Academic literature on the topic 'Democratic Party Political parties United States'

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Journal articles on the topic "Democratic Party Political parties United States"

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Daly, Tom Gerald, and Brian Christopher Jones. "Parties versus democracy: Addressing today’s political party threats to democratic rule." International Journal of Constitutional Law 18, no. 2 (2020): 509–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/icon/moaa025.

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Abstract The growing threat to liberal democracy worldwide is, in many ways, a political party threat. Recent years have witnessed the rise of a range of authoritarian populist, illiberal, far-right, nativist, and extremist parties. Some have entered government in countries including Hungary, Poland, Austria, and Italy. Germany’s Alternativ für Deutschland (AfD) is now the main parliamentary opposition. Beyond Europe we see democratic structures threatened or incrementally dismantled through the subversion of an established democratic party by an outsider (e.g. Donald Trump in the United State
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Baker, Anne E. "The Fading Exceptionalism of American Political Parties?: Evidence from Party Allocation Decisions." Comparative Sociology 13, no. 3 (2014): 284–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341309.

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Using qualitative comparative analysis to mirror the decision-framework employed by the leaders of the Democratic and Republican congressional campaign committees, I demonstrate party leaders simultaneously consider multiple factors when they decide how to distribute their party’s limited resources to candidates. In contrast to studies, which characterize American party organizations as strategically pragmatic rather than ideologically motivated like parties in many other countries, I find the congressional candidate’s ideology is an increasingly important criterion for the receipt of party su
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Anderson, Leslie E. "The Problem of Single-Party Predominance in an Unconsolidated Democracy: The Example of Argentina." Perspectives on Politics 7, no. 4 (2009): 767–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592709991794.

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Parties can be a crucial to democratic function but not all parties or party systems are democratic. Some parties are fully competitive within a pluralist system while others, notably hegemonic parties, are antithetical to democracy. Between competitive, pluralist party systems and hegemonic party systems lie predominant party systems. These are compatible with democracy where democracy is fully consolidated but inhibit democratic consolidation in settings with an authoritarian history or where the rule of law is incomplete. The effect of predominant parties in unconsolidated democracies has n
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Ashmawy, Iman Karam I. M. "Youth Inclusion in American and Egyptian Political Party Management." World Affairs 181, no. 3 (2018): 215–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0043820018803485.

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The Arab Spring revealed that when the youth are marginalized, they can resort to informal political movements that may be characterized by extremism and criminality. However, when they join formal groupings, such as political parties, and are well utilized within them, they can become an active political force. This article explores the extent to which American and Egyptian political parties offer opportunities for youth inclusion in their structure and decision-making processes. By conducting semi-structured interviews with young members of the largest two Egyptian parties and the Democratic
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Lee, Frances E. "Populism and the American Party System: Opportunities and Constraints." Perspectives on Politics 18, no. 2 (2019): 370–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592719002664.

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Does populism threaten American democracy, and if so, what is the nature of that threat? In dialogue with the comparative literature on populism, this article considers the opportunity structure available to populist parties and candidates in the American political system. I argue that compared to most other democracies, the US system offers much less opportunity for organized populist parties but more opportunity for populist candidacies. Today’s major parties may also be more vulnerable to populist insurgency than at other points in US history because of (1) changes in communications technol
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De Leon, Cedric, Manali Desai, and Cihan Tuğal. "Political Articulation: Parties and the Constitution of Cleavages in the United States, India, and Turkey." Sociological Theory 27, no. 3 (2009): 193–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9558.2009.01345.x.

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Political parties do not merely reflect social divisions, they actively construct them. While this point has been alluded to in the literature, surprisingly little attempt has been made to systematically elaborate the relationship between parties and the social, which tend to be treated as separate domains contained by the disciplinary division of labor between political science and sociology. This article demonstrates the constructive role of parties in forging critical social blocs in three separate cases, India, Turkey, and the United States, offering a critique of the dominant approach to
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McCarty, Nolan, and Eric Schickler. "On the Theory of Parties." Annual Review of Political Science 21, no. 1 (2018): 175–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-061915-123020.

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The theory of parties put forward by scholars associated with the University of California at Los Angeles argues that political parties are best viewed as coalitions of intense policy demanders. These policy demanders use their control of nomination processes to select candidates loyal to the groups’ shared policy priorities. By highlighting the role of groups, this theory has made a major contribution to our understanding of party politics, breathing new life into important debates about the limitations of democratic responsiveness in the United States. The theory, however, leaves a number of
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Miller, Gary, and Norman Schofield. "The Transformation of the Republican and Democratic Party Coalitions in the U.S." Perspectives on Politics 6, no. 3 (2008): 433–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592708081218.

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Because the space of policies is two-dimensional, parties in the United States are coalitions of opposed interests. The Republican Party contains both socially conservative and socially liberal groups, though both tend to be pro-business. The increasing dominance of the social conservatives has angered some prominent Republicans, even causing a number of them to change party allegiance. Over time, the decreasing significance of the economic axis may cause the Republican Party to adopt policies that are analogous to those proposed by William Jennings Bryan in 1896: populist and anti-business. I
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Webber, Michael J. "Business, the Democratic Party, and the New Deal: An Empirical Critique of Thomas Ferguson's “Investment Theory of Politics”." Sociological Perspectives 34, no. 4 (1991): 473–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1389403.

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This paper contributes to the continuing debate on how structures of economic power are connected to political processes in the United States by examining a widely respected theory concerning the financial support for the two dominant parties during the New Deal. Thomas Ferguson's “investment theory of politics” purports to demonstrate that capital-intensive, internationalist firms supported the Democrats while the labor-intensive, nationalist firms supported the Republicans. Campaign finance contributions for the 1936 Presidential election were used as an empirical indicator of the political
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Linzer, Drew A. "The Relationship between Seats and Votes in Multiparty Systems." Political Analysis 20, no. 3 (2012): 400–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mps017.

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The relationship between a party's popular vote share and legislative seat share—its seats—votes swing ratio—is a key characteristic of democratic representation. This article introduces a general approach to estimating party-specific swing ratios in multiparty legislative elections, given results from only a single election. I estimate the joint density of party vote shares across districts using a finite mixture model for compositional data and then computationally evaluate this distribution to produce parties' expected change in legislative seats for plausible changes in their vote share. T
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Democratic Party Political parties United States"

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Sheward, William. "Populism in the white Southern Democratic Party with reference to Alabama and Mississippi." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.368056.

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Jarvis, Sharon E. "The talk of the party : political parties in American discourse, 1948-1996 /." Digital version accessible at:, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.

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Campbell, Andrea C. "Party government in the United States senate /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3064456.

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Campbell, Colin S. "Dead Center: Polarization and the Democratic Party, 1932-2000." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2016. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/3117.

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Polarization forced massive changes in the institutions of Washington throughout the 20th century, and the Democratic Party played a key role throughout. Under President Franklin D. Roosevelt, the Democratic Party formed the powerful New Deal coalition. The coalition faltered in the turbulent 1960s under the pressures of the Vietnam War and racial unrest. The chaotic 1968 Democratic National Convention in Chicago dealt the coalition a mortal wound. Young voters and activists gained an outsized voice in the party. Several crushing defeats in presidential elections followed as the party chose un
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Mason, John Lyman. "Majority party leadership in the U.S. House of Representatives, 1977-96 : sanction, inclusion, and protection /." Digital version accessible at:, 1998. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.

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Killian, Mitchell. "Moments of doubt and reassessment an examination of why individuals switch political parties /." online access from Digital Dissertation Consortium, 2007. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/er/db/ddcdiss.pl?3258476.

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Matlin, John S. "Political party machines of the 1920s and 1930s : Tom Pendergast and The Kansas City democratic machine." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2009. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/449/.

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This thesis is a study of American local government in the 1920s and 1930s and the role played by political party machines. It reviews the growth of overtly corrupt machines after the end of the Civil War, the struggle by the Progressives to reform city halls throughout America at the turn of the twentieth century and the rise of second phase machines at the end of the First World War. It analyses the core elements of machines, especially centralization of power, manipulation of incentives, leadership and “bossism”, and use of patronage. Throughout it emphasises that first and foremost, machin
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Karol, David. "Coalition management explaining party position change in American politics /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2005. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=994245991&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Beer, J. M. "Presidential selection in the United States : a case study of the 1979/80 Democratic Party campaign." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.355695.

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Barbe, Patricia Kaylene. "Metaphorically speaking : the metaphor as a frame of political action during the 1988 Democratic and Republican National Party Conventions /." Full-text version available from OU Domain via ProQuest Digital Dissertations, 1990.

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Books on the topic "Democratic Party Political parties United States"

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John, Ashworth. 'Agrarians' and'aristocrats': Party political ideology in the United States, 1837-1846. Cambridge University Press, 1987.

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Kayden, Xandra. The party goes on: Thepersistence of the two-party system in the United States. Basic Books, 1985.

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1936-, Mahe Eddie, ed. The party goes on: The persistence of the two-party system in the United States. Basic Books, 1985.

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Klinkner, Philip A. The losing parties: Out-party national committees, 1956-1993. Yale University Press, 1994.

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Brewe, Mark D. Party images in the American electorate. Routledge, 2008.

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1948-, Zvesper John, ed. American political parties: The formation, decline, and reform of the American party system. Routledge, 1991.

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Jaenicke, Douglas. The disruption of the antebellum Democratic Party as a harbinger of Southern secession from the Union: A neglected chapter in United States political history. Dept. of Government, Victoria University of Manchester, 1992.

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White party, white government: The politics of systematic racism. Routledge, 2012.

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Vincent, Lynn. Donkey cons: Sex, crime, and corruption in the Democratic Party. Nelson Current, 2006.

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Party wars: Polarization and the politics of national policy making. University of Oklahoma Press, 2006.

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Book chapters on the topic "Democratic Party Political parties United States"

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Baum, Matthew A., and Philip B. K. Potter. "Willing and Politically Able: Democratic Constraint and Coalition Joining." In War and Democratic Constraint. Princeton University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691164984.003.0005.

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This chapter examines the effects of party systems and media access on public attitudes and government decisions regarding coalition joining in the periods leading up to and immediately following the initiations of two distinct multinational military conflicts: Operation Iraqi Freedom in Iraq and Operation Enduring Freedom in Afghanistan. Drawing on cross-national data on public support for the Iraq War and Afghanistan invasion and the decisions of countries to contribute troops to the coalitions that the United States sought to assemble in both conflicts, the chapter shows that the quality and flow of information from whistleblowers mediates public support for intervention and leaders' responsiveness to public sentiment. Countries with more political parties were more likely to have populations opposed to the wars and to contribute fewer troops to the coalitions as their access to mass media increased. In contrast, in states with fewer parties, increased media access is associated with lower opposition to the wars and stronger troop commitments.
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Wilson, James Lindley. "Racial Vote Dilution and Gerrymandering." In Democratic Equality. Princeton University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691190914.003.0010.

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This chapter explores one important controversy bedeviling nonproportional, territorial-districting systems such as those that exist in the United States: the problem of racial minority vote dilution. Vote dilution is indeed a serious political injustice, and consideration conception demonstrates why. In some circumstances, districting schemes diluting minority votes reflect and promote broader deliberative neglect of certain minority groups-that is, they reflect and promote failures of consideration. Recognizing these injustices does not commit one to supporting the proportional representation of groups in the legislature. The discussions of proportional representation and vote dilution together reveal that the fair representation of groups requires a variety of forms of consideration, and that there are few institutional means that will universally guarantee those forms of consideration in all political societies. These analyses also explain what is objectionable about partisan gerrymandering—that is, efforts to draw districts to favor a particular political party. Such efforts deny various forms of consideration to supporters of other parties.
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Wagner, Wolfgang. "Debating Military Interventions." In The Democratic Politics of Military Interventions. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198846796.003.0005.

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Parliamentary debates on the military missions in Afghanistan and against Daesh in Canada, Germany, and the United Kingdom are analysed to demonstrate that political parties systematically differ in the way they frame the use of armed force. The analyses provide strong evidence for a left/right difference in approaching conflict generally. Left, and particularly radical left parties, exhibit ‘spiral model thinking’, i.e. a critical reflection on how one’s own policy contributes to the adversary’s behaviour. From this perspective, the threats posed by the Taliban and the jihadists of Daesh are not simply given, but their severity, at least in part, results from the intervening countries’ policy. In contrast, parties on the right have a higher tendency to take the nation state as their prime reference point and to argue in terms of national interests and national security. References to humanitarian universal values can be found across the political spectrum. A MANOVA analysis shows that an MP’s party family is a stronger predictor of the frames she will evoke than her nationality, further underlining the relevance of party politics for the study of military interventions and foreign policy more broadly.
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Hurtado-Torres, Sebastián. "The United States and the Last Two Years of the Frei Administration." In The Gathering Storm. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501747182.003.0007.

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This chapter addresses the congressional election of 1969, which took place in a landscape substantially different from that of 1965. Most political forces had endured transformative changes that led to the birth of new organizations, further internal polarization, or outright fragmentation. The Christian Democratic Party had suffered a predictable decrease in its popularity after four and a half years in government, during which many promises had been delivered on but no truly revolutionary change had been implemented. As shown by the internal fights of 1967–1968 and the attitude of its most likely presidential candidate for 1970, Radomiro Tomic, the Christian Democratic Party had lost the unity of purpose that had accounted for so much of its electoral success a few years earlier. Nevertheless, Eduardo Frei's personal popularity and the party's electoral following still allowed the Christian Democratic Party to stand as the strongest party in Chilean politics. The Radical Party had also been weakened by internal divisions; since 1967, the party had moved decisively, although not without conflict, to the left. Meanwhile, one of the most important Socialist leaders, Raúl Ampuero, created a new political movement in 1968, the Popular Socialist Union (USOPO), generously funded by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). The only party that had not endured any transformative crisis or substantial change in the years after the election of 1964 was the best organized and most united of all, the Communist Party.
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Charnock, Emily J. "When Business Is Not “Businesslike”." In The Rise of Political Action Committees. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190075514.003.0008.

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This chapter explores the initial resistance to the PAC concept within the business community and among conservatives more generally in the 1940s and 1950s. Though major business groups like the National Association of Manufacturers (NAM) and United States Chamber of Commerce had not entirely ignored elections to this point, they concentrated their energies following World War II on lobbying and publicity campaigns promoting “free enterprise,” while criticizing labor and liberal PACs as coercive, collectivist, and antidemocratic. They also placed faith in the “conservative coalition” of Republicans and Southern Democrats to protect their interests, reflecting their strong belief that both parties should and could promote business aims. As fears grew that labor had successfully “infiltrated” the Democratic Party, however, conservative activists urged business groups to be “businesslike” and respond to labor electioneering in kind. Business leaders thus began to contemplate a partisan electoral counterstrategy centered on the Republican Party.
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Galbraith, John Kenneth. "The Politics of Contentment." In The Culture of Contentment. Princeton University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691171654.003.0012.

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This chapter focuses on the politics of contentment. In the past, the contented and the self-approving were a small minority in any national entity, with the majority of the citizenry being relegated outside. In the United States, the favored are now numerous, greatly influential of voice and a majority of those who vote. This, and not the division of voters as between political parties, is what defines modern American political behavior and shapes modern politics. The chapter first considers the commitment of the Republican Party and the Democratic Party to the policies of contentment before discussing the effects of money and media on the politics of contentment. It also examines American electoral politics, social exclusion, and international relations in the context of the politics of contentment. Finally, it tackles the question of whether, and to what extent, the politics of contentment in the United States extends to other industrial countries.
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Hurtado-Torres, Sebastián. "The United States and the Presidential Election of 1970." In The Gathering Storm. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501747182.003.0008.

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This chapter studies the 1970 Chilean presidential election. As the Marxist Left had a good chance of winning, the 1970 election stood as a rare opportunity for a nation to head toward socialism by freely choosing an avowedly Marxist leader and an explicitly revolutionary project. The implications of such a choice, everyone understood, were enormous. From the viewpoint of Salvador Allende and the Left, the so-called “Chilean road to Socialism” would eventually lead to a thorough renovation of Chile's political framework and economic system and realize the goals of social justice long sought by the parties representing the true interests of the working class. From the viewpoint of anti-Marxist sensibilities, especially in the Christian Democratic Party, a government of Popular Unity could transform Chile's fine democracy into an authoritarian or dictatorial system like those of Cuba or Eastern Europe. On the international scene, an Allende victory would also have profound repercussions. An Allende victory would be a huge triumph for the cause of world revolution and, consequently, a crushing blow for the standing of the United States in the global Cold War.
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Bateman, David A., Ira Katznelson, and John S. Lapinski. "Uncertain Combinations." In Southern Nation. Princeton University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691126494.003.0003.

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This chapter visits the internal tensions within the various southern Democratic parties, which successfully united competing factions around the cause of white supremacy but whose unity was always tense and insecure. It begins by detailing the process of “redemption,” in which the Democratic Party across the South wrested control of state legislatures and national representation from biracial coalitions organized primarily within the Republican Party. It then examines the structure of political conflict in Congress, the site where southern diversity was transformed into regional solidarity, to show that the familiar story of the Black Belt as the core of southern solidarity must be revised. Turning to the substantive bases for southern unity and diversity, the chapter identifies the issue areas that implicated distinctively southern priorities and arrayed the region's members in diverse coalitions with northern Democrats and Republicans. From this set, it selects for detailed examination legislation that reflected competing intraregional priorities.
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Hurtado-Torres, Sebastián. "The United States and Chilean Politics in the Cold War." In The Gathering Storm. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501747182.003.0001.

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This introductory chapter provides an overview of the relationship between Eduardo Frei's Revolution in Liberty and the United States. For the United States foreign policy apparatus, the Christian Democratic Party of Chile appeared to be a model partner in the realization of the goals of the Alliance for Progress, the Latin American policy conceived by President John F. Kennedy and continued, though without the same level of enthusiasm and hope, by his successor, Lyndon B. Johnson. In its original conception, Kennedy's Latin American policy had ambitious economic, social, and political goals. The channeling of aid from the United States to Latin American countries in the 1960s sought to reflect the interplay between those aims, even if the implementation of the Alliance for Progress sorely lacked in consistency and constancy. In the case of Chile and Eduardo Frei's Revolution in Liberty, the exceptionally generous provision of aid by the United States went hand in hand with a deep involvement of agents of U.S. foreign policy, especially the political staff of the embassy in Santiago, in the day-to-day functioning of Chilean politics—welcomed and, in many cases, invited by local actors.
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Keßler, Mario. "Ossip K. Flechtheim (1909-1998)." In Transatlantic Radicalism, edited by Frank Jacob and Mario Keßler. Liverpool University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781800859609.003.0010.

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The political scientist Ossip Kurt Flechtheim (1909-1998) lived in different countries on both sides of the Atlantic: Germany, France, Switzerland, and the United States. He specialized in various fields of research: contemporary history, political science, and future studies, and he taught and wrote in several languages. Flechtheim belonged to three different parties of the left: before 1933 he was a member of the Communist Party of Germany (KPD). After his return to Berlin in 1952 he had joined the Social Democratic Party (SPD), which he then left in 1962. From 1979 until his death Flechtheim was a member of the Alternative Liste that was part of the ecological Green Party. Flechtheim’s work, which includes nearly twenty books and a great number of edited volumes, is devoted to crucial problems of the twentieth and the twenty-first century: to war and peace, democracy and dictatorship, fascism and anti-fascism, the north-south conflict, and capitalism and Communism in its various forms. The last chapter of the volume gives a biographical overview and tries to explain how Flechtheim’s life’s path between Europe and America influenced his thinking as a versatile scholar and radical socialist.
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Conference papers on the topic "Democratic Party Political parties United States"

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YEŞİLBURSA, Behçet Kemal. "THE FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN TURKEY (1908-1980)." In 9. Uluslararası Atatürk Kongresi. Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayınları, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51824/978-975-17-4794-5.08.

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Political parties started to be established in Turkey in the second half of the 19th century with the formation of societies aiming at the reform of the Ottoman Empire. They reaped the fruits of their labour in 1908 when the Young Turk Revolution replaced the Sultan with the Committee of Union and Progress, which disbanded itself on the defeat of the Empire in 1918. Following the proclamation of the Republic in 1923, new parties started to be formed, but experiments with a multi-party system were soon abandoned in favour of a one-party system. From 1930 until the end of the Second World War, t
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