Academic literature on the topic 'Democratic Party (S.C.)'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'Democratic Party (S.C.).'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Journal articles on the topic "Democratic Party (S.C.)"
1
Cox, Gary W., and Frances Rosenbluth. "Factional Competition for the Party Endorsement: The Case of Japan's Liberal Democratic Party." British Journal of Political Science 26, no. 2 (April 1996): 259–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400000454.
Full textAbstract:
This Note explores the candidate-endorsement process in the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) of Japan during its period of hegemony (1955–90). Even in parties without an enduring factional structure such as the LDP, nominations are often troublesome – witness, for example, the reselection controversy in Britain's Labour party at the end of the 1970s or the perennially damaging fights in American primary elections. Moreover, it is easy to understand why nomination politics is so consistently problematic: the gist of the problem is simply that different groups within a party may differ as to who should receive the party endorsement in a given district (or, in list systems, who should get the safe spots on the list). Group A naturally wants its candidate(s) endorsed (there may be more than one in multi-member districts), but so do groups B, C and D. The resulting interaction between groups can be what a game theorist would call a co-ordination, or Battle of the Sexes, game.
2
Pospíchal, Matěj. "Polska A, B i C? Volební geografie vybraných polských vojvodství." Středoevropské politické studie Central European Political Studies Review 19, no. 3-4 (December 1, 2017): 264–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cepsr.2017.34.264.
Full textAbstract:
The study focuses on spatial analysis of the general election results in Lower Silesia, Lodz and Lesser Poland voivodeships in a period between 2001 and 2015. Primary subjects of the analysis are political parties Law and Justice, Civic Platform, Polish People´s Party and Democratic Left Alliance, but particularly works also with the results of another parties (Self-Defence, League of Polish families, Modern). Standard electoral geography methodological methods, such as cartographic display of election results, correlation analysis and concentration of the election results measurement have been used on the local level and along with Polish and Czech literature review are included in the study. Main goal of the study was to find out if there are structural differences in terms of electoral support for the parties on both regional and voivodeship level. The analysis proved deeper context of the election results in the eastern regions along with a changing spatial structure of the Law and Justice support in the first decade of the 21st century and related deepening differences between voter bases of the Law and Justice and the Civic Platform- strongest parties in Poland. Findings of the analysis might be useful for upcoming research of the analysis of the electoral support in terms of regional differences.
3
Pashynska, Ahnessa Valeriivna. "РОЛЬ СОЦІОКУЛЬТУРНОГО ПРОСТОРУ У ФОРМУВАННІ СТІЙКОСТІ САМОІДЕНТИЧНОСТІ ЛЮДИНИ." SOCIAL WORK ISSUES: PHILOSOPHY, PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIOLOGY, no. 2 (14) (2019): 71–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.25140/2412-1185-2019-2(14)-71-76.
Full textAbstract:
Urgency of the research. The program of sustainable development of the world requires a philosophical study of sustainable development of the individual. Target setting. Since we live in a democratic society, the sustainable development of this society is possible only if each member of this society will be willing to achieve the goals of sustainable development of the world, the own sustainable development, in particular. Actual scientific researches and issues analysis. Most of the researches are devoted to economic, ecological or social analysis of sustainable development (Adamiak S., Blewitt J., James P., Richard C., Sachs J.D., Walczak D., Barinova V. A., Belotelov N. V., Bekh V. P., Bilyatsky S., Bobukh I., Bochkovskaya A., Brodsky Yu. I., Vatchenko O. B., Grebennikov V. O., Denisyuk S. P., Zharova L. V., Zemtsov S. P., Kashcheeva G. M., Klyuchko V. G., Lyashchenko I. S., Mirkin B. M., Naumova L. G., Nersesyan G. A., Olenev N. N., Onegina V. M., Pavlovsky Yu. N., Tarasova N. P.). The problem of sustainable human development in philosophical discourse is insufficiently studied. Uninvestigated parts of general matters defining. The issue about the base of sustainable human development requires more detailed research in the philosophical context. The research objective. The study of sustainable human development requires an analysis of the process of forming the sustainable self-identity and determining the role of sociocultural space in this process. The statement of basic materials. The article considers the sustainable self-identity as the base of human sustainable development. Internal and external human culture are defined as the main tools for gaining sustainable self-identity. It is noted that the sociocultural space of man is the environment for the development of their external culture and plays an important role in the assertion of man in the sustainable self-identity and personal sustainable development. Conclusions. The use of certain practices of sociocultural space can help a person to develop an external culture and achieve personal sustainable development. It is necessary to study the ways of involving a person with the sustainable self-identity in the sociocultural space and to identify the most effective practices for the development of external human culture.
4
Semashko, N. "SOCIALIST IDEOLOGY IN THE VIEWS OF S. PETLIURA AT THE BEGINNING OF THE 20th CENTURY." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 148 (2021): 62–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2021.148.10.
Full textAbstract:
The article considers the peculiarities of the social-democratic views of the prominent statesman Simon Vasilyevich Petliura in the period 1902-1917, that is, at the stage of forming his political worldview. The role of S. Petliura as one of the leading ideologues of the Ukrainian social democracy of the beginning of the XX century is determined. The attitude of S. Petliura to the Russian variants of marxism is analyzed, his views on European social democracy, the main issues of development of the Ukrainian people, and solving them through the prism of socialist ideas. His views on party building are studied, relations between the Ukrainian Social Democratic Workers 'Party and the Russian Social Democratic Workers' Party. The key positions of the Russian Social Democrats have been identified, which became the subject of sharp criticism of S. Petliura. It turned out that Simon Petliura was a supporter of the European version of Social Democracy, in particular on the issue of the right of nations to selfdetermination. S. Petliura entered into a sharp controversy with representatives of the Russian Social-Democracy, argued the falsity of their views on non-recognition of the right of the Ukrainian people to autonomy, appealing to the works of Karl Kautsky. S. Petliura did not share the centralizing policy of the Russian Marxists regarding party building, defending the right of the Ukrainian Social Democratic Workers' Party to an independent organizational structure. Socialist ideology in views S. Petliura was dominant, but had bright national features. The key stages of formation of the worldview of the figure are determined. The transformation of its ideological foundations is determined.
5
Strilets, V. V. "Religious issue in the activities of the party of Ukrainian radical-democrats (1905-1930's)." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 21 (December 18, 2001): 74–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2002.21.1231.
Full textAbstract:
The Ukrainian Democratic-Radical Party (UDRP) was formed as a result of the unification of the Ukrainian Democratic and Ukrainian radical party in 1905. Regarding religious affairs, the UDRP program required the separation of the Church from the state and the election of the clergy that was traditional for Ukraine. The party's foundations were local communities that existed autonomously and often raised and resolved on their own. In January, 1905, the Odessa community asked the Russian government to ensure the freedom to use the Ukrainian language in the church.
6
Granieri, Ronald J. "Politics in C Minor: The CDU/CSU between Germany and Europe since the Secular Sixties." Central European History 42, no. 1 (March 2009): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938909000016.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIn 1962, the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) faced an uncertain future. The governing party within the Federal Republic of Germany since the state's founding in 1949 (along with its Bavarian partner, the Christian Social Union, known collectively as the CDU/CSU or Union), the CDU had endured a bruising election campaign through the summer of 1961. The combination of a dynamic young Social Democratic challenger, Willy Brandt, and the building of the Berlin Wall had exposed frustration with the leadership style of octogenarian Chancellor and CDU Chair Konrad Adenauer, and cost the Union its absolute majority in the Bundestag. Electoral disappointment was followed by protracted coalition negotiations with the liberal Free Democratic Party (FDP), which nearly doubled its vote totals by promising voters a coalition “with the Union but without Adenauer.” The coalition negotiations dragged on well into late autumn and exposed internal divisions. Adenauer, the only chancellor the Federal Republic had ever known, had been forced to agree to retire before 1965 to allow his successor to prepare for the next campaign.
7
Raikivskyi, I. Y. "UKRAINIAN SOCIAL-DEMOCRACY IN THE PARTY-POLITICAL LIFE OF THE GALICIA OF THE SECOND HALF OF THE 1930-s." PRECARPATHIAN BULLETIN OF THE SHEVCHENKO SCIENTIFIC SOCIETY Idea, no. 4(56) (December 27, 2019): 122–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31471/2304-7410-2019-4(56)-122-136.
Full textAbstract:
The activities of the Ukrainian Social Democratic Party (USDP), founded in 1899, in the second half of the 1930s are highlighted. This party tried to combine the national idea and Marxism, took an active part in political life in Western Ukraine (until September 1939). The USDP used parliamentary methods for the creation of an independent Ukrainian socialist state, opposed the Ukrainian nationalist underground, and had a relationship with Polish and Jewish socialists. Since 1935, for the third time in the pre-war decade, the party has been a participant in the consolidation process of legal Ukrainian parties of national-state movements in Poland, which have periodically emerged under the influence of a number of internal and external factors. On the eve of the Second World War, the crisis of democratic forces, the rise of authoritarianism in various forms across Europe negatively affected the public influence of the USDP, as well as Social Democracy in general in the Second Polish Republic.
8
Awotokun, Kunle, and Olu Okotoni. "Governance and the Executive – Legislative Relations since Nigeria’s Fourth Republic (1999 – 2019) and Beyond." Public Administration Research 9, no. 2 (October 13, 2020): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/par.v9n2p28.
Full textAbstract:
The Year 2019 is very significant in the history of party politics in Nigeria. It marked a two decade of uninterrupted democratic regimes culminating in violent-free transition of political power from the defeated ruling political party, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) to the opposition Party-All Progressive Congress (APC). The cut-throat rivalries among the political parties, as represented in the Executive and legislature, have been responsible for the political instability of the previous republics. What has been responsible for the relative calm in the political space of Nigeria? How has political elites responded to the issue of governance since the inception of Nigeria’s Fourth Republic? How can the Nigerian state build and improve on the current political climate? These and other issues are what the paper has addressed.
The work relied contextually on secondary data for appropriate information germane to the work. The findings and analyses will benefit from prognosis that would be of immense value only not to Nigeria, but further implications for other African countries faced with similar political scenario.
9
Awofeso, Olu, and Paul A. Irabor. "Principle of Loyal Opposition: The Case of Political Parties in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic." Journal of Politics and Law 11, no. 4 (November 16, 2018): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v11n4p17.
Full textAbstract:
Modern understandings of democracy not only suggest a regime in which those who govern are selected through contested elections, but more fundamentally, a system of government in which parties lose elections. Yet, the mechanism of vertical accountability whereby the people can hold the ruling government responsible depends on parties in opposition providing choices for voters while remaining loyal to the idea of governmental power. Adopting the principle of loyal opposition as the basis of this study in the Nigerian context, we try to interrogate whether the duty to serve as “government in-waiting’’ equally affects how the duty to critique the actions of the government is performed. The study further probed; can a ruling party cope with the criticism of the opposition party? To answer these questions, the study argued that it is tempting not to assume that, the institution of political party is still at its lowest ebb despite the successful democratic transition in Nigeria since 1999, and the alternation of political power resulting in the change of party in government from the People’s Democratic Party to the All Progressives Congress in 2015. These issues have consequences for the principle of loyal opposition and democratic stability in Nigeria.
10
Pappas, Takis S. "Populist Democracies: Post-Authoritarian Greece and Post-Communist Hungary." Government and Opposition 49, no. 1 (July 19, 2013): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2013.21.
Full textAbstract:
This article makes the case for a novel democratic subtype,populist democracy, indicating a situation in which both the party in office and at least the major opposition force(s) in a pluralist system are populist. Based on a minimal definition of populism as ‘democratic illiberalism’, and through the comparative analysis of post-authoritarian Greece and post-communist Hungary, the article reveals the particular stages, as well as the causal mechanisms, that may prompt the emergence of populist democracy in contemporary politics. It also points to the tendency of such systems to produce polarized two-party systems, and it calls for further research on the topic.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Democratic Party (S.C.)"
1
Erdemir, Omer. "A Comparative Approach To National Protection Law (1940-1956)." Master's thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12605670/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
A COMPARATIVE APPROACH TO NATIONAL PROTECTION LAW (1940-1956)
Erdemir, Ömer M.A, Department of History Supervisor: Prof.Dr. Seç
il Karal Akgü
n December 2004, 130 pages This thesis introduces a comparative history of National Protection Law of 1940 and 1956. It analyzes the two applications of the law, first, by the Republican People&rsquo
s Party governments during World War II, and second, by the Democratic Party Government during the years between 1956 and 1960 in view of the general economic policies followed during both periods. It argues, in reference to the ideological struggle over Turkish economic development during the twentieth century, that the enactments and applications of the first and second National Protection Law address the authoritarian characteristics of both the Republican People&rsquo
s Party and the Democratic Party. It further argues, the enactment and application of National Protection Law by the Democratic Party government contradicted with the party&rsquo
s economic principles whereas the Republican governments had already been on the interventionist path that they inherited from the previous decade of etatism. In addition, the thesis reveals that the first National Protection Law was more widely applied than the second. In both cases, the application of National Protection Law failed to solve economic problems and aroused a public discontent which brought about political losses for its executors.
2
Sahin, Turker. "Internal And External Dynamics Of Transition To Democracy In Turkey Between 1945 And 1950." Master's thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12615158/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
The main objective of this thesis is to examine both external and internal dynamics in terms of their preparation for the ways to democratization in Turkey between 1945 and 1950. It was asserted in many academic and nonacademic works that the main influences for democratization of Turkey in this period came from outside as external dynamics. But in this study, it will be argued that while the external dynamics may stimulate different actors for democratization, survival and consolidation of this democratization process requires internal dynamics more than the external ones. In order to check the validity of this argument, the thesis focuses on Turkish democratization period between 1945 and 1950. This historical interval is importantbecause, although there were some efforts for transition to democratic regime by that time, all those efforts failed due to the unpreparedness of the Turkish rulers, the Turkish people, and also insufficient social, economic and political conditions in the country. Within the five year period between 1945 and 1950, both the internal and the external dynamics which would contribute democratization in Turkey had changed. The new conditions emerging from the WW II and the post war period transformed economic, political, and social structures of the society that changed expectations in the country. All these dynamics playing important roles in the democratization of Turkey will be mentioned in the thesis. The period in the thesis will start with the termination of the WW II and it will end with the general elections held on May 14, 1950.
3
Pinheiro, Pedro Portocarrero. "Para entender o fenômeno Carter: governo, partido e movimentos sociais num contexto de crise." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFF, 2013. https://appdesenv.uff.br/riuff/handle/1/253.
Full textAbstract:
Submitted by Maria Dulce (mdulce@ndc.uff.br) on 2014-02-19T20:52:00Z
No. of bitstreams: 1
Pinheiro, Pedro-Disser-2013.pdf: 1494000 bytes, checksum: 4ace873d951330464bcf5d136a1d6a74 (MD5)Made available in DSpace on 2014-02-19T20:52:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pinheiro, Pedro-Disser-2013.pdf: 1494000 bytes, checksum: 4ace873d951330464bcf5d136a1d6a74 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013
Este trabalho procura dar conta da ascensão de Jimmy Carter dentro do Partido Democrata, no caminho percorrido por ele até chegar à presidência dos EUA. Não se trata, contudo, de uma biografia; o trabalho procura inserir a trajetória pessoal de Carter no contexto maior das transformações políticas, sociais e econômicas pelas quais passavam os EUA na década de 70. Para tanto, concebemos uma tríade de atores sociais, composta por militantes profissionais do partido, integrantes de movimentos sociais e funcionários tecnocratas da área econômica. Nosso objetivo é observar pontos de interação e atritos entre esses agentes, dentro e fora do governo, de modo a compreender a formação de uma cultura política específica do Partido Democrata, cuja origem está no seu processo de nacionalização e unificação. Procuramos ainda relacionar a crise de governabilidade enfrentada por Carter durante seu mandato com as estratégias legislativas do governo, as condicionantes econômicas e políticas do período, e a percepção do governo e da liderança pessoal de Carter por parte da opinião pública.
This study is an attempt to understand the rise pf Jimmy Carter inside the Democratic Party, on his way to the presidency of the United States. It isn’t a biography, however, this work tries to frame Carter’s personal path inside the larger context of the political, social and economic changes of United States during the 70’s. For this purpose, we conceived a triad of social actors, composed by professional politicians of the party, members of social movements and technocrats of the economic area. Our goal is to observe points of interaction and conflicts among these agents, inside and outside the government, in order to understand the building of a political culture that is specific of the Democratic Party, whose origin is related to its process of nationalization and unification. We try also to relate the crisis of governability faced by Carter during his term with the legislative strategies of the administration, the economic and political constraints of the period, and the perception of the government and of Carter’s personal leadership by the public opinion.
4
Hsieh, Jui-Ming, and 謝瑞明. "Democratic Progressive Party ’s Factionalism: 2000-2008." Thesis, 2013. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/85465593892900799914.
Full textAbstract:
博士中國文化大學
政治學系
101
The following research is related to the development of factions, which consists of setting, form, range and reason in the DPP government time. Such a development could be comparable to traditional faction. The result of the research is that the operations of factions influence the political decisions and political powers in the DPP. The relationship between the different factions is very complicated. Political power is centralized in President Chen Shui-Bian, Justice Alliance faction and New Tide faction. But since that the actual affair can unite the different faction in the party, which bring about ruling-group and opposition-group. Additionally, the original existing faction split himself. Traditionally, factional politics apply collegiate system and shared governance. However, this situation has been mitigated by centralizing president’s authority. Dominant faction was led by Chen Shui-bian or local leaders during ruling period. The reasons that influence factions consist of president, government policy, constitutional structure and electoral system. Chen Shui-bian played a key role in party affairs, election and policy during his ruling period. After the outbreak of the relevant scandal, President Chen Shui-bian and his faction lost prestige. In the meanwhile, the operations of the factions return to traditional model. The equal, normal and institutional faction in the past had gradually transferred into an individual servant faction under the ruling of self-interest dominant by Chen Shui-bian and other central leaders refer above. And this resulted in the complexity of the factions, which had changed right after the eruption of the scandals. On the other hand, perceiving from the aspect of the comparative feature and range, the operation of faction in DDP was accessible to the public, however, it has changed into a reserved form since the ruling period, and the range of competition was restricted to the people in the core of ruling, especially to former president Chen Shui-bian and other senior leadership. Moreover, from the view of the development of factions, there are some similarity between DDP and LDP (Liberal Democratic Party) in Japan, since that they both transferred their faction from a multiple form into a single and co-leading form. Therefore, the positive and comparative function of DDP had strongly diminished since the ruling in 2000, not to mention the public, democratic and multiple features under the competition of faction had also profoundly decreased since the ruling. And this is undoubtedly the main reason that led to the end of eight- year-executive governance.
5
Lu, An-Yen, and 盧安彥. "A Study on Liberal Democratic party''s political dominance (1955-2009)." Thesis, 2013. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/9a7z9y.
Full text
6
Lu, Jing-Yi, and 呂靜宜. "The Verification Of China Communist Party''s Inner Democratic Process.(1978-2007)." Thesis, 2008. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/fgasye.
Full textAbstract:
碩士國立中山大學
大陸研究所
96
The Democratic centralism, Chinese communist traced up the soviet regime, is not only the main principle of communist party organizing in china but written on the Chinese constitution for directing the public behavior. Since china communist becoming the national ruler, comrades had devoted their efforts to make sure of the c Chinese communist party could be the only one political party ruler for eternity. The highest political organization is the people representative convention what adapts the way of one that combines the congress and executive department. No matter what the communist party’ s political power or government’ s executive power all have to obey the principle of the democratic centralism converging the political power from basic comrades and local parity organizations to top leadership. So the democratic centralism is not like western democratic, the minor obeys the mass, but the political powers are together upon the leadership. Even though the democratic centralism is helpful to maintain the party’s assertion for the china communist party, the only one political ruler party. Because of political power of leadership has not been restricted resulting in what the regime legitimately has not been convicted. Mao was dead after the china culture revolution had ceased has left the china disarrangement and disable Chinese communist party. All things seemed went to bright side after the new successor, Den, held the leadership and drove whole Chinese economy and political more openness. Since 1978, China goes evolution and keeps the openness policy with two ways, economy and political. The time of planning economy was committed to replace the function of socialization, national distribution, curbing the production resources, all factors depended the Chinese communist party regime no matter what is labors in the city or the farmers in the country. Since openness policy, the marketing economy had replaced the panning economy becoming the main policy and the regime ceased to play the role in distribution of the national resources. People have to make life not depend the regime but maintain the right of political and fight for the political participation. Chinese communist party is afraid of losing her regime, therefore not dare to react the provoking of civilian political demand and consciousness. The dilemma situation turns the discrimination of content and process time table in political and economy comes up. People discontent force the Jiang secretary general to announce“ the inner party democracy is the spirit of communist party, demonstrating the public democracy “ for response the requiring of people. Because of the regime losing the ability of introspecting and reacting the political power centralization make a tough problem Chinese communist have to face and try to solute. Through the remedy way of conciliation the relationship between nation and society intent to maintain the one political party authority and relieve regime’s political crisis. Even though, the regime does suffer the turbulence of fighting between the conservative school and evolution school and could not conglomerate whole schools advance forward peaceful. So the regime uses the tiny political evolution in executive department as a buffer of comprising democracy evolution and defensive one party authority. This dissertation try to find out public democracy by the performance of Chinese communist inner democracy through the party’s leader system, decisive, supervising, election, talent selection and political power inherit. The study find out Chinese communist party inner democracy spot on the perfect of executive system for up grade the executive ability and maintain the legitimately. As we knew there are no any relation between the party inner democracy and public democracy.
7
Cheng, Yu-kai, and 鄭宇凱. "Democratic Progressive Party''s legislator primary election continuance and change." Thesis, 2013. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/48888470245497647663.
Full textAbstract:
碩士銘傳大學
公共事務學系碩士班
101
Good governance is the foundation of democratic politics, and it had shown many different styles in Public administration. To explore the comprehensive meaning of “Governance”, this study tried to use content analysis approach to investigate the history of Social sciences journal literature in Taiwan. This analysis aimed to merge the data from beginning, procedure, transition on the basis of each key time point and prospect future development, using qualitative, quantitative and social network analysis. We collected many keywords and concepts and the different interpretations from Taiwan''s journal literatur, in order to tease out clear and complete "governance" appearance. Governance should be developed and reformed by the time changes, and is not on the basis of nations as an only object. To integrate public, private organization and voluntary groups as a network could build a strong civil society. The government then becomes a relative powerful organization to collaborate with other organizations. Based on the“Governance”concept, the government can adjust their role and set boundary between state and society. Under such concept, a public governance that citizens seek for can be built. The more deep theoretical analysis was conducted, the better model of governance could be built to lead Taiwan''s civil society.
8
CHIU, YAO-HUI, and 邱耀輝. "A Study on the Evolutions of the Democratic Progressive Party 's Cross-Strat Policies." Thesis, 2017. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/w86gn9.
Full textAbstract:
碩士國立中正大學
戰略暨國家安全碩士在職專班
105
With the return to power in 2016, the ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) has to encounter and address the cross-Strait relations affecting the existence and development of Taiwan under the circumstances of the rise of the People’ Republic of China (PRC). The cross-Strait issues involve the behaviors of the PRC, the attitude of the US government, and the viewpoints of opposition parties and people in Taiwan. Since the establishment on September 28th, 1986, the DPP had taken over the reins of presidency of the Republic of China (ROC) in 2000 and 2016, being in power for 8 years and being out of office for 8 years. During the 16 years, there are abundant references of the DPP’s China policies, and the PRC, the US, and the Kuomintang (KMT) respectively proposed different perspectives, standpoints and criticism, with the fluctuations of Taiwanese opinions. Only the PRC would resume cross-Strait talks on the premise that the Tsai Ing-wen administration accepts the “1992 consensus” insisted on by Beijing, so the DPP has to reflect upon history to find optimal ways and strategies to get through the stagnant cold-peace period. The study tries to generalize the evolutions and the changes of the DPP’s past statements on the PRC, understand the reasons leading to those changes, and explore the opportunities and challenges the DPP would face when formulating future China policies.
9
Wang, Yao-Ching, and 王耀慶. "A Study of Democratic Progressive Party''s Mainland Policy Evolution--The Analysis of Impacts of Policy Variable." Thesis, 2001. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/47350582328468841930.
Full textAbstract:
碩士國立暨南國際大學
公共行政與政策學系
89
The purpose of this study is to examine the impact of policy variable on Democratic Progressive Party’s (DPP) mainland policy evolution. The main hypothesis of this thesis is that, these policy variables have impact on the process and outcome of DPP’s mainland policy evolution. These policy variables include “faction-decision structure”, “Taiwan-independence discourse”, “party competition”, “vote maximization”, etc. Chapter 2 mainly focuses on the change and development of the mainland policy after DPP was established in 1986. The chapter described DPP’s mainland policy evolution. Faction-decision structure, the subject of chapter 3, is the major variable of DPP’s mainland policy. This chapter discussed the relation between DPP factions and DPP’s mainland policy. Their relation seemed quite close. To continue chapter 3, chapter 4 argues the other variables. This chapter mentions several concepts including “Taiwan-independence discourse”, “party competition”, “vote maximization”, etc. Further, it argued the relation between “Taiwan-independence (ideal) vs. come into power (real)” and DPP’s mainland policy. Finally, the study mentions some comments about DPP’s mainland policy evolution.
10
Chen, Yao-kung, and 陳耀功. "German Social Democratic Party's development and changes in labor market policy as an example (1998-2005)." Thesis, 2010. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/98446684401185275206.
Full textAbstract:
碩士東吳大學
德國文化學系
98
German Social Democratic Party won the Bundestag election in 1998 and with the Greens for the first time the Red-Green coalition government. Federal Chancellor Gerhard Schr?丼er accepted the British Prime Minister Tony Blair "The Third Way" concept, and proposed the German reforms that met the needs of the "die Neue Mitte", and in June 1999 with British Prime Minister Tony Blair jointly issued the "Schr?丼er-Blair Papier". The " Schr?丼er-Blair Papier" revealed the emergence of Germany for the direction of reform, and for the German Social Democratic Party itself was a breakthrough over the years. For the four years the first time the ruling Red-Green government (1998-2002), in the labor market policy reforms were not substantial, therefore, the most fundamental problem of unemployment had not improved. In September 2002 after the German Social Democratic Party re-election, the Federal Chancellor Gerhard Schr?丼er began his series of large-scale reforms, including the start of the Hartz concept and the subsequent Agenda 2010 before the election. Both for the German social welfare system and labor market reforms enacted, Chancellor Gerhard Schr?丼er looked forward to the two reform packages, to thoroughly address the problems facing Germany. This article aims to examine what the German Social Democratic Party have been done after ruling in 1998, and the party is the political party traditionally that focuses on the unemployment problem. Hartz concept and the Agenda 2010 were the German Social Democratic Party’s significant changes in the labor market policy, social policy, economic policy and other in power seven years (1998-2005);what kind of impact caused by these changes in the domestic environment, and the Social Democratic Party itself? In particular, the Agenda 2010 and the Hartz concept Ⅲ, Ⅳ, the whole line will completely get rid of the stereotype of the traditional Social Democratic Party, should be further explored. Keyword: German Social Democratic Party、Labor markt policy、Agenda 2010、Hartz concept
Books on the topic "Democratic Party (S.C.)"
1
The gambler king of Clark Street: Michael C. McDonald and the rise of Chicago's Democratic machine. Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 2009.
Find full text
2
Whistling past Dixie: How Democrats can win without the South / c. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2006.
Find full text
3
Charles, Derber, ed. The new feminized majority: How Democrats can change America with women' s values. Boulder, Colo: Paradigm Publishers, 2008.
Find full text
4
Branford, Sue. Politics transformed: Lula and the Workers' Party in Brazil. London: Latin America Bureau, 2003.
Find full text
5
Bridgen, Paul. Welfare policy under the Conservatives, 1951-1964: A guide to documents in the Public Record Office. London: Public Record Office, 1998.
Find full text
6
Inc, Game Counselor. Game Counselor's Answer Book for Nintendo Players. Redmond, USA: Microsoft Pr, 1991.
Find full text
8
Roger C. Sullivan and the Making of the Chicago Democratic Machine, 1881-1908. McFarland & Company, Incorporated Publishers, 2016.
Find full text
9
Green, Matthew N. Underdog Politics: The Minority Party in the U. S. House of Representatives. Yale University Press, 2015.
Find full text
10
Green, Matthew N. Underdog Politics: The Minority Party in the U. S. House of Representatives. Yale University Press, 2015.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Democratic Party (S.C.)"
1
Lynch, John Roy. "1875: Democratic Victory." In Reminiscences of an Active Life, edited by John Hope Franklin, 181–92. University Press of Mississippi, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.14325/mississippi/9781604731149.003.0022.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter looks at the Democratic victory in 1875. Although as a result of the sanguinary revolution in 1875 there was no hope or prospect of future Republican success in Mississippi, the Republican leaders in that state did not abandon their efforts to bring about and reestablish friendly relations between Senator Alcorn and Governor Ames. With that end in view, both were made delegates to the National Republican Convention of 1876 from the state at large. But this failed to accomplish the purpose desired. When the newly elected legislature met the first Monday in January of 1876, the fact was developed that the Lamar faction was slightly in the ascendancy in the Democratic party. This, of course, resulted in the election of Mr. L. Q. C. Lamar to the United States Senate to succeed Senator Alcorn whose term would expire on March 4, 1877.
2
Wolkenstein, Fabio. "Failures of Partisan Deliberation." In Rethinking Party Reform, 125–46. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198849940.003.0007.
Full textAbstract:
Although the picture of intra-party deliberation that emerges in Chapters 4 and 5 is generally very positive, it is important to note that some of the party groups that were studied for this book proved to be less deliberative than others. Those groups provided good preconditions for deliberation, yet their actual deliberations displayed numerous shortcomings. This chapter examines these shortcomings, looking closely at three types of ‘deliberative failure’—(a) group splits and defection; (b) cases where deliberation does not arise, or only seldom arises; and (c) polarizing tendencies. The chapter also sketches a number of institutional devices for making deliberative failures tractable and concludes that even though deliberative failures will be difficult to avoid in an internally deliberative party, their most harmful effects can be limited through institutional design; so, the fact that deliberation sometimes fails does not speak against a deliberative model of intra-party democracy as a whole. This is important as the proposal of a more deliberative and thus democratic party the book advances is meant to be feasible and functional even under difficult conditions.
3
Woods, Michael E. "Rule or Ruin." In Arguing until Doomsday, 177–211. University of North Carolina Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469656397.003.0007.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter focuses on the 1860 presidential election and the final rupture of the antebellum Democratic Party. As Stephen Douglas and Jefferson Davis collided in a series of Senate debates over slavery, self-government, and the western territories, their Democratic Party self-destructed in its national convention held in Charleston, South Carolina. Unwilling to accept Douglas as a candidate or popular sovereignty as party doctrine, southern Democrats bolted the convention, nominated John C. Breckinridge for president, and campaigned on a frankly proslavery and anti-majoritarian platform. Northern Democrats rallied behind Douglas and popular sovereignty, completing the party fracture. The election of Abraham Lincoln and subsequent secession crisis pushed Davis and Douglas’s wings of the Democracy even further apart. Douglas denounced secession and urged compromise, while Davis tentatively pivoted toward Mississippi secessionists.
4
Mickey, Robert. "Driven from the House of Their Fathers." In Paths Out of Dixie. Princeton University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691133386.003.0005.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter examines President Harry S. Truman's commitment of the National Democratic Party to the cause of racial equality and the responses to them by Deep South authoritarian enclaves. It first provides an overview of the central state, national party, and southern enclaves during the period 1932–1946 before discussing the causes and consequences of the revolt by the States' Rights Party (SRP), also known as the Dixiecrats. It then considers southern enclaves' growing unease with the national party through the 1930s and 1940s, along with the experiences of South Carolina, Mississippi, and Georgia. It shows that the Truman shock and responses to it varied within the Deep South depending on different configurations of intraparty conflict and party–state institutions.
5
Smith, Adam I. P. "The ‘Fortunate Banner’: Languages of Democracy in the United States, c.1848." In Re-imagining Democracy in the Age of Revolutions, 28–39. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199669158.003.0003.
Full textAbstract:
By the mid-nineteenth century, inhabitants of the United States generally agreed that they lived in a democratic state and society. But uses of the term were complicated by the fact that it also had partisan associations: one group of politicians claimed to be par excellence leaders of ‘the Democracy’. This party had no single or unchanging political identity: it was strongly backed in slave states, but also had white working-class supporters who pushed egalitarian notions hard. Their Whig opponents were not prepared to surrender the language of democracy to them, yet they were more ambivalent about endorsing it, and sometimes distinguished restrained and principled forms of democracy, which they favoured, from vulgar populist forms. The effect of the European revolutions of 1848 in the United States was to encourage the drawing of such distinctions.
6
Jouet, Mugambi. "Between Democracy and Plutocracy." In Exceptional America. University of California Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520293298.003.0006.
Full textAbstract:
Wealth inequality is much sharper in America than all other industrialized countries. The income of the richest 1% Americans has soared while the income of ordinary people either decreased or stagnated in recent decades. However, America used to be a rather middle-class society. It was not before the 1980s that the G.O.P.’s far-right branch grew more influential in challenging the oppression of “big government.” New Deal era policies were gradually abandoned and wealth inequality soared. Ronald Reagan claimed that “fascism was really the basis for the New Deal,” and his heirs followed suit in denouncing the federal government’s “tyranny.” Overall, the center of the U.S. political debate on economic issues is drastically more to the right than in Europe, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. The Democratic Party is far less devoted to the interests of the poor, the working-class, and the middle-class than other left-wing parties in the West. The G.O.P. tends to cater only to the richest of the rich, unlike virtually no other major conservative party in the modern Western world.
7
Metzmeier, Kurt X. "The Banker." In Writing the Legal Record. University Press of Kentucky, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813168609.003.0012.
Full textAbstract:
The details of the life of James Parks Metcalfe are elusive, despite his success as a lawyer, banker, and civic leader. He thrived as a behind-the-scenes operator, advising both politicians and clients while quietly building a fortune that would take him from his widowed mother’s rural home to an estate in the suburbs of Lexington. He was an adviser to Kentucky governor Lazarus Powell and to congressman, US vice president, and Confederate general John C. Breckinridge, as well as a member of the Central Committee of the Kentucky Democratic Party. He promoted Lexington’s growth through the establishment of the University of Kentucky.
8
Nash, Philip. "Eugenie M. Anderson." In Breaking Protocol, 104–31. University Press of Kentucky, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813178394.003.0006.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter studies the appointments of Eugenie Anderson as ambassador to Denmark (1949–1953) and minister to Bulgaria (1962–1964). Anderson began as a prominent activist in Minnesota’s Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party. Dispatched to Cold War Denmark by President Harry S. Truman, Anderson reached out publicly like Owen and Harriman had, calling this approach “people’s diplomacy.” For example, she learned Danish, which wowed her hosts. After Anderson returned to Minnesota politics, President John F. Kennedy appointed her minister to Bulgaria, making her the first female US chief of mission in a Communist country. This was a hardship post, but Anderson drew rave reviews for the job she did standing up to an odious Stalinist regime. Anderson’s record, including being the first American woman to sign a treaty, likely establishes her as the most gifted of the early woman envoys.
9
Calabresi, Steven Gow. "The Republic of South Africa." In The History and Growth of Judicial Review, Volume 1, 337–62. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190075774.003.0010.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter explores the origins and growth of judicial review in South Africa. Judicial review originated in South Africa in 1994 for rights from wrongs reasons. The great moral wrongs of racist Afrikaner and British imperial rule could only be overcome with a new Democratic Constitution, accepted by blacks and whites, with a very generous Bill of Rights that is enforced by a very powerful Constitutional Court. The African National Congress (ANC) party, led by Nelson Mandela, had called for a Bill of Rights and judicial review ever since the 1950s. In the 1990’s, the ANC got its wish. South African judicial review also result, in part, from borrowing. South Africans borrowed heavily from the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms of 1982 and from the German Basic Law of 1949. South Africa particularly borrowed from Germany the idea of creating one very powerful Constitutional Court, which alone has the power of judicial review in South Africa.
10
Šepec, Miha. "Doping v športu - pravni vidiki v Republiki Sloveniji." In Medicina, pravo in družba: sodobne dileme IV, 73–86. University of Maribor Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18690/978-961-286-478-1.6.
Full textAbstract:
In the article, the authoress deals with the problem of liability for damages in the health care sector. In Slovenia and comparative law the s. c. classic system still prevails. That is a fault-based compensation system, which is used in all cases of determining liability for damages and therefore does not apply only to health care. However, in some countries, due to the problems caused by the aforementioned systems, they have decided to introduce the s. c. no-guilt damages system. An essential feature of such compensation schemes is the payment of (major) medical damage to the patient, even in cases where the physician's fault is not precisely established. It is mainly about enforcing the principle of protecting the rights of the weaker party (a patient), when interfering with one of his greatest goods (his/her health). This trend is also increasingly present in classic compensation systems: primarily, the rules of civil litigation are being softened.
Conference papers on the topic "Democratic Party (S.C.)"
1
Kuba, Ondřej, and Jan Stejskal. "The Analysis of Coalition Parties´ Election Programme Fulfillment: Czech Case Study." In 2nd International Conference on Business, Management and Finance. Acavent, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.33422/2nd.icbmf.2019.11.776.
Full textAbstract:
In multi-party democratic systems, where there is no absolute majority, the political parties are forced to cooperate. The cooperation is built on negotiations that result in several side effects including also concessions and compromises in the program. This analysis focused on the fulfillment of the coalition party promises in the Czech Republic, specifically on Prime Minister Bohuslav Sobotka´s government. The input data of the research consisted of a prepared set of testable political promises from the pre-election programs of selected political parties. The promises were compared with the contents of the coalition agreement, the government’s policy statement. It was found that coalition political parties selected by the government within the framework of coalition cooperation managed to enforce approximately 36 % of their election promises. At the program level, 24 % of promises were enforced. In areas that increase the personal budget of voters, government political parties have pushed 76 % of promises. Regardless of their cooperation, they made approx. 52 % of the election promises during the parliamentary term. The dominant party of the government was the CSSD.
2
Dey, Rajib Kumar, and Srivatsan K. Iyengar. "Integrity Management: II — Pipeline Operation and Maintenance." In ASME 2015 India International Oil and Gas Pipeline Conference. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/iogpc2015-7962.
Full textAbstract:
Oil & Gas pipeline industry has experience external corrosion and damage impacting its structural integrity for decades. Over 30 years, composite technology has been implemented to strengthen pipelines back to its design condition. The composite application is very common for pipelines of all sizes having operating temperatures from ambient to 60 deg. C. ONGC – Uran plant is a major facility to process crude oil with associated gas and condensate received from Mumbai High through Subsea pipeline. Regeneration Column was designed for 50 PSI with Design Temperature of 130 Deg. C. and insulated skin. Weather and humidity was accelerating external corrosion around stiffener rings to the point that, it warranted a shutdown to replace either a section or full tower, thereby impacting the production throughput of ONGC-Uran facility. ONGC hired M/s. EIL as a consulting company to map out extent of corrosion and to identify area needed attention to rehabilitate. Consultant recommended to go for weld build up in identified LML areas (Local Metal Loss) through a planned shutdown of the column. We were aware about composite technology and further investigation helped to find the right combination of Carbon and High Temperature Epoxy system meeting our requirement through online repair and rehabilitation avoiding shutdown of Regeneration Column. We selected Carbon with high temperature epoxy based composite system designed for 130 deg. C and installation between 90 to 110 deg. C. Composite application system was designed accordingly and a third party inspection agency was hired to witness prototype tests and composite application techniques. Bonding of Carbon Composite to the Carbon Steel pipe of equivalent grade was successfully tested in the lab. After infield application, the thickness and hardness of composite system were measured throughout the repaired area during and after the process by TPI. Project was completed by T.D. Williamson in end 2012.
3
Flores Miranda, Margarita Beatriz. "Proposal for a systemic process: Managing the creative abilities of students pursuing the architectural studio at mexican universities." In Systems & Design: Beyond Processes and Thinking. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/ifdp.2016.3644.
Full textAbstract:
“Education´s goal is the ability to master life with self-creative forces, in order to achieve something good and beautiful.” Götze, C. (1898). Das kind als Künstler Projects at Mexican schools of architecture often focus on conventional issues of dimension and function; in a country with the largest number of students in the architectural discipline there is an existing disinterest in the appropriation of knowledge, exploration of complexity, and expression of ideas. Such a disinterest calls for the evolution of architectural education. This research proposes it is possible to manage the creative forces of individuals. A working model composed of distinct components will be generated to stimulate areas related to artistic development. In preparation, essential components of the model have been extracted by analysis from the Bauhaus Preliminary Course developed by Johannes Itten, considering its influence on sequential tutors as well as its moment of historic implementation (1918-1923). The objective is to transform Itten´s pedagogy by means of a systemic design process focusing on the development of creative skills. The first methodological approach has been extracted from three of Itten’s thematic fields, each structured by a set of common elements: principle, objective, common material, exercises, and phases (Fig. 1). The sets are related according to their role in the development of talent as a means to discern and reveal artistic character: - BEING UNDER CONSTRUCTION: A physical-soul-spiritual unity that incorporates artistic education through exercises for awakening the body and intellectual harmonization (Fig. 1a). - BALANCED COMPOSITION: Refinement of the senses through intuitive analysis of artistic structures and a critical drawing of reality (Fig. 1b). - CONTRAST: The art of objectivity through the study of opposites: feeling-thinking, intuition-intellect, expression-construction (Fig. 1c). A responsible party, acting as structural element, directs the capacities stimulated within the group and materialized by cohesive exercises, guiding students to define an authentic trajectory: - FAMILIARIZATION: Understanding the bases. - EXPERIMENTATION: Articulation of new configurations. - APPROPRIATION: Creation from the unknown. - OPERATION: Execution in real-time. - REDIRECTION: Return to the origin to adjust and resume. By asserting the student is the center of his or her unique working model the implementation of this method in architectural studios allows for the assignment of any creative exercise and is suitable for all levels of investigation.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/IFDP.2016.3644