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Journal articles on the topic 'Democratic people’s republic of Korea'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 25 April 2022

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1

Danielewski, Mateusz. "Polityka zagraniczna Związku Socjalistycznych Republik Radzieckich i Federacji Rosyjskiej wobec Koreańskiej Republiki Ludowo-Demokratycznej (1948–2016)." Poliarchia 5, no. 9 (January 25, 2019): 5–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/poliarchia.05.2017.09.01.

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Foreign Policy of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the Russian Federation toward the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (1948–2016) Foreign relations between the Soviet Union and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) during the Cold War were based on support of the North Korean regime and a distrustful attitude toward Kim Il‑sung, who remained neutral in the Soviet‑Chinese split. After the political transformation, the Russian Federation is pursuing pragmatic policy toward the DPRK. Moscow seeks to deepen economic cooperation in order to maintain security in Northeast Asia. The aim of this article is to analyse the USSR’s and Russia’s relations with the DPRK. The author describes events before, during and after the Cold War. The article draws attention to the extent to which national interests and the foreign policy of the Russian Federation coincide and differ from those pursued by the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea.

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2

Hemmings, John. "Deciphering the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea." International Politics Reviews 1, no. 2 (December 2013): 65–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/ipr.2013.7.

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3

Quinones, C. Kenneth. "Korea’s New Leaders and Prospects for Reconciliation." Asian Survey 55, no. 4 (August 1, 2015): 691–714. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2015.55.4.691.

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The Republic of Korea and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea since 1972 have attempted reconciliation, but without durable success. The latter’s building of a nuclear arsenal erased the progress achieved in 1989–1992 and 1998–2008. Assessed here is whether the new leaders of both Koreas since 2012 might be able to resume progress toward reconciliation. Ultimately, Park alone cannot sustain progress toward reconciliation unless she receives substantial domestic political support and North Korean leader Kim Jong-un responds constructively to her effort.

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4

Noble, Douglas James. "Public health in Democratic People’s Republic of Korea." BMJ Global Health 4, no. 2 (March 2019): e001440. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjgh-2019-001440.

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5

Skiba, A. P., A. V. Kovsh, and A. N. Myakhanova. "CRIMINAL LEGISLATION OF THE REPUBLIC OF KOREA, THE DEMOCRATIC PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF KOREA AND RUSSIA: COMPARATIVE LEGAL ANALYSIS OF TYPES OF PUNISHMENTS AND THEIR CONTENT." Juridical Journal of Samara University 6, no. 3 (September 28, 2020): 72–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.18287/2542-047x-2020-6-3-72-77.

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The types of punishments in the Republic of Korea and the Democratic peoples Republic of Korea have significant specifics in comparison with Russia and differ from each other. Their criminal law regulations are laconic in comparison with the Russian approach. Under the Criminal Code of the Democratic Peoples Republic of Korea, there is a clear emphasis on regulating punishments involving deprivation of liberty and restriction of the rights of a convicted person, and under the Criminal Code of the Republic of Korea, punishments with economic content. The author provides a translation of the provisions of Article 27 of the Criminal Code of the Democratic Peoples Republic of Korea and Article 41 of the Criminal Code of the Republic of Korea regarding the list of types of punishments.

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6

Jeong, Cheol Hyun, and Sang Hoon Lee. "Cultural Policy in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea." East Asia 26, no. 3 (June 19, 2009): 213–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12140-009-9080-5.

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7

Thomas, Dean. "Flags and Emblems of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea." Raven: A Journal of Vexillology 21 (2014): 95–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/raven2014215.

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8

Youngsoon Chung. "Identity Politics in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK)." Review of Korean Studies 14, no. 3 (September 2011): 101–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.25024/review.2011.14.3.004.

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9

Sabitov, Timur, Irina Zhilko, and Artem Gilyov. "Criminal Code of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea: Recent Trends." Russian Journal of Criminology 15, no. 1 (March 9, 2021): 124–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2500-4255.2021.15(1).124-132.

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Criminal law of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea is not stagnant, it is developing under the influence of international community, and this dynamics is of special interest for research that analyzes changes to the Criminal Code of the DPRK with the goal of understanding if there is a trend in North Korea for getting closer to the world community. Naturally, the reclusiveness of the DPRK does not make any speedy changes in its criminal policy likely, and we can only expect an evolutionary transformation of the policy in this sphere. At the same time, there is no denying the fact that the criminal law of the DPRK is converging more and more with the international standards. The examination of the CC of the DPRK included the analysis of the following: norms-principles and norms-declarations within the law; the structure of North Korean criminal law; its specific legal institutes; the system of punishments under the CC of the DPRK; the responsibility for some types of crimes under this Code. The current CC of the DPRK, adopted in 1950 and amended fifteen times since then, fits harmoniously with the policy of the DPRK. A study of key clauses of the CC of the DPRK, which reveal the attitude of North Korean lawmakers to universally recognized legal values, showed that there is a clear indication of the DPRK’s rapproachment with the international community. It is evident that the criminal law of North Korea is improving. At the same time, although some trends observed in North Korean lawmaking can be viewed as positive from the standpoint of universally recognized legal values, some of its criminal law’s features still make it impossible to conclude that the country has radically changed its criminal policy.

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10

KIM, Sung Chull. "North Korea 2019–2020." East Asian Policy 12, no. 02 (April 2020): 68–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s179393052000015x.

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While the nuclear negotiations between the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) and the United States reached a stalemate in 2019, North Korea has advanced its missile capability and strengthened its alignment with China. In 2020 and beyond, the security of the Korean peninsula will depend on China’s influence on the DPRK–US game amid the US–China rivalry; the modality of Kim Jong-un’s actions, i.e. whether they are provocations or restraints; and the sanctions’ effect on North Korea’s foreign currency reserves.

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11

Gauthier, Brandon K. "A Tortured Relic." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 22, no. 4 (November 26, 2015): 343–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02204002.

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Drawing on national and local news stories, newly declassified documents, u.s. prisoner of war (pow) memoirs, and popular films, this article argues that the legacy of the Korean War in the United States from 1953 to 1962 dramatically shaped how Americans imagined the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (dprk). It specifically examines how media portrayals of North Korean atrocities, the alleged misconduct of u.s. captives, and the relationship between the People’s Republic of China and the dprk affected public perceptions of “North Korea” as a subjective construct. The painful legacy of the Korean War, particularly the experience of u.s.pows, encouraged Americans to think of North Korea as an inherently violent foe and as part of a broader “Oriental Communist” enemy in the Cold War. When the experiences of u.s. soldiers contradicted these narratives, media sources often made distinctions between “North Koreans,” a repugnant racial and ideological “other,” and “north Koreans,” potential u.s. friends and allies.

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12

Сіра, О. В. "Unification concepts of the Republic of Korea and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea: reality or utopia?" Odesa National University Herald. Sociology and Politics 19, no. 2(21) (March 23, 2015): 123–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2304-1439.2014.2(21).39713.

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13

Korostelina, Karina, and Yuji Uesugi. "Japanese Perspective on Korean Reunification: An Analysis of Interrelations between Social Identity and Power." International Studies Review 21, no. 1 (October 19, 2020): 47–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-02101003.

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The paper explores how experts in Japan assess and understand the process and consequences of the unification of the Republic of Korea (South Korea) and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (North Korea). Based on the theoretical framework of interrelations between social identity and power, this paper asks how Japanese experts frame the process of Korean unification and evaluate its impact on Japan. The data was collected in Tokyo, Japan, through 37 semi-structured and focus group interviews, then examining these interviews using phenomenological and critical discourse analysis. Analysis of data reveals the existence of four competing narratives rooted in the complex relations between meaning of identity, concepts of power, and Japanese policies toward the unification process. The paper expands the description of two narratives currently present in the existing literature, (1) threat and (2) peace, and introduces two new narratives, (3) democratic processes and (4) restorative justice. The final discussion explores how three groups of factors, (1) regional dynamics, (2) domestic policy, and (3) possible models of unification, influence the prevalence of a particular narrative as well as resulting policies of Japan toward Korean unification.

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Johnson, John Arthur, and Udo Moenig. "Furthering taekwondo as an academic discipline: A report on Youngsan University’s 1st International Academic Taekwondo Conference." Revista de Artes Marciales Asiáticas 14, no. 2 (December 18, 2019): 86. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/rama.v14i2.6035.

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<p>The 1<sup>st</sup> International Academic Taekwondo Conference Youngsan University was held on October 4, 2019 in Yangsan, Republic of Korea (ROK; i.e., South Korea). In an effort to bring together international researchers of taekwondo, three non-Korean presenters were invited and three accomplished academics, two non-Korean, made up the conference’s invited panelists. The topics presented were: 1) the shift in taekwondo’s peace promotion duties, 2) a discussion of <em>mudo</em> (“martial way” of life) in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK; i.e., North Korea), and 3) the decline of taekwondo as a combat sport. Although small in scale, the conference built upon previous taekwondo academic endeavors in- and outside of Korea. Most importantly, the conference highlighted the fact that non-Korean academics are furthering the research field beyond the nationalistic concepts still held in the Korean taekwondo community. The event immediately garnered interest in an expanded conference for 2020.</p>

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15

Park, John J., Ah-Young Lim, Hyung-Soon Ahn, Andrew I. Kim, Soyoung Choi, David HW Oh, Owen Lee-Park, et al. "Systematic review of evidence on public health in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea." BMJ Global Health 4, no. 2 (March 2019): e001133. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjgh-2018-001133.

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BackgroundEngaging in public health activities in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK, also known as North Korea) offers a means to improve population health for its citizens and the wider region. Such an engagement requires an understanding of current and future needs.MethodsWe conducted a systematic search of five English and eight Korean language databases to identify available literature published between 1988 and 2017. A narrative review of evidence was conducted for five major categories (health systems, communicable diseases (CDs), non-communicable diseases (NCDs), injuries, and reproductive, maternal, newborn and child health (RMNCH) and nutrition).FindingsWe found 465 publications on the DPRK and public health. Of the 253 articles that addressed major disease categories, we found under-representation of publications relative to proportion of disease burden for the two most significant causes: NCDs (54.5% publications vs 72.6% disability adjusted life years (DALYs)) and injuries (0.4% publications vs 12.1% DALYs), in comparison to publications on the third and fourth largest disease burdens, RMNCH and nutrition (30.4% publications vs 8.6% DALYs) and CDs (14.6% publications vs 6.7% DALYs) which were over-represented. Although most disease category articles were on NCDs, the majority of NCD articles addressed mental health of refugees. Only 165 articles addressed populations within the DPRK and among these, we found publication gaps on social and environmental determinants of health, CDs, and NCDs.ConclusionThere are gaps in the public health literature on the DPRK. Future research should focus on under-studied, significant burdens of disease. Moreover, establishing more precise estimates of disease burden and their distribution, as well as analysis on health systems responses aimed at addressing them, can result in improvements in population health.

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Zhyvora, Olexii. "Practice of Propaganda on Korean Peninsula (1945-1960)." International Journal of Area Studies 11, no. 1 (May 1, 2016): 5–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ijas-2016-0001.

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Abstract The topic of propaganda, which was thought to be a part of the Cold War past, was recently revived by modern and rather successful application in Georgian, Syrian and Ukrainian conflicts. In this regard Korean Peninsula is a perfect example of prolonged use of mutual practice of indoctrination to study its origins. This article discuses the evolution of propaganda use by both Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and Republic of Korea (1945-1960) in cultural, economic and political dimensions. Qualitative text analysis and case study in conjunction with theoretical framework of A. E. Cassirer, S. Langer, E. Barneys and W. Lippmann are used to establish techniques used, and to explain its overall success.

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17

Jeon, Saebom, Seong Eun Kim, and Yousung Park. "A Study on the Population Structure of Democratic People’s Republic of Korea." Communications for Statistical Applications and Methods 22, no. 1 (January 31, 2015): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.5351/csam.2015.22.1.001.

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18

Grundy, John, Beverley-Ann Biggs, and David B. Hipgrave. "Public Health and International Partnerships in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea." PLOS Medicine 12, no. 12 (December 29, 2015): e1001929. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pmed.1001929.

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19

Nam, Kijeong. "Linking peace with reconciliation." Asian Education and Development Studies 8, no. 3 (July 8, 2019): 328–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-09-2018-0149.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explain Japan’s role in the peace process on the Korean Peninsula that began in early 2018. Design/methodology/approach This paper emphasizes the historical context of international politics in Northeast Asia, rather than power politics or geopolitics. The paper reaffirms the significance of the ongoing peace process on the Korean Peninsula by considering a synthesis of three joint declarations published in 1998, 2000 and 2002 between the Republic of Korea (ROK) and Japan, the ROK and Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), and between the DPRK and Japan. Findings The normalization of diplomatic relations between DPRK and Japan, along with reaffirmation of the joint declaration between the ROK and Japan, and the Panmunjeom Declaration, would be a base for denuclearizing Northeast Asia. Originality/value In Northeast Asia, historical reconciliation among the two Koreas and Japan and peace-building between the two parties on the Peninsula are closely linked. Moreover, the three bilateral relationships among these three parties are also the basis for creating a new multilateral security order in Northeast Asia.

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20

Lee, Steven Hugh. "Negotiating the Cold War: The United States and the Two Koreas." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 9, no. 1-2 (2000): 85–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656100793645958.

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AbstractSince December 1997, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), the People’s Republic of China (PRC), the Republic of Korea (ROK), and the United States have met in a series of talks aimed at promoting peace and stability on the Korean peninsula and in the region. According to a November 1998 U.S. Department of Defense report, the discussions have created a “diplomatic venue for reducing tensions and ultimately replacing the Armistice Agreement with a permanent peace settlement.”1 Amidst the tragic human suffering which has occurred in North Korea, there have been some encouraging developments on the peninsula. The 1994 Agreed Framework between the United States and North Korea placed international controls on North Korea’s atomic energy program and cautiously anticipated the normalization of U.S.-DPRK relations. Since assuming power in early 1998, South Korean President Kim Dae Jung has vigorously pursued a policy of engagement with P’yo¨ngyang, known as the “sunshine policy.” Over the past decade, North Korea has also reoriented its foreign policy. In the early 1990s, the regime’s social and economic crisis led to a rethinking of its autarkic economic system. By early 1994, the state had created new free trade zones and relatively open foreign investment laws.2 By complying with the Agreed Framework, the DPRK has also shown a willingness to work with the international community on sensitive issues affecting its internal sovereignty and ability to project power beyond its borders.

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Meyer-Rochow, V. Benno. "Ethno-entomological observations from North Korea (officially known as the “Democratic People’s Republic of Korea”)." Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine 9, no. 1 (2013): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/1746-4269-9-7.

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An, Jaehyung, Alexey Mikhaylov, and Sang-Uk Jung. "The Strategy of South Korea in the Global Oil Market." Energies 13, no. 10 (May 15, 2020): 2491. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en13102491.

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The paper analyzes South Korea’s strategy in the global oil market. South Korean oil cooperation is characterized by the creation or termination of joint projects in the oil sector, as well as the Republic of Korea’s national project for the diversification of state-energy suppliers. Oil cooperation currently has great potential, and the conditions that have developed at the highest level allow open discussions about positive dynamics for short-term and medium-term prospects in the field of oil cooperation. The analysis presented here includes export and import connections in the oil market. The authorities of the current administration of the Republic of Korea have adopted a new political stance towards the north, in accordance with which the state is actively developing and establishing relations with the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) and the Russian Federation. In the coming years, South Korea aims to renew and revise potential projects in the field of oil cooperation. The main result of this is that the political climate of the Republic of Korea is currently concentrated on the development of an oil cooperation strategy.

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Song, Jiyoung. "The Right to Survival in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea." European Journal of East Asian Studies 9, no. 1 (2010): 87–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156805810x517689.

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AbstractFor the past decade, the author has examined North Korean primary public documents and concludes that there have been changes of identities and ideas in the public discourse of human rights in the DPRK: from strong post-colonialism to Marxism-Leninism, from there to the creation of Juche as the state ideology and finally 'our style' socialism. This paper explains the background to Kim Jong Il's 'our style' human rights in North Korea: his broader framework, 'our style' socialism, with its two supporting ideational mechanisms, named 'virtuous politics' and 'military-first politics'. It analyses how some of these characteristics have disappeared while others have been reinforced over time. Marxism has significantly withered away since the end of the Cold War, and communism was finally deleted from the latest 2009 amended Socialist Constitution, whereas the concept of sovereignty has been strengthened and the language of duties has been actively employed by the authority almost as a relapse to the feudal Confucian tradition. The paper also includes some first-hand accounts from North Korean defectors interviewed in South Korea in October–December 2008. They show the perception of ordinary North Koreans on the ideas of human rights.

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Tan, Er-Win, Geetha Govindasamy, and Chang Kyoo Park. "The Potential Role of South-East Asia in North Korea’s Economic Reforms: The Cases of ASEAN, Vietnam and Singapore." Journal of Asian and African Studies 52, no. 2 (July 27, 2016): 172–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909615570952.

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The process of engaging the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea stands at a crossroads that presents challenges as well as opportunities. We believe that the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) can indirectly help to facilitate North Korean reforms in three ways: (i) Political: via ASEAN’s ability to function as a neutral facilitator of dialogue; (ii) Economic: as models of economic reform for North Korea (particularly based on the experiences of Singapore and Vietnam); (iii) Social: the Choson Exchange based in Singapore is an ideal location for enabling North Koreans to study abroad and thus gain a greater understanding of other countries.

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Husenicova, Lucia. "U.S. Foreign Policy Towards North Korea." International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 22, no. 1 (November 9, 2018): 65–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1641-4233.22.05.

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The U.S. relations to Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) are since the end of the Cold War revolving around achieving a state of nuclear free Korean peninsula. As non-proliferation is a long term of American foreign policy, relations to North Korea could be categorized primarily under this umbrella. However, the issue of North Korean political system also plays role as it belongs to the other important, more normative category of U.S. foreign policy which is the protection of human rights and spreading of democracy and liberal values. In addition, the North Korean issue influences U.S. relations and interests in broader region of Northeast Asia, its bilateral alliances with South Korea (Republic of Korea, ROK) and Japan as well as sensitive and complex relations to People’s Republic of China. As the current administration of president Donald J. Trump published its National security strategy and was fully occupied with the situation on Korean peninsula in its first year, the aim of the paper is to analyse the changes in evolution of U.S. North Korean policy under last three administrations, look at the different strategies adopted in order to achieve the same aim, the denuclearization. The paper does not provide a thorough analysis, neither looks at all documents adopted and presented in the U.S. or within the U.N. It more focuses on the general principles of particular strategies, most significant events in mutual relations as recorded by involved governmental officials and also weaknesses of these strategies as none has achieved desirable result. In conclusion, several options for current administration are drawn, however all of them require significant compromises and could be accompanied with series of setbacks dangerous for regional stability and U.S. position in the region.

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LEE, Choonkyu. "DIALECTS AT THE BORDER BETWEEN KOREA AND CHINA." International Journal of Korean Humanities and Social Sciences 2 (November 1, 2016): 157–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/kr.2016.02.08.

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In this paper, we seek a closer comparative dialectological study of the dialects of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and the Korean dialects of the ethnically Korean Chinese near the Korea-China border. Accessible resources published in English and other languages besides Korean are particularly necessary in these times of increasing instability in the North Korean regime and foreseeable cases of asylum seekers. Speech samples are discussed to illustrate the relative difficulty of distinguishing between North Korean and Korean-Chinese speakers, compared to distinguishing between North Korean and South Korean speakers. Based on an over-view of previous literature, some guidelines are developed for identifying some distinguishing characteristics of these speech communities. Continuing dialectological research with refugees and field research making direct comparisons between these communities are necessary for further and up-to-date insight.

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Hong, Suk-Hoon, and Yun-Young Cho. "Consistent pattern of DRPK’s policy on ROK: What shapes North Korea’s foreign policy?" International Area Studies Review 20, no. 1 (December 21, 2016): 57–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865916683602.

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Identity is the basis of North Korea’s regime legitimacy. As a divided country, North Korea’s legitimacy is forged in the inter-Korean comparison. This paper starts with the question of what factors influence whether North Korea chooses to implement risky or cooperative policies toward South Korea, as well as what role domestic politics and ideology play in The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea’s (DPRK) formation and enactment of foreign policy. This paper confirmed that the Pyongyang leadership’s policy priority has mostly depended on identity need. Also, we infer that Pyongyang tends to take a hostile stance whenever the South government is willing to infringe Pyongyang’s legitimacy and dignity regardless of the South’s economic assistance. This research attempts to explain how historical and cultural contexts play in the DPRK’s formation of its policy toward the Republic of Korea, and also examines Rodong Sinmun, the official newspaper of the Pyongyang regime, through the lens of content analysis in order to determine the DPRK’s perception and policy preferences toward the The Republic of Korea (ROK).

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Daewon, Ohn, and Mason Richey. "China’s Evolving Policy towards the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea under Xi Jinping." Asian Studies Review 39, no. 3 (July 3, 2015): 483–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357823.2015.1052778.

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Kim, Keewhan. "Discussion: A Study on the Population Structure of Democratic People’s Republic of Korea." Communications for Statistical Applications and Methods 22, no. 1 (January 31, 2015): 15–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.5351/csam.2015.22.1.015.

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Goodkind, Daniel. "Discussion: On the Study of Population Structure of Democratic People’s Republic of Korea." Communications for Statistical Applications and Methods 22, no. 1 (January 31, 2015): 19–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5351/csam.2015.22.1.019.

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Jeon, Saebom, Seong Eun Kim, and Yousung Park. "Rejoinder: A Study on the Population Structure of Democratic People’s Republic of Korea." Communications for Statistical Applications and Methods 22, no. 1 (January 31, 2015): 23–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5351/csam.2015.22.1.023.

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McCarthy, Thomas F. "The Management of Economic Development Assistance in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea." Asian Perspective 26, no. 1 (2002): 141–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/apr.2002.0039.

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Agov, Avram. "“The East Asian Frontier of the Socialist World: North Korea in the 1950s”." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 24, no. 2-3 (September 12, 2017): 160–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02402001.

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The decade of the 1950s was a formative period for the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (dprk), one that shaped its integration into the international socialist system. This article examines the interaction between North Korea’s internal (institutional) and external (international) integration into the socialist system that, at this time, the Soviet Union and its East European bloc allies dominated. It argues that North Korea was more integrated into the socialist world than its nationalist ideology implied. The 1950s marked the culmination of the dprk’s connectivity to the international socialist world. The narrative begins in the second half of the 1940s with the building of North Korea’s socialist system. It then focuses on East European bloc aid to North Korea during and after the Korean War, as well as the dprk’s reactions to this fraternal assistance. By the second half of the 1950s, North Korea came to associate integration with dependency, generating nationalist impulses in dprk policy and laying the foundation for the juche (self-reliance) paradigm. North Korea’s nationalist ideology was part of a broader post-colonial nation building drive, but socialist interdependency also played a role in the dprk’s divergence, after the early 1960s, from the Soviet bloc and the People’s Republic of China.

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Wright, Amanda, Lynn Pyun, Eunhee Ha, Jungsun Kim, Hae Soon Kim, Seok Hyang Kim, Insoo Oh, and Eun Mee Kim. "Critical Review of North Korean Women and Children's Health, 2000-2019: Physical and Mental Health Challenges with a Focus on Gender." International Studies Review 20, no. 2 (October 19, 2019): 95–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-02002005.

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Women account for over eighty percent of recent North Korean defectors arriving in South Korea, yet there is dearth of gender-based research. Given the speed with which the dialogue on denuclearization with the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK, North Korea) has progressed since 2017, there is a surprising gap in research on possible health threats. If sanctions are eased, interactions with these previously isolated people will increase leading to potential health problems. This article reviews studies published since 2000 to understand physical and mental health faced in DPRK, among North Korean defectors to South Korea, and to provide policy recommendations. A content analysis of ninety studies found that mental health challenges are severe for North Korean defectors, and that women suffer differently than men during defection and its aftermath. We recommend a more nuanced and gendered approach for future research in order to devise tangible solutions to improve the health of North Koreans in general, and defector women and children in particular.

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Sahakyan, Mher. "Comparative Analyses of Iran’s and the DPRK’s Nuclear Issues in the UNSC (2006-2013)." Iran and the Caucasus 21, no. 2 (June 21, 2017): 230–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20170206.

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The paper focuses on some aspects regarding Iran’s and the DPRK’s (Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, or North Korea) nuclear issues during 2006-2013. It raises in particular the following questions: what were the main similarities and differences between Iran’s and DPRK’s nuclear issues; what types of similarities and differences existed in the UNSC resolutions on this issue; what were the main positions of the UNSC’s 5 permanent members on this issue.

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36

Park, Kee B., Young Han Roh, Owen Lee-Park, and Sophie Park. "History of Neurosurgery in Democratic People's Republic of Korea." World Neurosurgery 84, no. 3 (September 2015): 855–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.wneu.2015.03.020.

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Marks, Florian, Batmunkh Nyambat, Zhi-Yi Xu, Vera von Kalckreuth, Paul E. Kilgore, Hye Jin Seo, Yuping Du, et al. "Vaccine introduction in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea." Vaccine 33, no. 20 (May 2015): 2297–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.vaccine.2015.03.005.

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38

Park, Phillip. "The future of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea." Journal of Contemporary Asia 31, no. 1 (January 2001): 104–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00472330180000071.

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Kim, Dohee, and Uk Heo. "Factors Affecting ROK–US Relations, 1990–2011: An Empirical Analysis." Journal of Asian and African Studies 53, no. 1 (August 8, 2016): 115–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909616662488.

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This study investigates what factors affect Republic of Korea (South Korea)–United States (ROK–US) relations based on a theoretical framework, using event data created by content analysis from 1990 to 2011. South Korea’s economic development led to democratization, which resulted in elite changes. New progressive elites interpreted national interests differently and demanded changes in ROK–US relations. Accordingly, the ROK–US relationship was tense during the progressive administrations. ROK’s economic development attracted more trade with the US, which enhanced the bilateral relationship due to heightened interdependence. By contrast, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (North Korea)–US relationship and the trade between ROK and China did not significantly affect ROK– relations, meaning ROK’s relationship with other countries does not affect ROK–US relations.

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Sailo, Lalawmawia, Lawmsangzuala Chhangte, Rochamliana Aineh, and H. Lalthanzara. "Sightings of chestnut-flanked white-eye Zosterops erythropleurus: First report from Mizoram, India." Science Vision 18, no. 2 (June 30, 2018): 78–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.33493/scivis.18.02.06.

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In this paper we report the first confirmed sighting of chestnut-flanked white-eye Zosterops erythropleurus (Swinhoe, 1863) from Mizoram and first photographic report from India. chestnut-flanked white-eye belongs to the family Zosteropidae and is a resident of Cambodia, China, Hongkong, Korea, Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, Laos, Myanmar, Russia, Thailand and Vietnam. In the Indian Sub-continent this is the only sighting report for this species and details of sightings and habitat are discussed.

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Burdelski, Marceli. "The relations between the Republic of Poland and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. The historical analysis." Polish Political Science Yearbook 39, no. 1 (December 31, 2010): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2010012.

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Choi, Woonsup, Sangjun Kang, Jinmu Choi, Joseph James Larsen, ChungWeon Oh, and Yu-gyung Na. "Characteristics of deforestation in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (North Korea) between the 1980s and 2000s." Regional Environmental Change 17, no. 2 (July 12, 2016): 379–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10113-016-1022-3.

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43

Yamamoto, Kaori. "What is Our “Homeland?”: Zainichi Korean High School Students on “Homeland Visit” Tours to the DPRK." Culture and Empathy: International Journal of Sociology, Psychology, and Cultural Studies 4, no. 2 (June 25, 2021): 119–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.32860/26356619/2021/4.2.0004.

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Less Zainichi youth are opting for Chosŏn (i.e. pro-DPRK) schools, partially because of integration into Japanese society and the wider career options that Japanese public education offers. Nevertheless, Chosŏn schools continue to provide universal education in Korean to nurture “proud and proper Koreans.” To this end, Korean schools aim to connect the students to their “homeland”: The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. Participant observation of school trips to the DPRK reveals what the “homeland” means to the students and how it relates to the schools’ educational goal. Vis-à-vis the rampant xenophobia in Japan, the schools’ practices carry an urgency that cannot be ignored.

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Kim, Alexander. "Understanding the origin of the Bohai state in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea." Asian Ethnicity 17, no. 2 (November 3, 2015): 248–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14631369.2015.1095634.

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Savin, I. Yu. "Soil-geographical characteristics of the western part of the democratic People’s Republic of Korea." Geography and Natural Resources 35, no. 3 (July 2014): 284–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1875372814030123.

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Kum Sik Han, Kwang Sik So, Rye Sun Choe, and Se Chan Kim. "First Occurrence of a Gomphotheriid (Proboscidea, Mammalia) from the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea." Paleontological Journal 55, no. 10 (December 2021): 1186–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s003103012110004x.

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Kovalchuk, Yulia A. "THE HETERO-IMAGE OF THE DEMOCRATIC PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF KOREA IN THE CONTEMPORARY PROSE OF THE REPUBLIC OF KOREA: IMAGOLOGICAL APPROACH." Imagologiya i komparativistika, no. 12 (December 2019): 208–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/24099554/12/10.

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ZIRALDO, Iva, and Jasmina KROFIČ. "Problems of Hangeul Romanization into Slovene." Acta Linguistica Asiatica 3, no. 3 (March 3, 2014): 71–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/ala.3.3.71-84.

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Slovenian grammar does not deal with Korean language and words of Korean origin. Since the number of Korean words in newspapers and other media in Slovenia is increasing, and different writers romanize these words in different ways, a need exists for a uniform transliteration system as soon as possible in order to avoid misapprehensions.The romanization of Korean is not a problem only in Slovenia but also in Korea. There are several systems of romanization. At the moment the Republic of Korea is using the Revised Romanization system, which was approved in the year 2000, while the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea uses the McCune-Reischauer system. The Republic of Korea stopped using the McCune-Reischauer system because of the inconvenient usage of diacritics and apostrophes. The problem of romanization of Korean consists not only in the difficulty of transcription but also the fact that not everyone follows the approved system. When writing proper names typically none of the existing systems is followed. Geographical names are written according to the Revised Romanization system, while names of universities, festivals etc., which include geographical names as well, are still written according to the McCune-Reischauer system.Koreans are aware of the problem of romanization and recently there has been new discussion in the Republic of Korea about another revision and the unification of the romanization of personal names. There is, however, an established convention according to which each individual writes their own name as wished. Due to specific morphophonological characteristics of the Korean language, consistent Romanization is impossible without adequate knowledge of the language.Since there are currently few Korean words used in Slovenian language an opportunity exists to establish an agreed spelling convention without the excessive revision that might be required later.

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Steele, Peter. "The Soldiers of Songbun: Militarization, Human Rights Abuse and Childhood Experiences of North Korean Youth." Allons-y: Journal of Children, Peace and Security 3 (March 29, 2020): 8–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.15273/allons-y.v3i0.10063.

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North Korea is an enigma. The United Nations (UN) states that it is “…without parallel in the contemporary world …” in terms of abuse, exploitation and lack of civil rights. No other rogue state commands the attention and mystique as the isolated nation of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK). Despite an increasingly prevalent international front, including warming relations with South Korea and the threat of nuclear weapons, everyday citizens remain hidden. Public displays of Olympic cheerleaders or the admittance of “K-Pop” stars across the Korean Demilitarization Zone (DMZ) distract from the widespread human rights abuses and public indoctrination that is second nature in the country. But this is no surprise; In the DPRK, the leader is above all else. While marginalized groups in other countries may be granted a voice by international organizations, the vulnerable in North Korea are obscured in the shadow of the great leader’s actions.

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Kontowska, Angelika. "Opozycja antysystemowa we współczesnych państwach totalitarnych - rzeczywistość czy abstrakcja?" Refleksje. Pismo naukowe studentów i doktorantów WNPiD UAM, no. 2 (October 31, 2018): 115–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/r.2010.2.10.

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This article analyses the problem of anti-systemic opposition’s existence in a totalitarian state. Different concepts concerning the genesis of totalitarianism as well as the features of this system were presented in the paper. Then, the idea of the opposition in a totalitarian state was defined. At the same time, it was emphasized that defining the oppositional quality in a democratic and totalitarian state is completely disparate. Next, an analysis of anti-systemic opposition’s occurrence in the states such as the Republic of Cuba and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea was made. This analysis helped to answer the question concerning the conditions which must exist in a totalitarian state so that the anti-systemic opposition could appear.

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