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Journal articles on the topic 'Democratic Party (S.C.)'
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1
Cox, Gary W., and Frances Rosenbluth. "Factional Competition for the Party Endorsement: The Case of Japan's Liberal Democratic Party." British Journal of Political Science 26, no. 2 (April 1996): 259–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400000454.
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This Note explores the candidate-endorsement process in the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) of Japan during its period of hegemony (1955–90). Even in parties without an enduring factional structure such as the LDP, nominations are often troublesome – witness, for example, the reselection controversy in Britain's Labour party at the end of the 1970s or the perennially damaging fights in American primary elections. Moreover, it is easy to understand why nomination politics is so consistently problematic: the gist of the problem is simply that different groups within a party may differ as to who should receive the party endorsement in a given district (or, in list systems, who should get the safe spots on the list). Group A naturally wants its candidate(s) endorsed (there may be more than one in multi-member districts), but so do groups B, C and D. The resulting interaction between groups can be what a game theorist would call a co-ordination, or Battle of the Sexes, game.
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Pospíchal, Matěj. "Polska A, B i C? Volební geografie vybraných polských vojvodství." Středoevropské politické studie Central European Political Studies Review 19, no. 3-4 (December 1, 2017): 264–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cepsr.2017.34.264.
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The study focuses on spatial analysis of the general election results in Lower Silesia, Lodz and Lesser Poland voivodeships in a period between 2001 and 2015. Primary subjects of the analysis are political parties Law and Justice, Civic Platform, Polish People´s Party and Democratic Left Alliance, but particularly works also with the results of another parties (Self-Defence, League of Polish families, Modern). Standard electoral geography methodological methods, such as cartographic display of election results, correlation analysis and concentration of the election results measurement have been used on the local level and along with Polish and Czech literature review are included in the study. Main goal of the study was to find out if there are structural differences in terms of electoral support for the parties on both regional and voivodeship level. The analysis proved deeper context of the election results in the eastern regions along with a changing spatial structure of the Law and Justice support in the first decade of the 21st century and related deepening differences between voter bases of the Law and Justice and the Civic Platform- strongest parties in Poland. Findings of the analysis might be useful for upcoming research of the analysis of the electoral support in terms of regional differences.
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Pashynska, Ahnessa Valeriivna. "РОЛЬ СОЦІОКУЛЬТУРНОГО ПРОСТОРУ У ФОРМУВАННІ СТІЙКОСТІ САМОІДЕНТИЧНОСТІ ЛЮДИНИ." SOCIAL WORK ISSUES: PHILOSOPHY, PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIOLOGY, no. 2 (14) (2019): 71–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.25140/2412-1185-2019-2(14)-71-76.
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Urgency of the research. The program of sustainable development of the world requires a philosophical study of sustainable development of the individual. Target setting. Since we live in a democratic society, the sustainable development of this society is possible only if each member of this society will be willing to achieve the goals of sustainable development of the world, the own sustainable development, in particular. Actual scientific researches and issues analysis. Most of the researches are devoted to economic, ecological or social analysis of sustainable development (Adamiak S., Blewitt J., James P., Richard C., Sachs J.D., Walczak D., Barinova V. A., Belotelov N. V., Bekh V. P., Bilyatsky S., Bobukh I., Bochkovskaya A., Brodsky Yu. I., Vatchenko O. B., Grebennikov V. O., Denisyuk S. P., Zharova L. V., Zemtsov S. P., Kashcheeva G. M., Klyuchko V. G., Lyashchenko I. S., Mirkin B. M., Naumova L. G., Nersesyan G. A., Olenev N. N., Onegina V. M., Pavlovsky Yu. N., Tarasova N. P.). The problem of sustainable human development in philosophical discourse is insufficiently studied. Uninvestigated parts of general matters defining. The issue about the base of sustainable human development requires more detailed research in the philosophical context. The research objective. The study of sustainable human development requires an analysis of the process of forming the sustainable self-identity and determining the role of sociocultural space in this process. The statement of basic materials. The article considers the sustainable self-identity as the base of human sustainable development. Internal and external human culture are defined as the main tools for gaining sustainable self-identity. It is noted that the sociocultural space of man is the environment for the development of their external culture and plays an important role in the assertion of man in the sustainable self-identity and personal sustainable development. Conclusions. The use of certain practices of sociocultural space can help a person to develop an external culture and achieve personal sustainable development. It is necessary to study the ways of involving a person with the sustainable self-identity in the sociocultural space and to identify the most effective practices for the development of external human culture.
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Semashko, N. "SOCIALIST IDEOLOGY IN THE VIEWS OF S. PETLIURA AT THE BEGINNING OF THE 20th CENTURY." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 148 (2021): 62–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2021.148.10.
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The article considers the peculiarities of the social-democratic views of the prominent statesman Simon Vasilyevich Petliura in the period 1902-1917, that is, at the stage of forming his political worldview. The role of S. Petliura as one of the leading ideologues of the Ukrainian social democracy of the beginning of the XX century is determined. The attitude of S. Petliura to the Russian variants of marxism is analyzed, his views on European social democracy, the main issues of development of the Ukrainian people, and solving them through the prism of socialist ideas. His views on party building are studied, relations between the Ukrainian Social Democratic Workers 'Party and the Russian Social Democratic Workers' Party. The key positions of the Russian Social Democrats have been identified, which became the subject of sharp criticism of S. Petliura. It turned out that Simon Petliura was a supporter of the European version of Social Democracy, in particular on the issue of the right of nations to selfdetermination. S. Petliura entered into a sharp controversy with representatives of the Russian Social-Democracy, argued the falsity of their views on non-recognition of the right of the Ukrainian people to autonomy, appealing to the works of Karl Kautsky. S. Petliura did not share the centralizing policy of the Russian Marxists regarding party building, defending the right of the Ukrainian Social Democratic Workers' Party to an independent organizational structure. Socialist ideology in views S. Petliura was dominant, but had bright national features. The key stages of formation of the worldview of the figure are determined. The transformation of its ideological foundations is determined.
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Strilets, V. V. "Religious issue in the activities of the party of Ukrainian radical-democrats (1905-1930's)." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 21 (December 18, 2001): 74–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2002.21.1231.
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The Ukrainian Democratic-Radical Party (UDRP) was formed as a result of the unification of the Ukrainian Democratic and Ukrainian radical party in 1905. Regarding religious affairs, the UDRP program required the separation of the Church from the state and the election of the clergy that was traditional for Ukraine. The party's foundations were local communities that existed autonomously and often raised and resolved on their own. In January, 1905, the Odessa community asked the Russian government to ensure the freedom to use the Ukrainian language in the church.
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Granieri, Ronald J. "Politics in C Minor: The CDU/CSU between Germany and Europe since the Secular Sixties." Central European History 42, no. 1 (March 2009): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938909000016.
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AbstractIn 1962, the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) faced an uncertain future. The governing party within the Federal Republic of Germany since the state's founding in 1949 (along with its Bavarian partner, the Christian Social Union, known collectively as the CDU/CSU or Union), the CDU had endured a bruising election campaign through the summer of 1961. The combination of a dynamic young Social Democratic challenger, Willy Brandt, and the building of the Berlin Wall had exposed frustration with the leadership style of octogenarian Chancellor and CDU Chair Konrad Adenauer, and cost the Union its absolute majority in the Bundestag. Electoral disappointment was followed by protracted coalition negotiations with the liberal Free Democratic Party (FDP), which nearly doubled its vote totals by promising voters a coalition “with the Union but without Adenauer.” The coalition negotiations dragged on well into late autumn and exposed internal divisions. Adenauer, the only chancellor the Federal Republic had ever known, had been forced to agree to retire before 1965 to allow his successor to prepare for the next campaign.
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Raikivskyi, I. Y. "UKRAINIAN SOCIAL-DEMOCRACY IN THE PARTY-POLITICAL LIFE OF THE GALICIA OF THE SECOND HALF OF THE 1930-s." PRECARPATHIAN BULLETIN OF THE SHEVCHENKO SCIENTIFIC SOCIETY Idea, no. 4(56) (December 27, 2019): 122–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31471/2304-7410-2019-4(56)-122-136.
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The activities of the Ukrainian Social Democratic Party (USDP), founded in 1899, in the second half of the 1930s are highlighted. This party tried to combine the national idea and Marxism, took an active part in political life in Western Ukraine (until September 1939). The USDP used parliamentary methods for the creation of an independent Ukrainian socialist state, opposed the Ukrainian nationalist underground, and had a relationship with Polish and Jewish socialists. Since 1935, for the third time in the pre-war decade, the party has been a participant in the consolidation process of legal Ukrainian parties of national-state movements in Poland, which have periodically emerged under the influence of a number of internal and external factors. On the eve of the Second World War, the crisis of democratic forces, the rise of authoritarianism in various forms across Europe negatively affected the public influence of the USDP, as well as Social Democracy in general in the Second Polish Republic.
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Awotokun, Kunle, and Olu Okotoni. "Governance and the Executive – Legislative Relations since Nigeria’s Fourth Republic (1999 – 2019) and Beyond." Public Administration Research 9, no. 2 (October 13, 2020): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/par.v9n2p28.
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The Year 2019 is very significant in the history of party politics in Nigeria. It marked a two decade of uninterrupted democratic regimes culminating in violent-free transition of political power from the defeated ruling political party, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) to the opposition Party-All Progressive Congress (APC). The cut-throat rivalries among the political parties, as represented in the Executive and legislature, have been responsible for the political instability of the previous republics. What has been responsible for the relative calm in the political space of Nigeria? How has political elites responded to the issue of governance since the inception of Nigeria’s Fourth Republic? How can the Nigerian state build and improve on the current political climate? These and other issues are what the paper has addressed.
The work relied contextually on secondary data for appropriate information germane to the work. The findings and analyses will benefit from prognosis that would be of immense value only not to Nigeria, but further implications for other African countries faced with similar political scenario.
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Awofeso, Olu, and Paul A. Irabor. "Principle of Loyal Opposition: The Case of Political Parties in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic." Journal of Politics and Law 11, no. 4 (November 16, 2018): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v11n4p17.
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Modern understandings of democracy not only suggest a regime in which those who govern are selected through contested elections, but more fundamentally, a system of government in which parties lose elections. Yet, the mechanism of vertical accountability whereby the people can hold the ruling government responsible depends on parties in opposition providing choices for voters while remaining loyal to the idea of governmental power. Adopting the principle of loyal opposition as the basis of this study in the Nigerian context, we try to interrogate whether the duty to serve as “government in-waiting’’ equally affects how the duty to critique the actions of the government is performed. The study further probed; can a ruling party cope with the criticism of the opposition party? To answer these questions, the study argued that it is tempting not to assume that, the institution of political party is still at its lowest ebb despite the successful democratic transition in Nigeria since 1999, and the alternation of political power resulting in the change of party in government from the People’s Democratic Party to the All Progressives Congress in 2015. These issues have consequences for the principle of loyal opposition and democratic stability in Nigeria.
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Pappas, Takis S. "Populist Democracies: Post-Authoritarian Greece and Post-Communist Hungary." Government and Opposition 49, no. 1 (July 19, 2013): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2013.21.
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This article makes the case for a novel democratic subtype,populist democracy, indicating a situation in which both the party in office and at least the major opposition force(s) in a pluralist system are populist. Based on a minimal definition of populism as ‘democratic illiberalism’, and through the comparative analysis of post-authoritarian Greece and post-communist Hungary, the article reveals the particular stages, as well as the causal mechanisms, that may prompt the emergence of populist democracy in contemporary politics. It also points to the tendency of such systems to produce polarized two-party systems, and it calls for further research on the topic.
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Huerta, Juan Carlos, and Adolfo Santos. "Latino Representation in the U. S. Congress: How Much and by Whom?" American Review of Politics 27 (July 1, 2006): 115–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2006.27.0.115-128.
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Research on measuring support for Latino issues in Congress has found that party affiliation is the primary influence on the level of support. The research also demonstrates that under certain scenarios, Latino representatives do provide more substantive Latino representation than do non-Latino representatives. The purpose of this project is to re-evaluate these earlier findings using more recent data in a changed political context. In addition, the project will examine the effects that different types of Democrats have on Latino representation. The findings suggest that when it comes to support for Latino issues, there are differences between the parties, and within the Democratic Party. An unexpected source of Latino representation, members of the Congressional Black Caucus, is also revealed in the findings.
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Kaniok, Petr. "Strana svobodných občanů – čeští monotematičtí euroskeptici?" Středoevropské politické studie Central European Political Studies Review 16, no. 1 (April 1, 2014): 75–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cepsr.2014.1.75.
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When, in the beginning of 2009, the Party of Free Citizens was founded, it was believed that the main impulse for establishing a new political party was the generally positive approach towards the Lisbon Treaty adopted by the Civic Democratic Party (ODS) a couple of months before. Thus, since its foundation, the media, commentators and political analysts have labelled the Party of Free Citizens as a single issue Eurosceptic party. This article challenges this prevailing evaluation of the Party of Free Citizens and subsequently confronts the party´s programs and press releases with three concepts – the concept of Euroscepticism connected with the work of Taggart and Szczerbiak, the concept of a single issue party developed by Mudde, and the concept of a niche party brought into political science by Meguide. The article concludes that while the Party of Free Citizens is undoubtedly a Eurosceptic party, both in terms of its soft and hard versions, its overall performance as a political entity does not meet the criteria of Mudde´s concept of a single issue party. As the Party of Free Citizens puts a strong emphasis on European issues (compared to other mainstream Czech political parties), it can, at most, be described as a niche party.
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Kennedy Hussein, Mustafa, and Gift Sambo. "The Key Drivers of Party Discipline and Democratic Political Culture in Malawi`s ruling parties." African Journal of Democracy and Election Research 1, no. 1 (June 17, 2021): 51–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31920/2752-602x/2021/v1n1a3.
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Al-Adwan, Abdalhaleem. "Pluralism and Political Participation of Left-Wing Parties in Jordan." Asian Social Science 17, no. 1 (December 30, 2020): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v17n1p77.
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The left-wing that includes the nationalist, communist, and Ba'athist parties arose in Jordan with the beginning of the kingdom's independence. Its role in opposing the regime doubled after the unity of the two banks and the integration of the Jordanian left-wing with the Palestinian left-wing, participated with other right and middle currents in all stages of participation in parliamentary and pluralistic elections and the formation of the first pluralist democratic government in 1956, which lasted for less than one year and was the reason for its termination after the relationship with the government system worsened. This trend resorted to clandestine work after the dissolution of the government and the parties until 1989, the regime's transition to democratic pluralism, where it participated in multi-party elections with other party currents, calling for the promotion of the values of pluralism, political participation, and the transfer of power. However, it lacked its application in its internal system.
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Dewachter, Wilfried. "De moeilijke voorwaarden voor een democratisch partijcongres." Res Publica 45, no. 1 (March 31, 2003): 5–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v45i1.18425.
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Although communication and discussion between rank and file members and the party leadership are at the heart of party congresses, most parties meet a lot of difficulties in organising truly democratie party conferences.The party leadership has a natural tendency to try to influence the decision-making process. In this article, we identify thirteen conditions fora democratic party conference. They vary from the decision whether or not to organise a conference, over the conference' s theme and the designation of the chair of the conference on to the electoral formula to accept amendments to the proposed resolutions (e.g.simple majority or two-third majority). The thirteen conditions stem from avery long and extensive participatory observation, combined with the analysis of numerous party conferences in Belgium, over the last couple of decades. This enables also to point out some shifting tendencies in the Belgian party congresses since World War II.
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Uslaner, Eric M., M. Margaret Conway, Gary C. Jacobson, and Samuel Kernell. "Interpreting the 1974 Congressional Election." American Political Science Review 80, no. 2 (June 1986): 591–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1958275.
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What factors best account for the 1974 congressional election results? Were the Democratic party gains in House seats due mainly to the behavior of “strategic politicians” who sought or accepted candidacies and raised effective campaign war chests? Or were the Democratic gains due more to the impact of Watergate and the economy on voters' choices? In this Controversy, Gary C. Jacobson and Samuel Kernell defend the “strategic politicians” thesis, while Eric Uslaner and Margaret Conway stand by their more conventional accounting of the 1974 election outcome.
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Millard, Matt. "Rethinking the Kantian Peace: Evidence from a Liberal, Moderate, and Conservative Measure of Norm Diffusion." New Global Studies 12, no. 3 (November 27, 2018): 325–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ngs-2018-0017.
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Abstract This article revisits in today’s global setting the debate among international relations scholars over the so-called Kantian or democratic peace. In particular, it argues that findings made by S. M. Mitchell in a seminal 2002 article in the American Journal of Political Science regarding the diffusion of norms via third party conflict resolution relied upon a questionable methodology and now require belated revision. An alternative measure of norm diffusion would rely upon the proportion of democratic states, particularly contiguous states, in a given region. Moreover, a more detailed look at such diffusion after 1945 suggests important differences over the viability of democratic peace, especially regarding state behavior outside the Western Hemisphere.
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KITLV, Redactie. "Book Reviews." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 69, no. 1-2 (January 1, 1995): 143–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002650.
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-Sidney W. Mintz, Paget Henry ,C.L.R. James' Caribbean. Durham: Duke University Press, 1992. xvi + 287 pp., Paul Buhle (eds)-Allison Blakely, Jan M. van der Linde, Over Noach met zijn zonen: De Cham-ideologie en de leugens tegen Cham tot vandaag. Utrecht: Interuniversitair Instituut voor Missiologie en Oecumenica, 1993. 160 pp.-Helen I. Safa, Edna Acosta-Belén ,Researching women in Latin America and the Caribbean. Boulder CO: Westview, 1993. x + 201 pp., Christine E. Bose (eds)-Helen I. Safa, Janet H. Momsen, Women & change in the Caribbean: A Pan-Caribbean Perspective. Bloomington: Indiana University Press; Kingston: Ian Randle, 1993. x + 308 pp.-Paget Henry, Janet Higbie, Eugenia: The Caribbean's Iron Lady. London: Macmillan, 1993. 298 pp.-Kathleen E. McLuskie, Moira Ferguson, Subject to others: British women writers and Colonial Slavery 1670-1834. New York: Routledge, 1992. xii + 465 pp.-Samuel Martínez, Senaida Jansen ,Género, trabajo y etnia en los bateyes dominicanos. Santo Domingo: Instituto Tecnológico de Santo Domingo, Programa de Estudios se la Mujer, 1991. 195 pp., Cecilia Millán (eds)-Michiel Baud, Roberto Cassá, Movimiento obrero y lucha socialista en la República Dominicana (desde los orígenes hasta 1960). Santo Domingo: Fundación Cultural Dominicana, 1990. 620 pp.-Paul Farmer, Robert Lawless, Haiti's Bad Press. Rochester VT: Schenkman Press, 1992. xxvii + 261 pp.-Bill Maurer, Karen Fog Olwig, Global culture, Island identity: Continuity and change in the Afro-Caribbean Community of Nevis. Chur, Switzerland: Harwood Academic Publishers, 1993. xi + 239 pp.-Viranjini Munasinghe, Kevin A. Yelvington, Trinidad Ethnicity. Knoxville: University of Tennesee Press, 1993. vii + 296 pp.-Kevin K. Birth, Christine Ho, Salt-water Trinnies: Afro-Trinidadian Immigrant Networks and Non-Assimilation in Los Angeles. New York: AMS Press, 1991. xvi + 237 pp.-Steven Gregory, Andrés Isidoro Pérez y Mena, Speaking with the dead: Development of Afro-Latin Religion among Puerto Ricans in the United States. A study into the Interpenetration of civilizations in the New World. New York: AMS Press, 1991. xvi + 273 pp.-Frank Jan van Dijk, Mihlawhdh Faristzaddi, Itations of Jamaica and I Rastafari (The Second Itation, the Revelation). Miami: Judah Anbesa Ihntahnah-shinahl, 1991.-Derwin S. Munroe, Nelson W. Keith ,The Social Origins of Democratic Socialism in Jamaica. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1992. xxiv + 320 pp., Novella Z. Keith (eds)-Virginia Heyer Young, Errol Miller, Education for all: Caribbean Perspectives and Imperatives. Washington DC: Inter-American Development Bank, 1992. 267 pp.-Virginia R. Dominguez, Günter Böhm, Los sefardíes en los dominios holandeses de América del Sur y del Caribe, 1630-1750. Frankfurt: Vervuert, 1992. 243 pp.-Virginia R. Dominguez, Robert M. Levine, Tropical diaspora: The Jewish Experience in Cuba. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1993. xvii + 398 pp.-Aline Helg, John L. Offner, An unwanted war: The diplomacy of the United States and Spain over Cuba, 1895-1898. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992. xii + 306 pp.-David J. Carroll, Eliana Cardoso ,Cuba after Communism. Cambridge MA: MIT Press, 1992. xiii + 148 pp., Ann Helwege (eds)-Antoni Kapcia, Ian Isadore Smart, Nicolás Guillén: Popular Poet of the Caribbean. Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1990. 187 pp.-Sue N. Greene, Moira Ferguson, The Hart Sisters: Early African Caribbean Writers, Evangelicals, and Radicals. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1993. xi + 214 pp.-Michael Craton, James A. Lewis, The final campaign of the American revolution: Rise and fall of the Spanish Bahamas. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1991. xi + 149 pp.-David Geggus, Clarence J. Munford, The black ordeal of slavery and slave trading in the French West Indies, 1625-1715. Lewiston NY: The Edwin Mellen Press, 1991. 3 vols. xxii + 1054 pp.-Paul E. Sigmund, Timothy P. Wickham-Crowley, Guerillas and Revolution in Latin America: A comparative Study of Insurgents and Regimes since 1956. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992. xx + 424 pp.-Robert E. Millette, Patrick A.M. Emmanuel, Elections and Party Systems in the Commonwealth Caribbean, 1944-1991. St. Michael, Barbados: Caribbean Development Research Services, 1992. viii + 111 pp.-Robert E. Millette, Donald C. Peters, The Democratic System in the Eastern Caribbean. Westport CT: Greenwood Press, 1992. xiv + 242 pp.-Pedro A. Cabán, Arnold H. Liebowitz, Defining status: A comprehensive analysis of United States Territorial Relations. Boston & Dordrecht: Martinus Nijhoff, 1989. xxii + 757 pp.-John O. Stewart, Stuart H. Surlin ,Mass media and the Caribbean. New York: Gordon & Breach, 1990. xviii + 471 pp., Walter C. Soderlund (eds)-William J. Meltzer, Antonio V. Menéndez Alarcón, Power and television in Latin America: The Dominican Case. Westport CT: Praeger, 1992. 199 pp.
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Torres Rodríguez, Ignacio Daniel, and Carlos Enrique Ahuactzin Martínez. "Democracy and electoral reforms in Mexico." Derecho Global. Estudios sobre Derecho y Justicia 4, no. 11 (March 8, 2019): 143–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.32870/dgedj.v0i11.186.
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In Mexico, the electoral arena has experienced substantial transformations throughout the last decades. It has changed from an overwhelming stage of domination by the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) to a competitive struggle between diverse political parties, where pre-electoral coalitions (PECS) and political alternation are a recurrent phenomenon. This paper seeks to explain the switch from an hegemonic party system (with authoritarian characteristics) to a democratic multi-party system, by stating that the Mexican Public Administration´s modernization, but especially the electoral reforms, have favored a phased configuration of a larger (and more competitive) number of parties and neutral electoral institutions. The argument is built upon the analysis of several documentary research, based on the 1977, 1986, 1990, 1996, and 2014 electoral reforms, federal and local electoral results, concluding with the Mexican political system´s development implications.
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Howard, Marc Morjé. "Continuity and Change in Germany's Turbulent Twentieth Century." German Politics and Society 18, no. 3 (September 1, 2000): 137–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503000782486552.
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Carl F. Lankowski, ed., Breakdown, Breakup, Breakthrough: Germany’s Difficult Passage to Modernity (New York: Berghahn Books, 1999)John Brady, Beverly Crawford, and Sarah Elise Wiliarty, eds., The Postwar Transformation of Germany: Democracy, Prosperity, and Nationhood (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1999)Christopher S. Allen, ed., Transformation of the German Political Party System: Institutional Crisis or Democratic Renewal? (New York: Berghahn Books, 1999)
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Zhu, Chunxi. "Metaphors Trump Lives by: A Critical Metaphor Analysis of Trump’s Statements in 2020 Presidential Election Debates." International Journal of English Linguistics 11, no. 2 (February 28, 2021): 150. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijel.v11n2p150.
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Critical Metaphor Analysis (CMA) helps to define the relationship between metaphor, power, ideology and cognition by recognizing conceptual metaphors in text or discourse. This thesis built a metaphor-centered analytical framework which connects discourse, cognition and ideology to investigate metaphors in Trump’s discourses in the 2020 Presidential Election Debates, which shed light upon cognitive structure and ideology behind his discourse. To win more votes, Trump managed to magnify Republican Party’s contribution while masking its defects, exaggerate the disadvantages of the Democratic Party while concealing its merits. Meanwhile, he declared himself one who represents the interests of ordinary people and to fight for their interests. Besides, his “patriotism” and “exclusiveness” also reflected populism characteristics.
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Laybourn, Keith. "The Failure of Socialist Unity in Britain c. 1893–1914." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 4 (December 1994): 153–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679219.
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SOCIALIST unity became an issue for the British left with in a year of the formation of the Social Democratic Federation (SDF) in 1884. The secession of William Morris and his supporters from the SDF and the formation of the Socialist League in reaction to the autocratic leadership of Henry Mayers Hyndman brought about a fundamental division within British socialism. Subsequently the creation of other socialist parties, most particularly the Independent Labour Party (ILP) led to further disunity within die British socialist movement. Nevertheless, notwidistanding die proliferation of British socialist societies with their distinctive socialist credentials, diere were several attempts to form a united socialist party between 1893 and 1914. They were normally encouraged, on the one hand, by advocates of the ‘religion of socialism’ such as William Morris, Robert Blatchford and Victor Grayson, and, on the other, by Hyndman and the SDF. The aim of these efforts was to strengdien socialist organisation in times of both political failure and success, but in every instance diey failed due to the intractable problem of bringing together socialists of distinctively different persuasions under the umbrella of one party. These failures have led recent historians to debate two major questions connected with socialist unity. First, diey have asked at what point did socialist unity cease to be a viable alternative to the Labour Alliance between the ILP and the trade unions? Stephen Yeo feels that socialist unity became impossible after die mid 1890s, David Howell suggests that this ‘suppressed alternative’ became unlikely about five to ten years later, as die leaders of die Independent Labour Party opted for the trade union rather than socialist alliance,
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Atkinson, David, and Cinta Ramblado. "Democratic credentials and the ‘other(s)’ in the discourse of the Spanish Partido Popular, 1977–2015." Journal of Language and Politics 17, no. 1 (December 1, 2017): 5–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.17012.atk.
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Abstract In this paper we argue that aspects of the discourse of the governing party in Spain at the time of writing, the Partido Popular, and its predecessor (1976–1989), Alianza Popular, reveal a marked continuity in its self-presentation and its representation of its adversaries, spanning the entire period from its origins in the immediate post-Franco period of the late 1970s to the present. We conclude that the type of construction we describe can be found in the discourse of many of the party’s most prominent figures, that it is central to the entire historical trajectory of AP/PP, and in some cases is in the process of becoming if anything more explicit.
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Halimah, Lili, and Anisah Anisah. "Internalisasi nilai pendidikan kewarganegaraan pada tradisi pesta laut blanakan dalam rangka pengembangan ideal democratic citizen." Jurnal Civics: Media Kajian Kewarganegaraan 15, no. 2 (October 31, 2018): 148–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.21831/jc.v15i2.21641.
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Pendidikan memiliki peranan yang penting dalam kehidupan manusia, dan diharapkan dapat menciptakan manusia yang berkualitas. Pendidikan Kewarganegaraan memiliki tiga kompetensi yang dapat membentuk “the ideal democratic citizen” yakni kompetensi civic knowledge, civic skills, dan civic disposition. Pembelajaran PPKn mengaitkan antara teori dengan praktek nyata di lapangan, dan berhubungan dengan nilai-nilai budaya yang beragam dan majemuk. Faktor yang mempengaruhi nilai budaya lokal dalam melestarikan kebudayaan melalui upacara adat pesta laut Blanakan Kabupaten Subang Jawa Barat yang dilakukan setahun sekali guna menghormati leluhurmya. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif. Hasil penelitian (a) Masyarakat nelayan memunculkan civic knowledge yang diarahkan oleh para tokoh, sehingga memiliki kesadaran untuk melestarikan nilai-nilai kebudayaan, yang mampu mengeksplorasi dan memanfaatkan potensi alam daerah, (b) Nilai-nilai dalam pesta laut, selalu memerlukan civic skill yang cakap dalam mengorganisasikan kegiatan, semua ini diperlukan partipatory skill, dan (c) Membentuk karakter masyarakat nelayan pada pesta laut, dengan cara memberi tahu dan mengajarkan hal-hal yang baik oleh para tokoh budaya. Dengan demikian perlu ditanamkan the ideal democratic citizen untuk meningkatkan kecintaan pada nilai budaya lokal, dan tidak terpengaruh oleh budaya asing.----------------------------------------------------------- Internalization the value of citizenship education in the traditional sea party tradition (Pesta Laut Blanakan) in order to develop the ideal democratic citizenEducation has an important role in human life and is expected to create quality human beings. Citizenship Education has three competencies that can form the ideal democratic citizen, namely civic knowledge, civic skills, and civic disposition competencies. PPKn learning links theory with real practice in the field, and deals with diverse and pluralistic cultural values. Factors that influence the value of local culture in preserving culture through the Blanakan Subang regency West Java regency traditional ceremony which is conducted annually to honor its ancestors. This study uses a qualitative approach. Research results (a) The fishing community raises civic knowledge directed by leaders, so that they have an awareness to preserve cultural values, which are able to explore and utilize the natural potential of the region, (b) Values in sea party, it always requires civic skills that competent in organizing activities, all of this requires participatory skills, and (c) forming the character of fishing communities at sea party, by telling and teaching good things by cultural leaders. Thus it is necessary to instill the ideal democratic citizen to increase the love of local cultural values, and not be influenced by foreign cultures.
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Harris, Jonathan. "Adrift in Turbulent Seas: The Political and Ideological Struggles of Ivan Kuz'mich Polozkov." Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no. 1005 (January 1, 1993): 40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.1993.56.
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In the winter of 1989-90 the unintended consequences of Mikhail S. Gorbachev's program of political and economic refonn had become obvious to all but his most optimistic spokesmen. The General Secretary's attempt to create a new ideology of perestroika by grafting "bourgeois" and "social democratic" concepts onto the conventional ideology of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) had divided the party, created immense ideological confusion, and led to the formation of non-Communist and anti-Communist political organizations. The attempt to shift authority from party officials to elected soviets on the union and republican levels had led to the emergence of separatist and nationalist movements in many of the USSR's republics, including the RSFSR. The decentralization of the state's administration of the economy and the encouragement of both private and cooperative economic activity had failed to reverse the deterioration of economic conditions. As anxiety swept through the CPSU, orthodox party leaders called for the establishment of an autonomous Communist Party for the RSFSR to counter Gorbachev's policies and to "save Soviet Russia" from destruction.
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Wilson, Tim. "‘The most terrible assassination that has yet stained the name of Belfast’: the McMahon murders in context." Irish Historical Studies 37, no. 145 (May 2010): 83–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400000079.
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At the beginning of 2001 the First Minister of Northern Ireland, David Trimble, found himself confronted with more than his fair share of intractable diffculties: having narrowly survived an internal vote of the Ulster Unionist Party on whether to continue in government, Trimble surveyed an unpromising political landscape dominated by the rise of the rival Democratic Unionist Party and the I.R.A.’s continued refusal to decommission all its weapons. Despite all this, in late January 2001 Trimble devoted considerable time to attacking the B.B.C. for having made the Rebel Heart drama series. Claiming to be loosely based on real events, the programmes implied that the Belfast police had killed six members of the McMahon household on 24 March 1922.
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Havas, Peter. "The renewal of social democracy and the „third way” of the British Labour Party." Medjunarodni problemi 55, no. 2 (2003): 237–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0302237h.
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The author tries to enlighten and analyse the current processes in the European Social Democracy intending to renew its strategy and doctrine and adapt it to the new economic, political and social challenges. He devotes special attention to the attempts of the British Labour Party to modernise itself and create a new doctrinal approach, the so-called third way. The author analyses the history of the New Labour and characteristics of the Tony Blair-led party, elaborating in detail the contents of the third way. The main conclusion he makes is that, in spite of the New Labour?s success at the two last general elections in Britain and the positive lessons to be drawn from the third way, it does not mean that all Social Democratic Parties should follow that example, for different social conditions demand different strategies and policies and relevant responses by every party.
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ANCKAR, DAG, and CARSTEN ANCKAR. "Democracies without Parties." Comparative Political Studies 33, no. 2 (March 2000): 225–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414000033002003.
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The belief that modern democracy is party democracy is widespread. However, the belief may be questioned. A number of small independent island states that subscribe to a high extent to democratic values, standards, and institutions manage without political parties. In all, six such cases exist, namely, Belau (Palau), the Federated States of Micronesia, Kiribati, Marshall Islands, Nauru, and Tuvalu. The analysis of these cases is guided by three general assumptions: (a) the impact of diminutive size on the existence and number of parties, (b) the corresponding impact of geographical noncontiguity, and (c) the impact of culturally defined resistances against party life and party rule. Comparisons with conditions in other small island states suggest that the assumptions are valid given that extreme values are entered into the analysis. Extreme smallness, an extremely archipelagic geography, and an intense cultural resistance all contribute to an absence of political parties in democracies.
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Kelley, Donald R. "The Democratic Revolution in the USSR: Can the System Cope with Pluralism?" American Review of Politics 13 (April 1, 1992): 27–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1992.13.0.27-49.
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Gorbachev's democratic revolution in the former Soviet Union fundamentally reshaped not only the political process of his nation but redefined the very nature of the nation itself. Begun as an attempt to implement guided reforms and to develop a political formula that would undercut conservative opposition, the interlocking policies of perestroika, glasnost, and demokratizatsiia acquired a life of their own, setting loose political and social forces that escaped the control of leadership at all levels. The abolition of the monopoly role of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the creation of democratically elected legislatures at all levels, and the proliferation of political parties and interest groups have created a truly pluralistic political system. But with such pluralism comes the need to develop mechanisms that will mediate among newly empowered political forces, finding some common ground of compromise and adjustment. In the Soviet context, four such sources of mediational activity are possible: (1) a reformed Communist Party might transform itself into a broad pro-reform coalition; (2) the newly formed political parties and groups might form broad coalitions; (3) the legislature(s) might develop mechanisms fostering the emergence of consensus; and (4) coordination might be provided by the all-union and republic presidencies. Yet even before the coup attempt, little progress had been made in finding widespread consensus, and the post-coup dispersal of power to the republic level has made the system even less likely to produce such agreement.
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Rhodes, Jesse H. "Presidents, Parties, and the State: a Party System Perspective on Democratic Regulatory Choice, 1884–1936Presidents, Parties, and the State: a Party System Perspective on Democratic Regulatory Choice, 1884–1936. By Scott C. James. (Cambridge University Press, 2000.)The Democratic Party Heads North, 1877–1962. By Alan Ware. (Cambridge University Press, 2006.)." Journal of Politics 69, no. 4 (November 2007): 1211–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2508.2007.00620.x.
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Lacewell, Onawa Promise. "Beyond policy positions." Party Politics 23, no. 4 (September 22, 2015): 448–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068815603241.
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Do parties adapt their programmatic strategies in times of heightened economic globalization? Are these changes captured by right-left positional changes or do parties go beyond policy shifts and enact more comprehensive programmatic overhauls? Furthermore, are such changes linked to traditional party family classifications and, if so, do different party types re-program their manifestos differently? Finally, what role does radical right competition play in the changing programmatic strategies of mainstream centre-right and centre-left parties? This paper addresses these questions by developing a theoretical framework that accounts for economic globalization, cleavage change, and programmatic supply. Using Giebler et al.’s (2015) measure of programmatic clarity, the analysis reveals clear differences in party responses to economic globalization. Additionally, the results show that parties go beyond right-left positional changes and adapt their programmatic supply on a more general level. For social democratic parties, however, such adaptation hinges on whether a radical right competitor is present.
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Vareca, Ana. "The influence of race, religion and class on election behavior in the United States of America (1930-2008)." Sociologija 53, no. 1 (2011): 103–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc1101103v.
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In this paper the author evaluates constancy of the influence of race, religion and class on election behavior in America in period 1930-2008. It appears that the findings from the early stages of this period have set the trend which has not significantly change to these days. Findings from electoral 2008 show us very small differences in political behavior throughout these period, except in 1960's when African Americans have become mostly supporters of Democratic party, thanks to efforts of Democrats to sign Civil Rights Act.
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Tan, Zuo Wen. "A Note on an Enhanced Three-Party Authentication Key Exchange Protocol." Key Engineering Materials 439-440 (June 2010): 1367–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/kem.439-440.1367.
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Recently, Chen et al. proposed an efficient three-party encrypted key exchange protocol based upon Schnorr’s digital signature scheme with fewer rounds. However, J.H. Yang and C. C. Chang showed that Chen et al.’s protocol still has the high computation cost and communication cost. Moreover, Chen et al.’s protocol suffers from stolen-verifier attacks. Then J.H. Yang and C. C. Chang proposed a three-party authenticated key exchange protocol without password by using elliptic curve cryptography. Their improved protocol requires smaller transmitted message size and less communication times, which is well suitable for resource-limited environments such as mobile communication and mobile commerce. Unfortunately, we find that Yang et al.’s protocol is vulnerable to replay attacks, denial-of-Service attacks and impersonation attacks.
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Verma, Ravindra Kumar. "Indian Politics: Haunted by Spectre of Post-democracy?" Indian Journal of Public Administration 63, no. 4 (November 22, 2017): 631–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019556117726843.
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The dawn of 21st century has witnessed some new features of democratic politics that seem to be shifting away from what we call democratic. The impact of globalisation has created such a nexus among elites of politics–corporates–media that has made political regimes to ignore the democratic norms and well-being of common masses and overemphasise economic growth and corporate-friendly policy priorities. Besides, the approach of the political actors (parties and politicians), in the process of power-seeking, has shown unconventional trends. These features do not resemble either dictatorship or totalitarianism; rather they depict trends of aristocratic mode of decision-making by using democratic framework and institutions. Such trends have been termed as ‘post-democracy’ by recent Western scholarship. Indian politics is not an exception. These trends have created an imbalance between interest of social classes and corporative interests which has prompted political regimes to take tough decisions, in despotic ways. Though the present article does not posit that Indian democracy is on the brink, it attempts to underline the post-democratic features visible in Indian politics through examination of (a) party politics in terms of democratic framework, ideology, policy initiations and reforms, electioneering, etc.; (b) politicians–corporates–media nexus; and (c) modes and trends of politicians in communicating and relating with the electorate.
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Ferrari, Marcela. "The Intransigent Party in the democratic reconstruction. Microanalytical perspective and scale approaches. Mar del Plata, Argentina (c. 1982-1991)." Quinto Sol 24, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.19137/qs.v24i1.3414.
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STRAUSZ, MICHAEL. "Japanese Conservatism and the Integration of Foreign Residents." Japanese Journal of Political Science 11, no. 2 (July 2, 2010): 245–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109910000034.
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AbstractGranting foreign permanent residents the right to vote in local elections in Japan was one of the Clean Government Party (CGP)'s major policy priorities during its 11 years governing in coalition with the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). While the CGP proposed several bills that would have done this, none of those bills came close to passing. Why not? Conventional wisdom about Japanese conservatism suggests that the LDP would not support such a bill because the party is uniformly committed to the idea that Japan is a one-ethnicity country, and thus the party is hostile to proposals that would grant those without Japanese ethnicity a role in Japanese society. However, I argue that Japanese conservatives in general, and LDP politicians in particular, have major disagreements about the appropriate role of foreign residents in Japanese society. Moreover, I argue that LDP politicians did not support the CGP's proposal to grant foreign permanent residents the right to vote in local elections in Japan because this proposal did not appeal to politicians from either of the dominant conservative schools of thought about foreign residents in Japan.
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Schmitter, Philippe C. "Democracy and Distrust." Perspectives on Politics 8, no. 3 (August 23, 2010): 887–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592710001325.
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Pierre Rosanvallon is one of the most important political theorists writing in French. Counter-Democracy: Politics in an Age of Distrust is a book about the limits of conventional understandings of democracy. Rosanvallon argues that while most theories of democracy focus on institutionalized forms of political participation (especially elections), the vitality of democracy rests equally on forms of “counter-democracy” through which citizens dissent, protest, and exert pressure from without on the democratic state. This argument is relevant to the concerns of a broad range of political scientists, most especially students of democratic theory, electoral and party politics, social movements, social capital, and “contentious politics.” The goal of this symposium is to invite a number of political scientists who work on these issues to comment on the book from their distinctive disciplinary, methodological, and theoretical perspectives.—Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor
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della Porta, Donatella. "Democracy and Distrust." Perspectives on Politics 8, no. 3 (August 23, 2010): 890–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592710001337.
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Pierre Rosanvallon is one of the most important political theorists writing in French. Counter-Democracy: Politics in an Age of Distrust is a book about the limits of conventional understandings of democracy. Rosanvallon argues that while most theories of democracy focus on institutionalized forms of political participation (especially elections), the vitality of democracy rests equally on forms of “counter-democracy” through which citizens dissent, protest, and exert pressure from without on the democratic state. This argument is relevant to the concerns of a broad range of political scientists, most especially students of democratic theory, electoral and party politics, social movements, social capital, and “contentious politics.” The goal of this symposium is to invite a number of political scientists who work on these issues to comment on the book from their distinctive disciplinary, methodological, and theoretical perspectives.—Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor
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Warren, Mark E. "Democracy and Distrust." Perspectives on Politics 8, no. 3 (August 23, 2010): 892–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592710001349.
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Pierre Rosanvallon is one of the most important political theorists writing in French. Counter-Democracy: Politics in an Age of Distrust is a book about the limits of conventional understandings of democracy. Rosanvallon argues that while most theories of democracy focus on institutionalized forms of political participation (especially elections), the vitality of democracy rests equally on forms of “counter-democracy” through which citizens dissent, protest, and exert pressure from without on the democratic state. This argument is relevant to the concerns of a broad range of political scientists, most especially students of democratic theory, electoral and party politics, social movements, social capital, and “contentious politics.” The goal of this symposium is to invite a number of political scientists who work on these issues to comment on the book from their distinctive disciplinary, methodological, and theoretical perspectives.—Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor
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Schoonmaker, Donald. "The Changing Party Scene in West Germany and the Consequences for Stable Democracy." Review of Politics 50, no. 1 (1988): 49–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500036135.
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In the 1980's the West Germany party system finds itself in a new stage of development which bodes well for the continued long-term development of the second republic. Drawing on research from the comparative historical development of party systems and democratic regimes as well as from analysis of the recent elections, it is suggested that the concentration process in the party system of 1949–1983 has evolved into a more dispersed pattern with predominantly positive consequences for the Bonn democracy. The rise of the Greens, the gradual decline of the SPD, and the center-right coalition of CDU/CSU/FDP are analyzed from the standpoint of their contribution to stable and effective democracy. The nature of the coalition dynamics on both sides of the right-left spectrum are discussed with the conclusion that while West Germany is predominantly a Parteiendemokratie, the new forms of participation, the further development of pluralism, and the increased competition of ideas make it a democracy governed essentially by parliamentary parties yet more responsive to extraparliamentary forces.
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Emerson, Peter. "Good Governance." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 21 (February 2014): 132–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.21.132.
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In many countries, „free and fair‟ parliament elections precede a process of cabinet selection which, in contrast, is often far from transparent. In single party majority rule, the party which wins the election then forms the government, its leader becomes the premier, and he/she then has the power to hire and fire ministers, as it pleases. Where elections result in a number of parties being represented in parliament, none of which has a majority, there invariably follows a very opaque part of the democratic process: inter-party meetings, wherein various parties try to form a majority coalition, with ministries allocated to party functionaries in deals perhaps shady or worse. A third structure relates primarily to conflict zones, all-party power-sharing; in these situations, any negotiations by which a government is formed can be both problematic and protracted. It need not be so. In either a single-party majority rule, a majority or grand coalition, or a unity government, the parliamentary party or parties concerned could use a transparent voting procedure, a tabular mechanism by which every mp can vote, not only for those whom they wish to see in government, but also for each nominee‟s ministerial post. It is called a matrix vote. This article will examine different government structures – one-party, two-party and multi-party states; it will examine the assumptions on which democracy is based, with particular regard to the fact that the right of a majority to rule is often interpreted to mean that political decisions can best be resolved by binary votes; it will consider a hypothetical example of the matrix vote; and finally, it will discuss the feasibility of an inclusive, all-party political structure.
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Guidi, Mattia, and Yannis Karagiannis. "Social democratic parties and antitrust policy: evidence from Western Europe (2002–13)." European Political Science Review 8, no. 4 (May 25, 2015): 495–515. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773915000156.
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This paper investigates the position of social democratic parties (SDPs) towards antitrust (competition) policy. Given their traditional state-interventionist attitude and their ties with organized labour, SDPs have long been considered as not supportive of antitrust policy. However, antitrust policy’s goal of granting consumers lower prices is beneficial to salary earners. Hence, it is not surprising that SDPs’ support for antitrust policy varies considerably. To account for such variation, this paper hypothesizes that SDPs’ support for antitrust policy depends on: (a) the influence of trade unions; (b) the electoral system; and (c) the degree of coordination of the economy. Analysing in depth 16 party manifestos of West European SDPs from 2002 to 2013, we check the plausibility of our hypotheses with seven paired comparisons. Our analysis supports the hypothesis that the influence of trade unions affects SDPs’ support for antitrust policy, while the impact of electoral system and economic coordination appears less evident.
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Mufti, Malik. "The Many-Colored Cloak." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 27, no. 2 (April 1, 2010): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v27i2.358.
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This articles argues (a) that democratic discourse has already become hegemonic among mainstream Islamist movements in Turkey and the Arab world; (b) that while this development originated in tactical calculations, it constitutes a consequential transformation in Islamist political thought; and (c) that this transformation, in turn, raises critical questions about the interaction of religion and democracy with which contemporary Islamists have not yet grappled adequately but which were anticipated by medieval philosophers such as al-Farabi and Ibn Rushd. The argument is laid out through an analysis (based on textual sources and interviews) of key decisions on electoral participation made by Turkey’s AK Party and the Muslim Brotherhoods in Egypt, Jordan, and Syria. Particular attention is focused on these movements’ gradual embrace of three key democratic principles: pluralism, the people as the source of political authority, and the legitimacy of such procedural mechanisms as multiple parties and regular elections.
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Mufti, Malik. "The Many-Colored Cloak." American Journal of Islam and Society 27, no. 2 (April 1, 2010): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v27i2.358.
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This articles argues (a) that democratic discourse has already become hegemonic among mainstream Islamist movements in Turkey and the Arab world; (b) that while this development originated in tactical calculations, it constitutes a consequential transformation in Islamist political thought; and (c) that this transformation, in turn, raises critical questions about the interaction of religion and democracy with which contemporary Islamists have not yet grappled adequately but which were anticipated by medieval philosophers such as al-Farabi and Ibn Rushd. The argument is laid out through an analysis (based on textual sources and interviews) of key decisions on electoral participation made by Turkey’s AK Party and the Muslim Brotherhoods in Egypt, Jordan, and Syria. Particular attention is focused on these movements’ gradual embrace of three key democratic principles: pluralism, the people as the source of political authority, and the legitimacy of such procedural mechanisms as multiple parties and regular elections.
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Hanapiah, Pipin. "The Golkar’s Structures and Political Interaction Changes (Study on The Golkar Party in Bandung, Indonesia)." Journal of Social and Development Sciences 7, no. 1 (April 15, 2016): 90–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jsds.v7i1.1234.
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Each political party will be changed because it is determined by its internal and external factors. The changes are ongoing at their political process and mechanism, towards their objective and gives an impact to environment both to internally and externally. The change occured on Golkar’s structures and political changes in facing national reformation movement. Research affords to describe the changes that have been going on, through external dan internal determinants, process and mechanism, as well as the objective and impact. The research object is Golkar’s structures and political interaction that changed at the Golkar party in Bandung. The research used political sociology studies, qualitative approach, and descriptive methods. Meanwhile, the techniques of collecting data used document, literature, observation, and in-depth interview with using resource triangulation. The result of research showed Golkar faces process and mechanism changes, particularly about political structures and interaction. It determined by external (national reformation movement) and internal (democracy demand) factors. It leads to objective (adapting, modernizing, democratic, and decentralization) and impacts (to the Indonesian armed forces retired members and the civil servant and also the people to make and manage new political parties). To modernize its structure and political interaction, Golkar in Bandung should be continue the commitment, consistency, and adaptation to the nation development and dynamic of the region in Bandung.
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Sullivan, Lawrence R. "Towards a Democratic China: The Intellectual Biography of Yan Jiaqi.David S. K. Hong, Denis C. Mair." Australian Journal of Chinese Affairs 32 (July 1994): 183–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2949841.
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SEREDIUK, Mariia. "SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ACTIVITIES OF VOLODYMYR TSELEVYCH DURING NATIONAL LIBERATION STRUGGLE, 1918–1923." Ukraine: Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 31 (2018): 181–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/ukr.2018-31-181-189.
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The article analyzes the features of the formation of the outlook and social and political activities of the well-known Galician politician Volodymyr Tselevych in the first third of the 20th century within the context of socio-political processes in the region. It is noted that after graduation from the rural and high school, he entered the Law Faculty of the Yan Kazimierz University of Lviv, where, since his student years, he was an activist of social and cultural life. As a member of the Ukrainian Student Union (UCS), the future leader of the National Democrats fought for the Ukrainian University in Lviv, took an active part in the work of the national democratic section of this student organization, where supporters of the Ukrainian National Democratic Party (UNDP) rallied. Attention is drawn to politician's work in the Ukrainian Civic Committee (UGC), the Ukrainian Military Organization (UVO), his work on the protection of national-cultural, socio-political rights of Ukrainians who were persecuted by the Polish authorities after the Polish-Ukrainian War of 1918–1919. The circle of his associates, among them - the future leaders of Galician national parties, national-cultural organizations of land was singled out. The author has demonstrated that V. Tselevych was among those who signed a statement of the Inter-Party Council on complete trust in the government of Ye. Petrushevych on January 22, 1922. He also knew about specifics of S. Fedak's attempt to J. Pilsudski, as well as to S. Tverdohlib. It is shown that in 1923–1924 he was in the United States and Canada, where he raised funds for the cultural, educational and socio-economic needs of Ukraine. Keywords Volodymyr Tselevych, ZUNR, Ukrainian Civic Committee (UGC), Ukrainian Military Organization (UVO), Polish-Ukrainian war, repression.
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Guobadia, Osahon O. "The Relevance of the Judiciary in a Democratic Nigeria." African Journal of International and Comparative Law 20, no. 2 (June 2012): 301–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ajicl.2012.0035.
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A new constitutional democracy was established in Nigeria on 29 May 1999. This Fourth Republic was founded upon the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended) which unshackled the judiciary from the bondage of military decrees. This also brought excitement to the citizenry which finds expression in the belief that the judiciary, their last bastion of succour, is now poised to intervene in the inevitable tussle between might and the exercise of new democratic tenets. These tenets encompass the ideals of economic justice, political justice and social justice. 1 1 C. C. Nweze, ‘Judicial Sustainability of Constitutional Democracy in Nigeria: A Response to the Phonographic Theory of the Judicial Function’, in E. S. Nwauche and F. I. Asogwah (eds), Essays in Honour of Professor C. O. Okunkwo, (SAN) Jite Books (2000), p. 225. Against the backdrop of this reality, the article will examine the extent to which the judiciary in Nigeria has performed its constitutional role as an independent arm of government towards ensuring the observance of democratic values in a free, open, humane and civilised society.
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Tillman, Seth Barrett. "Who Can Be President of the United States?: Candidate Hillary Clinton and the Problem of Statutory Qualifications." British Journal of American Legal Studies 5, no. 1 (April 1, 2016): 95–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjals-2016-0003.
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Abstract Qualifications for public office restrict democratic choice, but such restrictions have a long pedigree in many jurisdictions. For example, the U.S. Constitution sets out qualifications for elected federal officials: i.e., Representative, Senator, President, and Vice President. Qualifications for those positions include provisions relating to age, citizenship, and residence. It has been long debated whether these textual qualifications are exclusive (i.e., floors and ceilings) or whether they are merely floors, which can be supplemented by additional qualifications imposed by Congress or by the States. Once again, this issue has become topical. Former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton is a prominent candidate in now-ongoing Democratic Party primary elections. These primaries select delegates to a national convention which will choose the Democratic Party’s candidate for the 2016 popular presidential election. It has been alleged that, during her term as Secretary of State, Clinton violated a provision of the federal statute mandating government record keeping. 18 U.S.C. § 2071 provides: “Whoever, having the custody of any … record … willfully and unlawfully conceals, removes, mutilates, obliterates, falsifies, or destroys the same … shall forfeit his office and be disqualified from holding any office under the United States.” This Article addresses two interesting interpretive challenges posed by Section 2071. First, does Section 2071’s “office under the United States” language reach the presidency? Second, if Section 2071’s “office under the United States” language encompasses the presidency, is the statute constitutional? In other words, does Congress have the power to create additional qualifications for the presidency?
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Radosavljević, Duško. "State Policy of Serbia – National Communities, Citizenship and Diaspora." Open Political Science 1, no. 1 (July 11, 2018): 58–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/openps-2018-0003.
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Abstract At this moment, Serbia is an “incomplete country” ( M.Podunavac), characterized by a certain kind of political restoration. It consists of several blocks of political power, which belong to the newly established authority, whose political technology is based on an explosive and very dangerous combination of national and social populism, with its uninstitutionalisation of the system of law and politics, its hasty and rather forced deviation from the “former regime” (Boris Tadic`s Democratic Party), which, altogether, not only resembles but actually revives formative principles of the “old regime”(Slobodan Milosevic). Since the first activities of the new political power are quite flavored with ideological aromas, there is a hope that the activities which marked Serbia in the last decade of the 20th century will not be brought back into public life, especially considering the fact that there are still scars which they left on the fragile democratic body of Serbia, on its public life in general, and particularly on our fields of interest - the policy on national communities, citizenship and diaspora.