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci10050152.

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A time of turmoil and uncertainty is invading the public sphere. Under the framework of the 2020 US elections, populist leaders around the world supported Trump’s speech on Twitter, sharing a common ideology and language. This study examines which issues (issue frame), and strategies (game frame) framed the messages of populism on Twitter by analyzing the equivalences through Trump’s storytelling and checking the bias of the media in the coverage of the US elections. We selected a sample of tweets (n = 1497) and digital front pages of global newspapers (n = 112) from the date of the Trump/Biden face-to-face debate (29 September 2020) until the Democratic party candidate was proclaimed the winner of the elections by the media (7 November 2020). Using a content analysis method based on triangulation (quantitative and qualitative-discursive), we analyzed the Twitter accounts of five leaders (@realDonalTrump, @MLP_officiel, @matteosalvinimi, @Santi_ABASCAL, and @Jairbolsonaro) and five digital front pages (The New York Times, O Globo, Le Monde, La Repubblica, and El País). The results show that populist politicians reproduced the discourse of fraud and conspiracy typical of Trump’s politics on Twitter. The negative bias of the media was also confirmed, giving prominence to a rhetoric of disinformation that overlaps with the theory of populism.

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Bohn, Simone R. "Kristin N. Wylie, Party Institutionalization and Women’s Representation in Democratic Brazil. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2018. Figures, tables, appendixes, bibliography, index, 290 pp.; hardcover $99.99, ebook $80." Latin American Politics and Society 61, no. 04 (August 27, 2019): 165–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lap.2019.35.

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KITLV, Redactie. "Book Reviews." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 69, no. 1-2 (January 1, 1995): 143–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002650.

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-Sidney W. Mintz, Paget Henry ,C.L.R. James' Caribbean. Durham: Duke University Press, 1992. xvi + 287 pp., Paul Buhle (eds)-Allison Blakely, Jan M. van der Linde, Over Noach met zijn zonen: De Cham-ideologie en de leugens tegen Cham tot vandaag. Utrecht: Interuniversitair Instituut voor Missiologie en Oecumenica, 1993. 160 pp.-Helen I. Safa, Edna Acosta-Belén ,Researching women in Latin America and the Caribbean. Boulder CO: Westview, 1993. x + 201 pp., Christine E. Bose (eds)-Helen I. Safa, Janet H. Momsen, Women & change in the Caribbean: A Pan-Caribbean Perspective. Bloomington: Indiana University Press; Kingston: Ian Randle, 1993. x + 308 pp.-Paget Henry, Janet Higbie, Eugenia: The Caribbean's Iron Lady. London: Macmillan, 1993. 298 pp.-Kathleen E. McLuskie, Moira Ferguson, Subject to others: British women writers and Colonial Slavery 1670-1834. New York: Routledge, 1992. xii + 465 pp.-Samuel Martínez, Senaida Jansen ,Género, trabajo y etnia en los bateyes dominicanos. Santo Domingo: Instituto Tecnológico de Santo Domingo, Programa de Estudios se la Mujer, 1991. 195 pp., Cecilia Millán (eds)-Michiel Baud, Roberto Cassá, Movimiento obrero y lucha socialista en la República Dominicana (desde los orígenes hasta 1960). Santo Domingo: Fundación Cultural Dominicana, 1990. 620 pp.-Paul Farmer, Robert Lawless, Haiti's Bad Press. Rochester VT: Schenkman Press, 1992. xxvii + 261 pp.-Bill Maurer, Karen Fog Olwig, Global culture, Island identity: Continuity and change in the Afro-Caribbean Community of Nevis. Chur, Switzerland: Harwood Academic Publishers, 1993. xi + 239 pp.-Viranjini Munasinghe, Kevin A. Yelvington, Trinidad Ethnicity. Knoxville: University of Tennesee Press, 1993. vii + 296 pp.-Kevin K. Birth, Christine Ho, Salt-water Trinnies: Afro-Trinidadian Immigrant Networks and Non-Assimilation in Los Angeles. New York: AMS Press, 1991. xvi + 237 pp.-Steven Gregory, Andrés Isidoro Pérez y Mena, Speaking with the dead: Development of Afro-Latin Religion among Puerto Ricans in the United States. A study into the Interpenetration of civilizations in the New World. New York: AMS Press, 1991. xvi + 273 pp.-Frank Jan van Dijk, Mihlawhdh Faristzaddi, Itations of Jamaica and I Rastafari (The Second Itation, the Revelation). Miami: Judah Anbesa Ihntahnah-shinahl, 1991.-Derwin S. Munroe, Nelson W. Keith ,The Social Origins of Democratic Socialism in Jamaica. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1992. xxiv + 320 pp., Novella Z. Keith (eds)-Virginia Heyer Young, Errol Miller, Education for all: Caribbean Perspectives and Imperatives. Washington DC: Inter-American Development Bank, 1992. 267 pp.-Virginia R. Dominguez, Günter Böhm, Los sefardíes en los dominios holandeses de América del Sur y del Caribe, 1630-1750. Frankfurt: Vervuert, 1992. 243 pp.-Virginia R. Dominguez, Robert M. Levine, Tropical diaspora: The Jewish Experience in Cuba. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1993. xvii + 398 pp.-Aline Helg, John L. Offner, An unwanted war: The diplomacy of the United States and Spain over Cuba, 1895-1898. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992. xii + 306 pp.-David J. Carroll, Eliana Cardoso ,Cuba after Communism. Cambridge MA: MIT Press, 1992. xiii + 148 pp., Ann Helwege (eds)-Antoni Kapcia, Ian Isadore Smart, Nicolás Guillén: Popular Poet of the Caribbean. Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1990. 187 pp.-Sue N. Greene, Moira Ferguson, The Hart Sisters: Early African Caribbean Writers, Evangelicals, and Radicals. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1993. xi + 214 pp.-Michael Craton, James A. Lewis, The final campaign of the American revolution: Rise and fall of the Spanish Bahamas. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1991. xi + 149 pp.-David Geggus, Clarence J. Munford, The black ordeal of slavery and slave trading in the French West Indies, 1625-1715. Lewiston NY: The Edwin Mellen Press, 1991. 3 vols. xxii + 1054 pp.-Paul E. Sigmund, Timothy P. Wickham-Crowley, Guerillas and Revolution in Latin America: A comparative Study of Insurgents and Regimes since 1956. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992. xx + 424 pp.-Robert E. Millette, Patrick A.M. Emmanuel, Elections and Party Systems in the Commonwealth Caribbean, 1944-1991. St. Michael, Barbados: Caribbean Development Research Services, 1992. viii + 111 pp.-Robert E. Millette, Donald C. Peters, The Democratic System in the Eastern Caribbean. Westport CT: Greenwood Press, 1992. xiv + 242 pp.-Pedro A. Cabán, Arnold H. Liebowitz, Defining status: A comprehensive analysis of United States Territorial Relations. Boston & Dordrecht: Martinus Nijhoff, 1989. xxii + 757 pp.-John O. Stewart, Stuart H. Surlin ,Mass media and the Caribbean. New York: Gordon & Breach, 1990. xviii + 471 pp., Walter C. Soderlund (eds)-William J. Meltzer, Antonio V. Menéndez Alarcón, Power and television in Latin America: The Dominican Case. Westport CT: Praeger, 1992. 199 pp.

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Howard, Marc Morjé. "Continuity and Change in Germany's Turbulent Twentieth Century." German Politics and Society 18, no. 3 (September 1, 2000): 137–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503000782486552.

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Carl F. Lankowski, ed., Breakdown, Breakup, Breakthrough: Germany’s Difficult Passage to Modernity (New York: Berghahn Books, 1999)John Brady, Beverly Crawford, and Sarah Elise Wiliarty, eds., The Postwar Transformation of Germany: Democracy, Prosperity, and Nationhood (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1999)Christopher S. Allen, ed., Transformation of the German Political Party System: Institutional Crisis or Democratic Renewal? (New York: Berghahn Books, 1999)

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McGerr, Michael, and Robert F. Wesser. "A Response to Progressivism: The Democratic Party and New York Politics, 1902-1918." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 19, no. 3 (1989): 538. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/204395.

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Broesamle, John J., and Robert F. Wesser. "A Response to Progressivism: The Democratic Party and New York Politics, 1902-1918." American Historical Review 92, no. 5 (December 1987): 1291. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1868656.

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Gould, Lewis L., and Robert F. Wesser. "A Response to Progressivism: The Democratic Party and New York Politics, 1902-1918." Journal of American History 74, no. 2 (September 1987): 541. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1900105.

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Garud-Patkar, Nisha, and Yusuf Kalyango. "News stories don’t match political party agendas." Newspaper Research Journal 38, no. 4 (November 14, 2017): 462–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0739532917739876.

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Using rank order correlations, this study contrasts party agendas propagated in press releases and tweets of Democratic and Republican parties in USA and India’s BJP and Congress Party, with front-page newspaper agendas published in The New York Times and The Times of India. Analysis of all news articles shows governance, economy/business, international relations, and defense rank highly in both newspapers, whereas press releases and tweets in political parties are mainly concerned with governance and economy/business.

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NIKONOVA, EKATERINA A. "BALANCE OF OPINION IN NEWSPAPERS THROUGH EDITORIAL AND OP-ED GENRES." Cherepovets State University Bulletin 6, no. 105 (2021): 78–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/1994-0637-2021-6-105-7.

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The article deals with the analysis of the balance of opinion in the newspaper, which is originally realized through editorial and op-ed genres. We analyzed 20 articles from “The Wall Street Journal” and “The New York Times” in the genres of editorial and op-ed about events in Afghanistan in August 2021, which were interpreted differently in mass media due to the role of the White House. The findings prove that in the context of new digital reality the op-ed has lost its original function of conveying alternative positions to the ones stated in the editorial; at the same time newspapers tend to advocate the positions shared by the political parties they have historically developed close relations with: “The Wall Street Journal” - with the Republican Party, “The New York Times” - the Democratic Party.

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Triwahyuni, Selvi. "News Framing of the Extraordinary Congress Partai Demokrat at Kompas.com." PROPAGANDA 2, no. 1 (January 31, 2022): 89–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.37010/prop.v2i1.579.

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The struggle for power is actually not a new problem in Indonesian politics. Being the general chairman of the party is not only a determinant of various party policy decisions, but has a strong opportunity to be nominated in the presidential election or enter into important structures in Indonesian government institutions. So, it is not something new anymore if the position of the general chairman of the party is a position that is always contested by the party elite. Regarding news, the media must have their own way of framing news. This study aims to find out how Kompas.com frames the news of the Extraordinary Democratic Party Congress for the period 5–6 March 2021. This study uses a constructivist paradigm with a qualitative approach. The research method used in this study is Robert N. Entman's framing analysis, which has two major dimensions, namely selection of issues and highlighting aspects and has four framing elements, namely define problems, diagnose causes, make moral judgments, and treatment recommendations. The results show that Kompas.com places the news of the Extraordinary Democratic Party Congress into political issues. This can be seen from the selection of sources and statements made, as well as the highlighting of the aspects shown, Kompas.com shows the contra side of Moeldoko as the Presidential Chief of Staff, then there is Marzuki Alie who is the Secretary General of the Democratic Party and Darmizal as the Deputy Chair of the Democratic Party Supervisory Commission. Moeldoko was placed as an actor causing problems that have caused a public uproar.

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Wattier, Mark J. "Retrospective Voting in Presidential Primaries." American Review of Politics 11 (January 1, 1991): 57–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1990.11.0.57-80.

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The research question of this study was whether voters who participated in presidential primaries cast retrospective votes. This problem was studied with data from CBS News/New York Times exit polls for three 1976 Republican primaries and for ten 1980 Democratic primaries. The analysis suggested that ballots cast in the presidential primaries of the party-in-power were primarily retrospective votes. Statistical controls were introduced for candidate image, ideology, issues, electability, party identification, and socioeconomic status. These controls did not alter the basic finding of retrospective voting.

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ANDELIC, PATRICK. "DANIEL PATRICK MOYNIHAN, THE 1976 NEW YORK SENATE RACE, AND THE STRUGGLE TO DEFINE AMERICAN LIBERALISM." Historical Journal 57, no. 4 (November 12, 2014): 1111–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x14000223.

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ABSTRACTThe 1970s was a decade of acute existential crisis for the Democratic party, as ‘New Politics’ insurgents challenged the old guard for control of both the party apparatus and the right to define who a true ‘liberal’ was. Those Democrats who opposed New Politics reformism often found themselves dubbed ‘neoconservatives’. The fact that so many ‘neoconservatives’ eventually made their home in the Grand Old Party (GOP) has led historians to view them as a Republican bloc in embryo. The apostasy of the neoconservatives fits neatly into the political historiography of the 1970s, which is dominated by the rise of the New Right and its takeover of the Republican party. Yet this narrative, though seductive, overlooks the essentially protean character of politics in that decade. This article uses the 1976 Senate campaign mounted by Daniel Patrick Moynihan – the dandyish Harvard academic, official in four presidential administrations, and twice US ambassador – to demonstrate that many ‘neoconservatives’ were advancing a recognizably liberal agenda and seeking to define a new ‘vital center’ against the twin poles of the New Politics and the New Right. A microcosm of a wider struggle to define liberalism, Moynihan's candidacy complicates our understanding of the 1970s as an era of rightward drift.

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Parlyk, Vladislav. "The search of ways out of crisis of the Social Democratic Movement of Austria." Науково-теоретичний альманах "Грані" 22, no. 2 (April 22, 2019): 69–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/171924.

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The article is devoted to the crisis of social democratic movements in Western Europe in the XXI century. Emphasis is placed on the evolution of the Social Democratic Party of Austria. Of great importance are the developments of such scientists who dealt with this problem, as K. Kholodkovsky, N. Rabotyazhev, A. Vilkov, G. Nidermyulbihler, G. Sidl, G. Moschonas. The structure of the article is as follows. The first part shows a tendency to reduce electoral support for socialist and social democratic parties in countries such as France, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, Germany, Sweden, Austria and Greece. The general causes of the crisis of the Social Democrats are highlighted. Firstly, in the conditions of depopulation of the population and globalization of production, the working class is being eroded, conditions which supported decades social democrats across the whole Europe disappear. Secondly, social democrats, addressing target audience ceased to consider its specifics. Thirdly, owing to the crisis phenomena in the EU, migration crisis, deepening of inequality there is a radicalization as right and left electorate.The analysis of researches of the Austrian Institute of social researches and consulting of SORA indicates that the Social Democratic Party of Austria has ceased to be a «party of workers», its support base is currently voting more for the Austrian Freedom Party. Also the analysis of flows of voters between parliamentary parties (NET) of the last four electoral cycles in Austria states a steady trend of transition of bigger number of votes from social democrats to the right populists.In the second part in a chronological order four stages of modernization of ideology and complex organizational reform of the Social Democratic Party of Austria which captured the period from May, 2014 to November, 2018 are allocated and analysed. The main provisions of the new political program of the party, in which the Social Democratic Party of Austria offers voters their vision of solving the problems of the 21st century, as well as the structure and important points of the new organizational Statute, are considered. The key points of the new program are the digital revolution, the fair distribution of work and working time, resources and opportunities, as well as education, social security, a dignified old age, the expansion of non-commercial housing construction, forced migration, environmental problems, in particular global warming. Important points of the new Statute include the strengthening of the role of ordinary members of the party, the possibility of obtaining guest member status for one year with the right to become a permanent member of the party, the expansion of thematic and project initiatives.In conclusions major factors which acted as the trigger to fundamental updating of the Social Democratic Party of Austria, feature of this process are allocated. Results of a research can have a certain value for the scientists researching the social democratic movement and also subjects of party and political life.

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Kerimov, Alexander, and Tatyana Verbitskaya. "Features of Political Pluralism in Ukraine: Formation of a New Party System Model." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University. Series: Political, Sociological and Economic sciences 2019, no. 3 (December 16, 2019): 289–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2500-3372-2019-4-3-289-299.

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The paper features the specifics of Ukrainian party system that formed after the collapse of the USSR. The research objective was to determine the vector of its development. The party system is considered as a political institute with the potential to stabilize the political system in the context of the evolution of Ukrainian statehood. The authors determined factors that influenced the formation of the Ukrainian party system: the transformation of the electoral system, the tightening of legislation on parties, and the change in the balance of power in the political arena. The research helped to identify the following signs of the Ukrainian party system: relative autonomy, closed character, stability, three-level structure (the state level, the regional level, and the local level). The comparative-historical method was used to highlight the stages of the evolution of the Ukrainian party system and its specifics. The functional method was used to determine the role of the party system in political processes. According to N. Luman’s structural-functional method, the main features of the Ukrainian party system can be described as a set of elements with the ability to maintain stability in the context of events that are taking place in the Ukraine political arena. The case-study method was used to study the features of the party system that formed in the context of the evolution of Ukrainian statehood, including such events as political crises and color revolution. The authors came to the conclusion that the Ukrainian party system has fully developed, but there are no prerequisites for its development within the framework of democratic pluralism. The study determined the prospects for democratic transit of the Ukrainian party system and its formation on the basis of political pluralism.

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Burns, Jennifer. "O Libertarian, Where Is Thy Sting?" Journal of Policy History 19, no. 4 (October 2007): 452–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2008.0001.

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With the 2008 Democratic National Convention slated for Denver, the libertarian concerns of Western voters, denizens of the so-called purple states, are suddenly of high interest. Pundits and commentators see in the “live and let live” ethos of the West a chance for the Democracy to reshape its faltering coalition and enter the twenty-first century rejuvenated and strong. Ryan Sager, a critic from the right, notes that from the Democratic perspective, “the West looks abundant with opportunities. And the same might be said of a long-neglected, long-suffering political demographic: libertarians.” This optimism in part underlay the party's choice of Denver over the traditional Democratic bastion of New York. Colorado is often identified as a libertarian-leaning state, and it was where the Libertarian Party was founded. But what exactly is libertarianism?

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ENTESSAR, NADER. "MICHAEL M. GUNTER, The Kurdish Predicament in Iraq: A Political Analysis (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1999), Pp. 191. $39.95 cloth." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 2 (May 2001): 331–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801422069.

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This work is a follow-up to Michael Gunter's earlier book, The Kurds of Iraq: Tragedy and Hope (St. Martin's Press, 1992). In that book, which was published shortly after the first democratic elections in Iraqi Kurdistan and the subsequent establishment of the Kurdish regional government (KRG), Gunter was somewhat optimistic about the prospects for realizing Kurdish national aspirations in Iraq. The book under review, however, strikes a more pessimistic tone based on political developments in Iraqi Kurdistan in the 1990s. The main focus of the book is on the causes of continuing conflict between the two major Iraqi Kurdish parties—namely, the Kurdish Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK)—since the end of the 1991 Gulf War and the establishment of the autonomous Kurdish region in northern Iraq. The author uses a variety of sources, including interviews with principal Kurdish players and English-language publications.

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Körfer, Petr. "Ostalgy in Flux? Transformations of the concept reflected in the case of (East) Germany." Politics in Central Europe 19, no. 1 (March 1, 2023): 43–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2023-0003.

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Abstract The contribution focuses on the origin, genesis and transformation of (n)ostalgy in the new German Bundesländer. It focuses on the political-ideological, life biography, societal and economic frame of ostalgy and presents this phaenomenon as a general East-Central European feature. Later, it specifically analyses the East German case presenting and analysing the uniqueness of this case. The intra-German discourse is used as the main shape for such analysis, and the bipolarisation of the discourse and the stereotypes used. In the last analytical part we present the transmission of ostalgic supporters of the successor Party of Democratic Socialism towards the new radical party Alternative for Germany, showing the overlap of ostalgy as the socio-economic and ideo-political background with the new forms of anti-liberal and nativist stances.

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DeJong Lambert, William. "Lysenko Lives?" UnderCurrents: Journal of Critical Environmental Studies 15 (January 1, 2006): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/2292-4736/40371.

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When Trofim D. Lysenko took control of biology in the Soviet Union, The New York Times explained it would be “just as if we had to accept Republican or Democratic dictation in scientific reasoning, depending upon which of the two major parties happens to be in power” (New York Times 1948: E6). It was 1948 -- the year of the Berlin Airlift, communist coup in Czechoslovakia, founding of Israel and launch of the Marshall Plan; the start of the Cold War. At a session of the Lenin AllUnion Academy of Agricultural Sciences in Moscow Lysenko declared genetics was a fascist science practiced by worshippers of Wall Street. The “gene theory” had provided the rationale for racism, colonization and the exploitation of the working class. With the words--“The Central Committee of the Party has examined my report and approved it”-- Lysenko launched a purge of genetics that would be termed

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Thompson, J. Phillip. "David Dinkins' Victory in New York City: The Decline of the Democratic Party Organization and the Strengthening of Black Politics." PS: Political Science and Politics 23, no. 2 (June 1990): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/420053.

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Thompson, J. Phillip. "David Dinkins' Victory in New York City: The Decline of the Democratic Party Organization and the Strengthening of Black Politics." PS: Political Science & Politics 23, no. 02 (June 1990): 145–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096500032637.

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Collomp, Catherine. "The Jewish Labor Committee, American Labor, and the Rescue of European Socialists, 1934–1941." International Labor and Working-Class History 68 (October 2005): 112–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547905000220.

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The Jewish Labor Committee (JLC), founded in New York in 1934, was the vanguard of American labor's anti-Nazi and antifascist activism. The JLC grew out of the Jewish labor movement in the US. In 1940–1941, it achieved the rescue of hundreds of European labor and social-democratic party leaders trapped in France by the invading German army or in Lithuania by the Soviet army. Among these persons were some of the foremost leaders of the Labour and Socialist International and of the International Federation of Trade Unions. Many others were Polish Bundists, the JLC's founders' original political family, doubly exposed to Nazi brutality by their Jewish identity and social-democratic positions. This event is the focal point from which American labor's international solidarity for the labor victims of Nazism and fascism can be observed. In addition, the connection between the JLC and the Emergency Rescue Committee whose agent, Varian Fry, rescued artists and intellectuals, is also established in the paper.

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Zake, Ieva, and Graham Gormley. "Integration or separation? Nationality groups in the US and the Republican Party's ethnic politics, 1960s-1980s." Nationalities Papers 38, no. 4 (July 2010): 469–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2010.482132.

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Using examples of American Latvians, Estonians and Ukrainians in the states of Minnesota, New Jersey and New York this article explores the ambiguous nature of integration of nationalities groups inside the Republican Party during the 1960s-1980s. Based on the analysis of available archival information, it is shown that the Republican Party intentionally brought in the ethnics during the discussed period and created the Nationalities Sections within specific electoral campaigns, Nationalities Divisions inside the state party organizations and the National Republican Heritage Groups (Nationalities) Council within the Republican National Committee in order to recruit the ethnics and engage in the partisan struggle with the Democrats. Consequently, the nationalities were given a sense of importance, but little real power to actually influence the internal processes inside the party. At the same time, the nationalities eagerly responded to the invitation to join the Republican national and state-level organizations specifically designed for the ethnics. Yet in doing this they perceived themselves primarily as ethnics with a distinct, mainly anti-communist, agenda and only secondarily thought of themselves as Americans dedicated to Republican politics. Consequently, the Republican political strategy of creating Nationalities Sections and Divisions seemed to integrate the ethnics on the surface, while in reality intensifying political separation and even ghettoization of the ethnics in American politics. This research initiates a larger project, which will compare the Republican and Democratic strategies of directly involving ethnic groups and minorities inside the party organizations in the second part of the twentieth century.

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Cronin, Thomas E. "The Life of the Party: Democratic Prospects in 1988 and Beyond. By Robert Kuttner (New York: Viking, 1987. xi, 265p. $18.95)." American Political Science Review 82, no. 3 (September 1988): 991–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1962519.

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Green, John C. "The Breakdown of Democratic Party Organization, 1940–1980. By Alan Ware. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985. Pp. xii + 275. $29.95)." American Political Science Review 80, no. 2 (June 1986): 685–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1958315.

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Campbell, Ballard C. "The Democratic Party Heads North, 1877–1962. By Alan Ware (New York, Cambridge University Press, 2006) 281 pp. $70.00 cloth $24.99 paper." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 38, no. 1 (July 2007): 147–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh.2007.38.1.147.

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Hettinga, Kirstie, Alyssa Appelman, Christopher Otmar, Alesandria Posada, and Anne Thompson. "Comparing and contrasting corrected errors at four newspapers." Newspaper Research Journal 39, no. 2 (May 23, 2018): 155–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0739532918775685.

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A content analysis of corrections (N = 507) from four influential newspapers—the New York Times, the Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal and the Los Angeles Times—shows that they correct errors similar to each other in terms of location, type, impact and objectivity. Results are interpreted through democratic theory and are used to suggest ways for copy editors to most effectively proofread and fact-check.

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Schlozman, Daniel. "Party in the Street: The Antiwar Movement and the Democratic Party after 9/11. By Michael T. Heaney and Fabio Rojas. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2015. 313p. $29.99." Perspectives on Politics 15, no. 1 (March 2017): 184–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592716004424.

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Carty, Victoria. "Party in the Street: The Antiwar Movement and the Democratic Party after 9/11 by Michael T.Heaney and FabioRojas. New York, Cambridge University Press, 2015. 325 pp. Paper, $29.99." Political Science Quarterly 131, no. 1 (March 2016): 202–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/polq.12450.

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Gelles, Katarzyna. "Między potępieniem a (n)ostalgią." Politeja 20, no. 5(86) (December 3, 2023): 35–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.20.2023.86.03.

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BETWEEN CONDEMNATION AND (N)OSTALGIA: ON THE POLITISATION OF THE LEGACY OF GDR IN REUNIFIED GERMANY Reunified Germany emerged on the map of Europe in 1990. At first, settling an account with the communist Germany proceeded in a simplified way – everything about them seemed evil. Over time, this judgement became less biased and more comprehensive. At the beginning of the 21st century, the “trend for the East”, which was called Ostalgie, prevailed. From that point forward, dealing with their past balances between a sentimental journey to the time of the German Democratic Republic and a harsh assessment of that reality. Until this day, modern Germany constitutes two unequal parts, as the polls confirm. They continue to be divided by a mental barrier — an invisible ‘wall in people’s heads’, and many residents of the new lands still feel foreign in their own country. Their dissatisfaction is consciously and effectively exploited by the populist Alternative for Germany party. How the East German heritage becomes an instrument of political influence is the leading question of this article. The sources, mainly German, consist primarily of subject literature, documents, statistical reports and analysis of public opinion research centres, as well as comments of experts and press.

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VONDOEPP, PETER. "Authoritarian Origins of Democratic Party Systems in Africa by Rachel Beatty Riedl New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 2014. Pp. 286. £60 (hbk)." Journal of Modern African Studies 53, no. 2 (May 20, 2015): 243–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x15000191.

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Dwyre, Diana. "Campaign Finance Reform and the Future of the Democratic Party. By Jerrold E. Schneider. New York: Routledge, 2002. 208p. $75.00 cloth, $19.95 paper." Perspectives on Politics 1, no. 03 (August 28, 2003): 608–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592703540427.

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Hood, M. V., and Seth C. McKee. "What Made Carolina Blue? In-Migration and the 2008 North Carolina Presidential Vote." American Politics Research 38, no. 2 (March 2010): 266–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x09359379.

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In this article, we examine the role that in-migration played in contributing to the 2008 Democratic presidential victory in North Carolina. Prior to Barack Obama, the last time the Tar Heel State was carried by a Democrat was Jimmy Carter in 1976. Since the late 1980s, North Carolina has undergone tremendous demographic change. In addition to a growing Hispanic population that is primarily comprised of noncitizens, the state has witnessed a very large increase in the number of residents who were born and raised in Northern states such as New York. Historically, in much of the postwar South, Northern migrants helped grow the Republican Party. We find that in North Carolina this pattern no longer holds. In contemporary North Carolina, migrants born outside the South are more likely to identify and register as politically unaffiliated, and their growing share of the state’s electorate directly contributed to Obama’s narrow win.

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Hibbing, John. "Negativity in Democratic Politics: Causes and Consequences. By Stuart N. Soroka. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2014. 198p. $28.99." Perspectives on Politics 14, no. 3 (August 31, 2016): 890–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592716002383.

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Hibbing, Matthew. "Negativity in Democratic Politics: Causes and Consequences. By Stuart N. Soroka. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2014. 198p. $28.99." Perspectives on Politics 15, no. 3 (August 18, 2017): 903–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592717001797.

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Chu, Yun-han. "Party Politics in Taiwan: Party Change and the Democratic Evolution of Taiwan, 1991–2004. By DAFYDD FELL. [London and New York: Routledge, 2005. 183 pp. £65.00. ISBN 0-415-35973-2.]." China Quarterly 185 (March 2006): 189–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741006350102.

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Green, Matthew N. "Pushing the Agenda: Presidential Leadership in U.S. Lawmaking, 1953–2004. By Matthew N. Beckmann." Perspectives on Politics 10, no. 4 (December 2012): 1001–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592712002356.

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Pushing the Agenda: Presidential Leadership in U.S. Lawmaking, 1953–2004. By Matthew N. Beckmann. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010. 194p. $99.00 cloth, $26.99 paper.The American president is many things. He serves as the head of state, chief of his political party, manager of the national bureaucracy, commander of the armed forces, and even (to some at least) a moral leader of the country. But one of the most important roles of the president is legislative leader: setting the nation's policy agenda, proposing new bills, and steering key initiatives through Congress. The central nature of that role is evidenced by our tendency to think of past presidents in terms of their trademark policy proposals, be it Harry “Fair Deal” Truman or Ronald Reagan's “Reaganomics.”

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Abreu Colombri, José Antonio. "La figura de Robert F. Kennedy en el marco sociopolítico estadounidense. Bobby Kennedy for President." Latente Revista de Historia y Estética audiovisual 20 (2022): 103–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.25145/j.latente.2022.20.04.

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By the end of the 1950s, the Kennedys were one of the most influential families on the American political scene. The Democratic Party, in an expansive electoral phase in the 1960s, became a promoter of legislative reform in favor of minorities, which would broaden its electoral base. At the same time, said reform caused a major split between the Democrat factions more conservative. The programmatic rearrangement of the Democrats occurred in parallel to the personal evolution of Robert F. Kennedy. The joyful and gesticulating character of the chief justice of the Supreme Court, during the Kennedy-Johnson administration (1961-1965), gave way to a sad and reflective senator from the state of New York, during the first three years of the Johnson administration (1965-1968). Dawn Porter’s documentary (2018) is a magnificent example of quality historical divulgation, in a commemorative time frame, in which certain aspects of the American political landscape are rigorously exposed.

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McCann, Stewart J. H. "Neuroticism and State Differences in Partisanship in the USA: Emotional Stability, Ideological Orientation, and Republican Preference." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 2, no. 1 (September 30, 2014): 242–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v2i1.309.

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Relations between Neuroticism, Republican-Democrat preference, and conservative-liberal ideological orientation were examined with the states of the USA as units of analysis. State-aggregated Neuroticism scores were based on 1999-2005 responses of 619,397 residents to the 44-item Big Five Inventory. State Republican-Democrat preference was based on the 2002 occupancy of the U.S. Presidency, U.S. House, U.S. Senate, state House, state Senate, and state Governorship, as well as state-aggregated partisanship responses of 110,305 persons to 1998-2002 CBS/New York Times national polls. State conservative-liberal ideological orientation was based on 1998-2002 state-aggregated responses of 103,828 persons to CBS/New York Times national polls. Using correlation, partial correlation, and hierarchical multiple regression, it was determined that lower state resident Neuroticism is associated with Republican preference, and that both conservative-liberal ideological orientation and state resident Neuroticism account independently for variance in Republican-Democrat preference. These relations were found when 1998-2002 state socioeconomic status, white percent, and urban percent were statistically considered and controlled in partial correlation and hierarchical regression analysis. In contrast, corresponding analyses involving the other Big Five showed that only Openness and Conscientiousness showed any relation to partisanship, albeit infrequent and inconsistent. State resident Neuroticism is the primary state-level Big Five predictor of Republican/Democratic Party choice.

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de Leon, Cedric. "Party in the Street: The Antiwar Movement and the Democratic Party after 9/11. By Michael T. Heaney and Fabio Rojas. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2015. Pp. xiv+313. $29.99 (paper)." American Journal of Sociology 121, no. 5 (March 2016): 1614–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/684495.

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Speel, Robert W. "The Evolution of Republican and Democratic Ideologies - John Gerring, Party Ideologies in America, 1828–1996 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998). Pp. xiv, 337. $64.95." Journal of Policy History 12, no. 3 (July 2000): 413–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2000.0024.

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Wright, Robert E. "The First Phase of the Empire State’s “Triple Transition”: Banks’ Influence on the Market, Democracy, and Federalism in New York, 1776–1838." Social Science History 21, no. 4 (1997): 521–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200017831.

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The story usually goes something like this: Colonial Americans lived in a world very different from that of the generation that fought the Civil War. Locals wielded the tools of government most of the time; rarely did distant officials attempt control, and when they did they were usually roundly rebuffed. Politicians “stood” for positions of honor rather than “running” for lucrative posts. A man’s surname was a crucial determinant of his socioeconomic well-being. Artisans and yeomen deferred to gentlemen. Barter predominated as little “cash” circulated. Custom and family, not market forces, dictated the allocation of credit. Change of all types occurred slowly. By Martin Van Buren’s presidency some threescore years later, America was a very different place. Though still evolving, the United States exuded modernity, at least in its general outlines. Politicians and bureaucrats in state capitals, and even Washington, increasingly affected Americans’ everyday lives. Party politics and patronage took on increased importance as plutocrats plied for patronage posts. A man’s bank account meant more than his lineage. Gentlemen feared the artisans and yeomen they once easily ruled. Cash was abundant, and the market determined most access to credit. Societal conditions changed apace. Generally speaking, over these decades America is described as becoming less “aristocratic” and “mercantile,” or even “feudal,” and more “democratic” and “capitalist.”

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Kreml, William P. "Campaign Finance Reform and the Future of the Democratic PartyCampaign Finance Reform and the Future of the Democratic Party. By Jerrold E. Schneider. (New York: Routledge, 2002. Pp. 207. $70.00 cloth, $19.95 paper.)." Journal of Politics 66, no. 2 (May 2004): 636–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022381600008434.

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Kukushkina, Irina. "The Role of Рavel Miliukov in the Russian Emigrant Community: Controversial Issues." ISTORIYA 14, no. 12-2 (134) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840029585-2.

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The article is devoted to the activities of the leader of the Cadet party P. N. Milyukov in exile in London and Paris. The author examines his political, scientific, editorial and journalistic activities. It is noted that Milyukov has made significant progress in all these areas. As a politician he sought to unite all the anti-monarchical and democratic forces of the Russian emigration, as a platform for such association he thoughts “a new tactic” — the end of the armed struggle against the Bolsheviks and the fight against them in new forms. Being a politician, Milyukov did not cease to be a historian and publicist, the newspaper “Posledniye Novosti” he edited was popular not only in Russian emigration, it was read also Soviet Russia. The activity of P. N. Milyukov was aimed at supporting those emigrants and ordinary people in Soviet Russia who had not enough means of subsistence, as well as the support of Russian culture abroad. The article is based on a wide range of both published and archival documents, primarily those stored in the State Archive of the Russian Federation (Milyukov, Kuskova, Argunov funds).

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Masullo Chen, Gina, Martin J. Riedl, Jeremy L. Shermak, Jordon Brown, and Ori Tenenboim. "Breakdown of Democratic Norms? Understanding the 2016 US Presidential Election Through Online Comments." Social Media + Society 5, no. 2 (April 2019): 205630511984363. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305119843637.

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This study examined how comments posted on news stories about the 2016 presidential election reflected the disruptive discourses of the campaign itself. A quantitative content analysis and a qualitative textual analysis of user-generated comments ( N = 1,881) showed that while incivility was less frequent than impoliteness, overall there was ample evidence of the violation of democratic norms of political talk in these comment streams. Findings also showed that comments posted on stories in The New York Times were less uncivil than those posted on either Fox News or USA TODAY stories. However, comments posted on USA TODAY stories were more impolite than those posted on stories on the Times’ or Fox News’ websites. Norms of political talk that ascribe to some aspects of deliberative discourse were more frequent in comments posted later in the campaign, except among comments posted on Fox News stories.

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Sukhobokova, Olha. "The Attempt of Ukrainian Socialists to Create the United National Front in Emigration in the First Half of the 1920s." Науковий вісник Чернівецького національного університету імені Юрія Федьковича. Історія 2, no. 48 (December 15, 2018): 88–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/hj2018.48.88-94.

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The article is devoted to coverage the discussion of the Ukrainian socialists on the creation of a united national front іn emigration in the first half of the 1920's. The initiators of the association were the Prague group of the Ukrainian Party of Socialist-Revolutionaries and V.Vynnychenko. The Ukrainian Socialists Democrat’s foreign group and other Ukrainian socialist parties were involved in cooperation. The article analyzes the concepts of the united national front of the initiators of the association – V.Vynnychenko, M.Shapoval and N. Hryhoriev, as well as attempts by the Ukrainian socialist revolutionaries to consolidate the socialist and democratic forces of Ukrainian political emigration. The most successful was the cooperation of Ukrainian socialists in Ukrainian civil committee in the Czechoslovakia, which helped Ukrainian refugees, and the Ukrainian magazine «New Ukraine». But the creation of a political association at that time failed. However, the attempt to consolidate had powerful social and cultural implications and cooperation experience. Keywords: the united national front on emigration, the Prague group of the UPSR, V. Vynnychenko, M. Shapoval, N. Hryhoriev

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LIVSHIN, A. Ya. "Communist Party in the Power System of the USSR." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 11, no. 3 (August 17, 2018): 13–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2018-11-3-13-35.

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In this article major mechanisms and different stages of the Bolshevik party’s transformation into a “party-state” are examined. The Communist party has been brought to the surface of political life and power by the Russian revolution; the organizational principles of the Party along with its approaches to political process have to a larger extent evolved as results of the revolution. Therefore the system of power which has reached its peak during Stalin’s rule has both been the product of continuity as well as change of the Russian political tradition. The Communist ideology has served as main instrument of communication between the authorities and the people. The Party occupied central position in that system of communication; one of the most important tools of the Party’s control over the Soviet society was propaganda. However the process of the communist regime acquiring legitimacy has been rather lengthy; it was completed only by the late 1920s. The basic principles of “unity” within a ruling group were rejected when rivalry for power ended in Stalin’s favor. The central element in the Communist party’s system of power was the ruling elite – nomenclature. During World War II the institution of “party- state” has reached the highest degree of centralization; but on the other hand, the decision-making system was rather flexible and adaptable as compared with the previous period. After the War even within Stalin’s dictatorship the contours of oligarchic “collective leadership” were emerging. N. Khrushchev used the same instrument as Stalin did – control over the Party apparatus – while consolidating his power. One of the important results of Khrushchev’s rule was the institutionalization of the ruling bureaucracy. Maintaining “stability” became the slogan for the new stage of the Communist regime’s evolution. Socio- economic system was getting increasingly complex and less manageable; different hierarchies, including local and industrial elites, have been failing to make timely and correct decisions due to their rigidness and sluggishness. The Party was attempting to compensate those deficiencies, but was less and less capable of doing so. Gorbachev’s “Perestroika” which was based on the idea of democratic socialism has finally ended the rule of the “party-state”. Having lost its internal integrity the system of power has rapidly deteriorated.

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Burnes, David, Risa Breckman, Charles R. Henderson, Mark S. Lachs, and Karl Pillemer. "Utilization of Formal Support Services for Elder Abuse: Do Informal Supporters Make a Difference?" Gerontologist 59, no. 4 (June 21, 2018): 619–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/geront/gny074.

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Abstract Background and Objectives Few elder abuse (EA) victims ever seek or receive assistance from formal support services designed to mitigate risk and harm of revictimization. This study examined whether the presence of third-party “concerned persons” in victims’ personal social networks plays a role in enabling formal support service utilization. Research Design and Methods A representative population-based survey administered to adults (n = 800) in New York State identified 83 EA cases from the past year. Penalized likelihood logistic regression was used to examine the relationship between availability of a concerned person and victim formal support services usage. Results EA victims who had a concerned person in their personal life were significantly more likely to use formal EA support services than victims without a concerned person. EA victims who lived with their perpetrator were significantly less likely to use formal services. Discussion and Implications Third-party concerned persons represent a critical population to target in efforts designed to promote EA victim help-seeking.

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Connolly, James J. "Presidents, Parties, and the State: A Party System Perspective on Democratic Regulatory Choice, 1884-1936. By Scott C. James (New York, Cambridge University Press, 2000) 307 pp. $59.95." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 32, no. 2 (October 2001): 330–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002219501750442747.

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Moran, Andrew D. "Book Review: Sean J. Savage, JFK, LBJ, and the Democratic Party. Albany, NY: State University of New York, 2004. Hardback, ix + 429 pp. ISBN 0 7914 6169 6." Party Politics 13, no. 6 (November 2007): 763–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/13540688070130060602.

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