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1
Sabitov, Timur, Irina Zhilko, and Artem Gilyov. "Criminal Code of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea: Recent Trends." Russian Journal of Criminology 15, no. 1 (March 9, 2021): 124–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2500-4255.2021.15(1).124-132.
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Criminal law of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea is not stagnant, it is developing under the influence of international community, and this dynamics is of special interest for research that analyzes changes to the Criminal Code of the DPRK with the goal of understanding if there is a trend in North Korea for getting closer to the world community. Naturally, the reclusiveness of the DPRK does not make any speedy changes in its criminal policy likely, and we can only expect an evolutionary transformation of the policy in this sphere. At the same time, there is no denying the fact that the criminal law of the DPRK is converging more and more with the international standards. The examination of the CC of the DPRK included the analysis of the following: norms-principles and norms-declarations within the law; the structure of North Korean criminal law; its specific legal institutes; the system of punishments under the CC of the DPRK; the responsibility for some types of crimes under this Code. The current CC of the DPRK, adopted in 1950 and amended fifteen times since then, fits harmoniously with the policy of the DPRK. A study of key clauses of the CC of the DPRK, which reveal the attitude of North Korean lawmakers to universally recognized legal values, showed that there is a clear indication of the DPRK’s rapproachment with the international community. It is evident that the criminal law of North Korea is improving. At the same time, although some trends observed in North Korean lawmaking can be viewed as positive from the standpoint of universally recognized legal values, some of its criminal law’s features still make it impossible to conclude that the country has radically changed its criminal policy.
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Song, Jiyoung. "The Right to Survival in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea." European Journal of East Asian Studies 9, no. 1 (2010): 87–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156805810x517689.
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AbstractFor the past decade, the author has examined North Korean primary public documents and concludes that there have been changes of identities and ideas in the public discourse of human rights in the DPRK: from strong post-colonialism to Marxism-Leninism, from there to the creation of Juche as the state ideology and finally 'our style' socialism. This paper explains the background to Kim Jong Il's 'our style' human rights in North Korea: his broader framework, 'our style' socialism, with its two supporting ideational mechanisms, named 'virtuous politics' and 'military-first politics'. It analyses how some of these characteristics have disappeared while others have been reinforced over time. Marxism has significantly withered away since the end of the Cold War, and communism was finally deleted from the latest 2009 amended Socialist Constitution, whereas the concept of sovereignty has been strengthened and the language of duties has been actively employed by the authority almost as a relapse to the feudal Confucian tradition. The paper also includes some first-hand accounts from North Korean defectors interviewed in South Korea in October–December 2008. They show the perception of ordinary North Koreans on the ideas of human rights.
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Quinones, C. Kenneth. "Korea’s New Leaders and Prospects for Reconciliation." Asian Survey 55, no. 4 (August 1, 2015): 691–714. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2015.55.4.691.
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The Republic of Korea and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea since 1972 have attempted reconciliation, but without durable success. The latter’s building of a nuclear arsenal erased the progress achieved in 1989–1992 and 1998–2008. Assessed here is whether the new leaders of both Koreas since 2012 might be able to resume progress toward reconciliation. Ultimately, Park alone cannot sustain progress toward reconciliation unless she receives substantial domestic political support and North Korean leader Kim Jong-un responds constructively to her effort.
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Kim, Yoon Hee. "North Korean defectors seeking health certification to take the national medical licensing examination in the Republic of Korea: figures and procedures." Journal of Educational Evaluation for Health Professions 9 (December 1, 2012): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.3352/jeehp.2012.9.12.
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In May 2011, the Ministry of Unification of the Republic of Korea (Korea) announced that 21,165 defectors from Democratic People's Republic of Korea (North Korea) had settled in Korea. Since healthcare workers are counted among these defectors, it is necessary to provide them with a pathway to certification to work in Korea. This report summarizes the vetting and approval process defectors from North Korea must pass through to be eligible to take the national medical licensing examination. Defectors must pass an oral test conducted by the National Health Personnel Licensing Examination Board to be eligible to sit for the exam. From 2002 to August 2011, 41 North Korean defectors applied for the approval process to take the exam. Twenty-nine were approved (70.7%): 23 physicians, 1 dentist, 2 oriental medical doctor, 1 nurse, and 2 pharmacists. Out of 29 approved, 11 passed the licensing examination (39.3%). This report also highlights the difficulty in assessing North Korean defectors' eligibility by oral test, and suggests that adequate competency should be emphasized to recognize their unique abilities as healthcare personnel.
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KIM, Sung Chull. "North Korea 2019–2020." East Asian Policy 12, no. 02 (April 2020): 68–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s179393052000015x.
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While the nuclear negotiations between the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) and the United States reached a stalemate in 2019, North Korea has advanced its missile capability and strengthened its alignment with China. In 2020 and beyond, the security of the Korean peninsula will depend on China’s influence on the DPRK–US game amid the US–China rivalry; the modality of Kim Jong-un’s actions, i.e. whether they are provocations or restraints; and the sanctions’ effect on North Korea’s foreign currency reserves.
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K. Armstrong, Charles. "Trends in the Study of North Korea." Journal of Asian Studies 70, no. 2 (May 2011): 357–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911811000027.
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North Korean leader Kim Jong Il can be criticized for many failings, but if one of his goals has been keeping his country in the global media spotlight, he has been wildly successful. Of course, North Korea gets this international attention for all the wrong reasons: military provocations, a clandestine nuclear program, a bankrupt economy, an atrocious record on human rights, and an eccentric if not deranged leadership. Some of the accusations leveled against North Korea in the Western media and popular press may have a basis in fact, others are more questionable. But until recently, substantive knowledge of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) was notable mainly for its absence. Before the 1990s, little was written about the DPRK beyond official North Korean propaganda and its opposite, anti-North Korean propaganda from the South. Much of this has changed, both because of new sources of information (including material from North Korea's former communist allies), but more importantly because of the growing interest in the subject after South Korean democratization in the late 1980s and the first US-North Korean nuclear crisis of the early 1990s.
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Danielewski, Mateusz. "Polityka zagraniczna Związku Socjalistycznych Republik Radzieckich i Federacji Rosyjskiej wobec Koreańskiej Republiki Ludowo-Demokratycznej (1948–2016)." Poliarchia 5, no. 9 (January 25, 2019): 5–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/poliarchia.05.2017.09.01.
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Foreign Policy of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the Russian Federation toward the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (1948–2016) Foreign relations between the Soviet Union and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) during the Cold War were based on support of the North Korean regime and a distrustful attitude toward Kim Il‑sung, who remained neutral in the Soviet‑Chinese split. After the political transformation, the Russian Federation is pursuing pragmatic policy toward the DPRK. Moscow seeks to deepen economic cooperation in order to maintain security in Northeast Asia. The aim of this article is to analyse the USSR’s and Russia’s relations with the DPRK. The author describes events before, during and after the Cold War. The article draws attention to the extent to which national interests and the foreign policy of the Russian Federation coincide and differ from those pursued by the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea.
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Lankov, Andrei. "North Korean Refugees in Northeast China." Asian Survey 44, no. 6 (November 2004): 856–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2004.44.6.856.
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The current crisis in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea has resulted in an explosive increase in the illegal migration of North Koreans to Northeast China. The refugees' presence is seen as a nuisance by all sides involved, but their experience is increasingly influencing domestic policy in North Korea.
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Mencel, Marian. "Konsekwencje spotkania Donalda Trumpa i Kim Dzong Una w Singapurze." Studia Gdańskie. Wizje i rzeczywistość XV (June 15, 2019): 33–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.0395.
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As a consequence of the intensification of nuclear tests and long-range mis-siles, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea has become the subject of debates and pressure from the international environment, which is mani-fested by the increasingly stringent sanctions imposed by the UN Security Council, complemented by diplomatic pressures and intensified political influence on Pyongyang by the United States and China. As a result of their application, the relations between the two Korean states were warmed up, and the North Korean leader, Kim Jong Un, proposed to implement the process of denuclearization of North Korea and a direct meeting with the US President, Donald Trump. Why was there an unprecedented meeting and what are the consequences? How was the meeting perceived by the American regional allies? What is the position of China in connection with the events? What are the prospects for progress in contacts between North Korea and the United States, South Korea, China and Japan? Is it possible to fully denuclearise the Korean Peninsula? An attempt to answer these ques-tions has been made in this article.
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Gauthier, Brandon K. "A Tortured Relic." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 22, no. 4 (November 26, 2015): 343–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02204002.
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Drawing on national and local news stories, newly declassified documents, u.s. prisoner of war (pow) memoirs, and popular films, this article argues that the legacy of the Korean War in the United States from 1953 to 1962 dramatically shaped how Americans imagined the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (dprk). It specifically examines how media portrayals of North Korean atrocities, the alleged misconduct of u.s. captives, and the relationship between the People’s Republic of China and the dprk affected public perceptions of “North Korea” as a subjective construct. The painful legacy of the Korean War, particularly the experience of u.s.pows, encouraged Americans to think of North Korea as an inherently violent foe and as part of a broader “Oriental Communist” enemy in the Cold War. When the experiences of u.s. soldiers contradicted these narratives, media sources often made distinctions between “North Koreans,” a repugnant racial and ideological “other,” and “north Koreans,” potential u.s. friends and allies.
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Husenicova, Lucia. "U.S. Foreign Policy Towards North Korea." International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 22, no. 1 (November 9, 2018): 65–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1641-4233.22.05.
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The U.S. relations to Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) are since the end of the Cold War revolving around achieving a state of nuclear free Korean peninsula. As non-proliferation is a long term of American foreign policy, relations to North Korea could be categorized primarily under this umbrella. However, the issue of North Korean political system also plays role as it belongs to the other important, more normative category of U.S. foreign policy which is the protection of human rights and spreading of democracy and liberal values. In addition, the North Korean issue influences U.S. relations and interests in broader region of Northeast Asia, its bilateral alliances with South Korea (Republic of Korea, ROK) and Japan as well as sensitive and complex relations to People’s Republic of China. As the current administration of president Donald J. Trump published its National security strategy and was fully occupied with the situation on Korean peninsula in its first year, the aim of the paper is to analyse the changes in evolution of U.S. North Korean policy under last three administrations, look at the different strategies adopted in order to achieve the same aim, the denuclearization. The paper does not provide a thorough analysis, neither looks at all documents adopted and presented in the U.S. or within the U.N. It more focuses on the general principles of particular strategies, most significant events in mutual relations as recorded by involved governmental officials and also weaknesses of these strategies as none has achieved desirable result. In conclusion, several options for current administration are drawn, however all of them require significant compromises and could be accompanied with series of setbacks dangerous for regional stability and U.S. position in the region.
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Ryang, S. "Gender in Oblivion: Women in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (North Korea)." Journal of Asian and African Studies 35, no. 3 (January 1, 2000): 323–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002190960003500303.
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DiFilippo, Anthony. "History, Ideology, and Human Rights." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 53, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 153–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2020.53.2.153.
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This article will analyze the connection between history, countervailing ideologies, that is, the legacy of the Cold War, and the perceived identification of human rights violations as they pertain to countries with major security interests in Northeast Asia. This article will further show that the enduring nuclear-weapons problem in North Korea has been inextricably linked to human rights issues there, specifically because Washington wants to change the behavior of officials in Pyongyang so that the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) becomes a state that at least remotely resembles a liberal democracy. Although supported by much of the international community, including the United States' South Korean and Japanese allies in Northeast Asia, Washington's North Korean policy has remained ineffective, as Pyongyang has continued to perform missile testing and still possesses nuclear weapons.
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LEE, Choonkyu. "DIALECTS AT THE BORDER BETWEEN KOREA AND CHINA." International Journal of Korean Humanities and Social Sciences 2 (November 1, 2016): 157–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/kr.2016.02.08.
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In this paper, we seek a closer comparative dialectological study of the dialects of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and the Korean dialects of the ethnically Korean Chinese near the Korea-China border. Accessible resources published in English and other languages besides Korean are particularly necessary in these times of increasing instability in the North Korean regime and foreseeable cases of asylum seekers. Speech samples are discussed to illustrate the relative difficulty of distinguishing between North Korean and Korean-Chinese speakers, compared to distinguishing between North Korean and South Korean speakers. Based on an over-view of previous literature, some guidelines are developed for identifying some distinguishing characteristics of these speech communities. Continuing dialectological research with refugees and field research making direct comparisons between these communities are necessary for further and up-to-date insight.
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Oppenheim, Robert. "Introduction to the JAS Mini-Forum “Regarding North Korea”." Journal of Asian Studies 70, no. 2 (May 2011): 333–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911811000052.
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As Charles Armstrong notes in beginning his review essay that follows, deliberately or not North Korea has been in the headlines. Over the past two decades, and notwithstanding the publication timelines that affect our business, it has rarely been a risk for an academic author to start any piece by stating just that. While the articles that comprise this Journal of Asian Studies “mini-forum” on North Korea had already been commissioned, it will surprise no reader to learn that their framing and urgency shifted in response to recent events. As this issue goes to press, such events have included the November 2010 artillery skirmish centered on Yŏnp'yŏng Island, the choreographed revelation in the same month of Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) uranium enrichment facilities to visiting nuclear scientist Siegfried Hecker, and the March 2010 sinking of the South Korean warship Cheonan. All of these incidents—in combination with actions and inactions by South Korea, the United States, and other regional powers—arguably moved the peninsula closer to “the brink” at the end of 2010 than it had been for some time.
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Wright, Amanda, Lynn Pyun, Eunhee Ha, Jungsun Kim, Hae Soon Kim, Seok Hyang Kim, Insoo Oh, and Eun Mee Kim. "Critical Review of North Korean Women and Children's Health, 2000-2019: Physical and Mental Health Challenges with a Focus on Gender." International Studies Review 20, no. 2 (October 19, 2019): 95–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-02002005.
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Women account for over eighty percent of recent North Korean defectors arriving in South Korea, yet there is dearth of gender-based research. Given the speed with which the dialogue on denuclearization with the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK, North Korea) has progressed since 2017, there is a surprising gap in research on possible health threats. If sanctions are eased, interactions with these previously isolated people will increase leading to potential health problems. This article reviews studies published since 2000 to understand physical and mental health faced in DPRK, among North Korean defectors to South Korea, and to provide policy recommendations. A content analysis of ninety studies found that mental health challenges are severe for North Korean defectors, and that women suffer differently than men during defection and its aftermath. We recommend a more nuanced and gendered approach for future research in order to devise tangible solutions to improve the health of North Koreans in general, and defector women and children in particular.
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Frolova, Elena Vladimirovna. "Healthcare of South Korea." Spravočnik vrača obŝej praktiki (Journal of Family Medicine), no. 8 (July 12, 2021): 68–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/med-10-2108-10.
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South Korea is one of the most developed Asian states, located in the northeastern part of the Asian continent. This country has a powerful economy and highly developed industry, being one of the world's major suppliers of computer technology. Korean statehood traces its history from the 4th-3rd centuries BC, when the country was under the control of the Japanese Empire. As a result of the Second World War, Korea was divided into the northern part, controlled by the USSR, and the southern part, under US patronage. The Republic of Korea was founded on August 15, 1948, after which the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (better known as North Korea) was proclaimed on the territory of the Soviet zone on September 9. The subsequent Korean War, which lasted for three years (1950-1953), only consolidated the division of the country. Over the 70 years of its existence, South Korea has achieved tremendous economic progress, and the changes could not but affect the health sector. Despite the fact that compared to other highly developed countries, South Korea spends not so much on the development of medicine — about 7.6 % of GDP, this figure is slowly but steadily growing. More than half of the capital that goes to meet the needs of the healthcare system is of private origin. In addition to compulsory medical insurance, which covers 96 % of the country's population, non-state sources of funding include the system of voluntary medical insurance, payment for treatment received, as well as funds from charitable foundations. On average, each Korean spends about 5 % of their income on healthcare annually.
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Johnson, John Arthur, and Udo Moenig. "Furthering taekwondo as an academic discipline: A report on Youngsan University’s 1st International Academic Taekwondo Conference." Revista de Artes Marciales Asiáticas 14, no. 2 (December 18, 2019): 86. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/rama.v14i2.6035.
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<p>The 1<sup>st</sup> International Academic Taekwondo Conference Youngsan University was held on October 4, 2019 in Yangsan, Republic of Korea (ROK; i.e., South Korea). In an effort to bring together international researchers of taekwondo, three non-Korean presenters were invited and three accomplished academics, two non-Korean, made up the conference’s invited panelists. The topics presented were: 1) the shift in taekwondo’s peace promotion duties, 2) a discussion of <em>mudo</em> (“martial way” of life) in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK; i.e., North Korea), and 3) the decline of taekwondo as a combat sport. Although small in scale, the conference built upon previous taekwondo academic endeavors in- and outside of Korea. Most importantly, the conference highlighted the fact that non-Korean academics are furthering the research field beyond the nationalistic concepts still held in the Korean taekwondo community. The event immediately garnered interest in an expanded conference for 2020.</p>
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Katona-Apte, Judit, and Ali Mokdad. "Malnutrition of Children in the Democratic People's Republic of North Korea." Journal of Nutrition 128, no. 8 (August 1, 1998): 1315–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jn/128.8.1315.
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Lee, Steven Hugh. "Negotiating the Cold War: The United States and the Two Koreas." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 9, no. 1-2 (2000): 85–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656100793645958.
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AbstractSince December 1997, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), the People’s Republic of China (PRC), the Republic of Korea (ROK), and the United States have met in a series of talks aimed at promoting peace and stability on the Korean peninsula and in the region. According to a November 1998 U.S. Department of Defense report, the discussions have created a “diplomatic venue for reducing tensions and ultimately replacing the Armistice Agreement with a permanent peace settlement.”1 Amidst the tragic human suffering which has occurred in North Korea, there have been some encouraging developments on the peninsula. The 1994 Agreed Framework between the United States and North Korea placed international controls on North Korea’s atomic energy program and cautiously anticipated the normalization of U.S.-DPRK relations. Since assuming power in early 1998, South Korean President Kim Dae Jung has vigorously pursued a policy of engagement with P’yo¨ngyang, known as the “sunshine policy.” Over the past decade, North Korea has also reoriented its foreign policy. In the early 1990s, the regime’s social and economic crisis led to a rethinking of its autarkic economic system. By early 1994, the state had created new free trade zones and relatively open foreign investment laws.2 By complying with the Agreed Framework, the DPRK has also shown a willingness to work with the international community on sensitive issues affecting its internal sovereignty and ability to project power beyond its borders.
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Schmid, Andre. "Historicizing North Korea: State Socialism, Population Mobility, and Cold War Historiography." American Historical Review 123, no. 2 (April 1, 2018): 439–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhy001.
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Abstract The Cold War is far from over on the Korean Peninsula. Korean history—especially for the northern half—remains deeply shaped by the legacies of transnational anti-communism even as historians who study socialism in other settings have shed many of the Cold War–era assumptions about the extensive power of the state. By putting North Korea in a comparative perspective with other socialist countries such as the USSR, the People’s Republic of China, and the German Democratic Republic, this article suggests ways of integrating the constitutive power of social forces beyond the state into our histories of North Korea, as seen through an examination of population movement. Beginning with the dissolution of the Japanese Empire, the mobility of people has always been a politicized issue between the two Koreas. Historians have taken up this issue, yet dependence on sources produced by the North Korean state has led many narratives—however harshly critical of the regime—to reproduce within their own analytical frameworks key assumptions originally produced in Pyongyang in support of the personality cult. The result has been a cartoonish depiction of the North Korean state. By using a diverse set of public media as sources, this article shows that due to conflicting interests of migrants, factory managers, and central economic planners, many North Koreans moved into the cities despite administrative injunctions and the admonishments of Kim Ilsung. Asking questions about the limits of the state, rather than assuming its totalitarian capacity, becomes one way of escaping the historiographical legacies of the Cold War even as the politics of division continue to rage on the peninsula.
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Tan, Er-Win, Geetha Govindasamy, and Chang Kyoo Park. "The Potential Role of South-East Asia in North Korea’s Economic Reforms: The Cases of ASEAN, Vietnam and Singapore." Journal of Asian and African Studies 52, no. 2 (July 27, 2016): 172–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909615570952.
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The process of engaging the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea stands at a crossroads that presents challenges as well as opportunities. We believe that the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) can indirectly help to facilitate North Korean reforms in three ways: (i) Political: via ASEAN’s ability to function as a neutral facilitator of dialogue; (ii) Economic: as models of economic reform for North Korea (particularly based on the experiences of Singapore and Vietnam); (iii) Social: the Choson Exchange based in Singapore is an ideal location for enabling North Koreans to study abroad and thus gain a greater understanding of other countries.
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Hong, Suk-Hoon, and Yun-Young Cho. "Consistent pattern of DRPK’s policy on ROK: What shapes North Korea’s foreign policy?" International Area Studies Review 20, no. 1 (December 21, 2016): 57–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865916683602.
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Identity is the basis of North Korea’s regime legitimacy. As a divided country, North Korea’s legitimacy is forged in the inter-Korean comparison. This paper starts with the question of what factors influence whether North Korea chooses to implement risky or cooperative policies toward South Korea, as well as what role domestic politics and ideology play in The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea’s (DPRK) formation and enactment of foreign policy. This paper confirmed that the Pyongyang leadership’s policy priority has mostly depended on identity need. Also, we infer that Pyongyang tends to take a hostile stance whenever the South government is willing to infringe Pyongyang’s legitimacy and dignity regardless of the South’s economic assistance. This research attempts to explain how historical and cultural contexts play in the DPRK’s formation of its policy toward the Republic of Korea, and also examines Rodong Sinmun, the official newspaper of the Pyongyang regime, through the lens of content analysis in order to determine the DPRK’s perception and policy preferences toward the The Republic of Korea (ROK).
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Korostelina, Karina, and Yuji Uesugi. "Japanese Perspective on Korean Reunification: An Analysis of Interrelations between Social Identity and Power." International Studies Review 21, no. 1 (October 19, 2020): 47–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-02101003.
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The paper explores how experts in Japan assess and understand the process and consequences of the unification of the Republic of Korea (South Korea) and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (North Korea). Based on the theoretical framework of interrelations between social identity and power, this paper asks how Japanese experts frame the process of Korean unification and evaluate its impact on Japan. The data was collected in Tokyo, Japan, through 37 semi-structured and focus group interviews, then examining these interviews using phenomenological and critical discourse analysis. Analysis of data reveals the existence of four competing narratives rooted in the complex relations between meaning of identity, concepts of power, and Japanese policies toward the unification process. The paper expands the description of two narratives currently present in the existing literature, (1) threat and (2) peace, and introduces two new narratives, (3) democratic processes and (4) restorative justice. The final discussion explores how three groups of factors, (1) regional dynamics, (2) domestic policy, and (3) possible models of unification, influence the prevalence of a particular narrative as well as resulting policies of Japan toward Korean unification.
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Agov, Avram. "“The East Asian Frontier of the Socialist World: North Korea in the 1950s”." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 24, no. 2-3 (September 12, 2017): 160–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02402001.
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The decade of the 1950s was a formative period for the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (dprk), one that shaped its integration into the international socialist system. This article examines the interaction between North Korea’s internal (institutional) and external (international) integration into the socialist system that, at this time, the Soviet Union and its East European bloc allies dominated. It argues that North Korea was more integrated into the socialist world than its nationalist ideology implied. The 1950s marked the culmination of the dprk’s connectivity to the international socialist world. The narrative begins in the second half of the 1940s with the building of North Korea’s socialist system. It then focuses on East European bloc aid to North Korea during and after the Korean War, as well as the dprk’s reactions to this fraternal assistance. By the second half of the 1950s, North Korea came to associate integration with dependency, generating nationalist impulses in dprk policy and laying the foundation for the juche (self-reliance) paradigm. North Korea’s nationalist ideology was part of a broader post-colonial nation building drive, but socialist interdependency also played a role in the dprk’s divergence, after the early 1960s, from the Soviet bloc and the People’s Republic of China.
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An, Jaehyung, Alexey Mikhaylov, and Sang-Uk Jung. "The Strategy of South Korea in the Global Oil Market." Energies 13, no. 10 (May 15, 2020): 2491. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en13102491.
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The paper analyzes South Korea’s strategy in the global oil market. South Korean oil cooperation is characterized by the creation or termination of joint projects in the oil sector, as well as the Republic of Korea’s national project for the diversification of state-energy suppliers. Oil cooperation currently has great potential, and the conditions that have developed at the highest level allow open discussions about positive dynamics for short-term and medium-term prospects in the field of oil cooperation. The analysis presented here includes export and import connections in the oil market. The authorities of the current administration of the Republic of Korea have adopted a new political stance towards the north, in accordance with which the state is actively developing and establishing relations with the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) and the Russian Federation. In the coming years, South Korea aims to renew and revise potential projects in the field of oil cooperation. The main result of this is that the political climate of the Republic of Korea is currently concentrated on the development of an oil cooperation strategy.
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Steele, Peter. "The Soldiers of Songbun: Militarization, Human Rights Abuse and Childhood Experiences of North Korean Youth." Allons-y: Journal of Children, Peace and Security 3 (March 29, 2020): 8–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.15273/allons-y.v3i0.10063.
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North Korea is an enigma. The United Nations (UN) states that it is “…without parallel in the contemporary world …” in terms of abuse, exploitation and lack of civil rights. No other rogue state commands the attention and mystique as the isolated nation of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK). Despite an increasingly prevalent international front, including warming relations with South Korea and the threat of nuclear weapons, everyday citizens remain hidden. Public displays of Olympic cheerleaders or the admittance of “K-Pop” stars across the Korean Demilitarization Zone (DMZ) distract from the widespread human rights abuses and public indoctrination that is second nature in the country. But this is no surprise; In the DPRK, the leader is above all else. While marginalized groups in other countries may be granted a voice by international organizations, the vulnerable in North Korea are obscured in the shadow of the great leader’s actions.
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Clemens, Walter C. "North Korea's Quest for Nuclear Weapons: New Historical Evidence." Journal of East Asian Studies 10, no. 1 (April 2010): 127–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800003246.
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Soviet and East European documents provide significant revelations about the interactions of North Korea and its allies. First, they show Pyongyang's longstanding interest in obtaining nuclear technology and probably nuclear weapons. Second, they reveal that North Korea's leadership consistently evaded commitments to allies on nuclear matters—particularly constraints on its nuclear ambitions or even the provision of information. Third, North Korea's words and deeds evoked substantial concerns in Moscow and other communist capitals that Pyongyang, if it obtained nuclear weapons, might use them to blackmail its partners or risk provoking a nuclear war. When aid from the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics was not forthcoming, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea sought to bypass Moscow and obtain assistance from the Kremlin's East European clients and, when that proved fruitless, from Pakistan. The absence of international support reinforced the logic of self-reliance and “military first,” pushing North Korea to pursue an independent line with respect to its nuclear weapons. These patterns cannot be extrapolated in a linear way, but they surely suggest reasons for caution by those hoping to engage North Korea in a grand bargain.
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Cha, Victor D. "Balance, Parallelism, and Asymmetry: United States-Korea Relations." Journal of East Asian Studies 1, no. 1 (February 2001): 179–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800000278.
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The George W. Bush presidency has raised wide speculation about future United States' policy toward the Korean peninsula. The conventional wisdom among pundits in Washington, Seoul and elsewhere is that the incoming administration will switch to a ‘harder line’ regarding the Democratic Peoples' Republic of Korea (DPRK) and move away from the engagement policy practiced during the Clinton administration. In a similar vein, others have argued that Bush will place a premium on reaffirming and consolidating ties with traditional allies and friends like the Republic of Korea (ROK), Japan, and Taiwan while downplaying strategic engagement with China. The problem with such punditry is that it is usually overstated and under analyzed. Given the current state of relations, there is little incentive for dramatic changes in U.S. policy toward North Korea or with regard to the U.S.-ROK alliance. Moreover, given what is known of the Bush administration's foreign policy vision, there is little evidence upon which to predict an unadulterated hard line swing in policy toward Pyongyang.
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Phipps, John. "North Korea—Will it be the ‘Great Leader’s’ Turn Next?" Government and Opposition 26, no. 1 (January 1, 1991): 44–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1991.tb01123.x.
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OF ALL THE REMAINING COMMUNIST PARTY STATES THE Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) would appear to have the most to fear from the 1989 democratic revolutions that swept Eastern Europe. The regime of Kim I1 Sung remains unmoved and unreformed, but is certainly not unconcerned about the events that have taken place among its former socialist bloc allies. To an outside observer the Pyongyang regime gives the impression of being almost frozen in time, with no real progress having taken place in either the economic or political spheres over the last twenty years. When the Ceauaescu regime in Romania crumbled amid bloodshed in the closing days of the 1980s, many analysts’ attention turned in great expectation to the autocratic regime of the world's longest-serving political leader. The epitaph of the Kim regime was being prepared in earnest. Although the last twelve months have hardly been reassuring for the Kim Regime, communist party rule has been maintained and Kim's personal standing inside North Korea remains intact.
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Gainullina, Liailia Aidarovna, Rustem Ravilevich Muhametzyanov, Bulat Aidarovich Gainullin, and Nadiia Almazovna Galiautdinova. "DPRK'S nuclear program." Laplage em Revista 6, Extra-A (December 14, 2020): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.24115/s2446-622020206extra-a550p.15-22.
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Historically, in the eyes of the Korean people, Japan is an antagonistic state that has brought them many troubles in the past century. Relations between Japan and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) are fundamental in terms of security in the Northeast Asia (NEA) region, since the decision on the DPRK nuclear missile program and on the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula is one of the pillars of achieving that very security throughout the region. The period, we consider in this study, from 1996 to 2006, is of significant importance, since a thorough analysis of the events of those years is important for understanding the root of existing problems in bilateral relations between Japan and North Korea. The present analysis on the behavioral lines in the solution of the North Korean nuclear missile program may contribute to the choice the best way to normalize relations between the two countries.
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Kang, Jean S. "US Policy Dilemma: Food Aid to an "Enemy State"? The Case of Communist China, 1961-1963, and North Korea, 1993-2000." International Studies Review 6, no. 2 (September 28, 2005): 35–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-00602003.
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Both Communist China of the early 1960s and North Korea of the 1990s posed significant policy challenges to the United States revolving around the important question of food aid. The Clinton administration was faced with the task of responding to the height of the North Korean famine, which was estimated to have taken place between 1995-1998. Interestingly, the dilemma that confronted the Clinton administration of whether to provide US food assistance to a nation considered an "enemy state" was reminiscent of the circumstances faced by the Kennedy administration with regard to the famine that scoured Communist China in the early 1960s. Estimated to have claimed nearly 30 million lives, the details of the Chinese famine resulting from the Great Leap Forward of 1958 have only recently been examined, as foreigners were unable to gain access to the PRC until nearly twenty years after the events. Similarly, only time will bring to surface the details of the famine in North Korea (Democratic People's Republic of Korea, hereafter "DPRK") due to the country's present self-imposed isolation, comparable to that of the PRC in the 1960s. This study will examine the policy dilemma that confronted the United States with regard to the famine in Communist China following the Great Leap Forward in the 1960s and again in North Korea from 1993-2000. The divergent responses of the Kennedy administration and that of the Clinton administration will be studied, with a focus on Congressional discussions regarding the donation of US food aid to an "enemy state."
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Meyer-Rochow, V. Benno. "Ethno-entomological observations from North Korea (officially known as the “Democratic People’s Republic of Korea”)." Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine 9, no. 1 (2013): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/1746-4269-9-7.
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Czechowska, Monika. "Prawo karne w państwie totalitarnym — casus Korei Północnej." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 41, no. 4 (January 28, 2020): 233–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.41.4.11.
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Criminal law in a totalitarian state — a North Korean case studyIt is hard to imagine that in the 21st century there is a state in which a joke, a yawn during a political speech or singing pop songs is punishable by death, and for accidentally breaking the bust of the chief, putting newspaper with his image on the floor or other manifestations of “disobedience” one can be sent to a concentration camp with one’s whole family — three generations back. Meanwhile, it is not just an Orwellian vision of the world, but the North Korean reality.This article aims to analyze the North Korean penal code and, consequently, to find the answer to the question of whether criminal law in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea is an instrument of a totalitarian state policy and, if so, of what kind.
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Kim, Dohee, and Uk Heo. "Factors Affecting ROK–US Relations, 1990–2011: An Empirical Analysis." Journal of Asian and African Studies 53, no. 1 (August 8, 2016): 115–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909616662488.
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This study investigates what factors affect Republic of Korea (South Korea)–United States (ROK–US) relations based on a theoretical framework, using event data created by content analysis from 1990 to 2011. South Korea’s economic development led to democratization, which resulted in elite changes. New progressive elites interpreted national interests differently and demanded changes in ROK–US relations. Accordingly, the ROK–US relationship was tense during the progressive administrations. ROK’s economic development attracted more trade with the US, which enhanced the bilateral relationship due to heightened interdependence. By contrast, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (North Korea)–US relationship and the trade between ROK and China did not significantly affect ROK– relations, meaning ROK’s relationship with other countries does not affect ROK–US relations.
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Yufan, Hao, and Zhai Zhihai. "China's Decision to Enter the Korean War: History Revisted." China Quarterly 121 (March 1990): 94–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000013527.
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Thirty-seven years have passed since the Korean War ended in July 1953. The Korean War, which was one of the most dramatic events of the cold war, resulted not only in huge casualties on the two sides, but also in a deep wound in Sino–American relations which took more than two decades to heal. Vast amounts of research have been done on the war, but one important aspect–the motivation behind the decision of the People's Republic of China to enter the war – remains mysteriously masked, or at least unconvincingly explained.Why did Beijing involve itself in a military conflict with the United States, the world's most powerful country, at a time when the newly established regime needed to be consolidated? What were the factors that led the Chinese to decide that they had to enter the war on behalf of North Korea? It has been generally accepted in the west that the Chinese were motivated by a combination of Chinese xenophobic attitudes, security concerns, expansionist tendencies and the communist ideology. To what extent is this perspective historically correct? What is the Chinese perspective on this issue?The purpose of this article is to try to explain from a Chinese perspective the motivation of China's leaders in making such a momentous decision, as revealed by Chinese sources recently released in China.Historical RootsChina's decision to intervene in the Korean War on behalf of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) had its historical roots. It was the natural result of gradually developed animosity between the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and what it regarded as the foreign imperialist powers, especially the United States, and of the fear of a threat from the latter.
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Sahakyan, Mher. "Comparative Analyses of Iran’s and the DPRK’s Nuclear Issues in the UNSC (2006-2013)." Iran and the Caucasus 21, no. 2 (June 21, 2017): 230–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20170206.
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The paper focuses on some aspects regarding Iran’s and the DPRK’s (Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, or North Korea) nuclear issues during 2006-2013. It raises in particular the following questions: what were the main similarities and differences between Iran’s and DPRK’s nuclear issues; what types of similarities and differences existed in the UNSC resolutions on this issue; what were the main positions of the UNSC’s 5 permanent members on this issue.
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Sukhinin, V. E. "CHINESE CHARACTERS IN MODERN KOREA." Philology at MGIMO 21, no. 2 (July 3, 2020): 116–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2410-2423-2020-2-22-116-124.
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Being a part of the Chinese cultural area, the Korean Peninsula adopted Chinese characters and literary language in the first centuries C.E. Nevertheless, its colloquial language remained native Korean, genealogically and typologically different from Chinese, and in the first half of the 15th century the Korean alphabet was created. From the end of the 19th century, Korean was proclaimed the official written language, although the mixed script was mainly used (Sinokorean words were written in Chinese characters, and native words and grammatical formants in Korean alphabet).After liberation from the Japanese colonial rule (1910-1945), both the North and the South proclaimed abolition of writing in Chinese characters. But unlike the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, in the Republic of Korea the transition dragged on for more than half a century. And though at schools of both Korean states Chinese characters are still being taught, young generation has a rather low level of their knowledge.Upon thorough analysis of current South Korean newspapers and other materials, the author has made the conclusion that nowadays the usage of Chinese characters even in the South is extremely limited and is in fact occasional and depends on: 1) the topic of the text (it is present more widely in historical and classical literature); 2) the need to distinguish homonyms and difficult words with an unclear meaning; 3) writer’s preferences. Using Chinese characters is a personal choice, and one can choose to replace them with more wordy expressions instead.At the same time the article concludes that it is necessary to teach Chinese characters in certain quantities to students, including those majoring in Korean studies at non-linguistics universities including MGIMO. This recommendation takes into consideration, first, the existence of a huge layer of Sinokorean words (social and political vocabulary, terminology), which requires elementary knowledge of Chinese characters for better understanding; second, the task of reading current South Korean newspapers with some Chinese characters used, not to mention older publications written in mixed script.
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Ishiyama, John. "Assessing the leadership transition in North Korea: Using network analysis of field inspections, 1997–2012." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 47, no. 2 (April 27, 2014): 137–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2014.04.003.
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This paper examines changes in the in the composition of the North Korean elite from 1997 to 2012, a particularly tumultuous period in the history of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK). Specifically, the paper assesses the changing composition of the leadership networks around both Kim Jong Il and Kim Jong Un, using data from the entourages that accompanied the great leaders on their “on the spot guidance” inspection tours. The paper finds that there have been significant changes in the leadership elite since the succession of Kim Jong Un. The paper offers some observations regarding the implications these changes have on the receptivity of the regime to a normalization of relations with the West and future economic and political reform.
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Chestnut, Sheena. "Illicit Activity and Proliferation: North Korean Smuggling Networks." International Security 32, no. 1 (July 2007): 80–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec.2007.32.1.80.
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Since public disclosure by the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) of its uranium enrichment program in 2002 and the subsequent restarting of its plutonium reactor, policymakers and academics have expressed concern that the DPRK will one day export nuclear material or components. An examination of North Korea's involvement in nonnuclear criminal activities shows that the DPRK has established sophisticated transnational smuggling networks, some of which involve terrorist groups and others that have been able to distribute counterfeit currency and goods on U.S. territory. These networks provide North Korea with a significant amount of much-needed hard currency, but the DPRK regime's control over them has decreased over time. These developments suggest that North Korea has both the means and motivation for exporting nuclear material, and that concerns over nuclear export from the DPRK, authorized or not, are well founded. When placed in the context of the global nuclear black market, the North Korea case suggests that criminal networks are likely to play an increased role in future proliferation. In addition, it raises the concern that proliferation conducted through illicit networks will not always be well controlled by the supplier state. It is therefore imperative to track and curtail illicit networks not only because of the costs they impose, but also because of the deterrent value of countersmuggling efforts. New strategies that integrate law enforcement, counterproliferation, and nonproliferation tools are likely to have the greatest success in addressing the risks posed by illicit proliferation networks.
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Kerkhoff, Nate. "“North Korea and the Non-Aligned Movement: From Adulation to Marginalization”." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 28, no. 1 (May 7, 2020): 41–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-28010003.
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Abstract The diplomatic history of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (dprk) is intrinsically tied to Cold War politics, often in the context of the Communist versus capitalist paradigm regarding competition with the Republic of Korea (rok). However, North Korea’s actions outside of this scope were significant to understanding the full spectrum of its foreign policy of the Cold War era. This article explores the dprk’s relationship with the Non-Aligned Movement in an attempt to shed light on this largely under-studied aspect. As arguably the most important institution for the Global South during the Cold War, North Korea hoped to influence its members into isolating the rok politically and diplomatically. However, while it remains a member to this day, North Korea’s relevancy within the organization lasted for only a few short years. The following examination explores this phenomenon and argues that despite built-in advantages, North Korea’s own policy decisions led to its demise among significant voices in the organization and failure to achieve even any part of its overall goal.
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Choi, Woonsup, Sangjun Kang, Jinmu Choi, Joseph James Larsen, ChungWeon Oh, and Yu-gyung Na. "Characteristics of deforestation in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (North Korea) between the 1980s and 2000s." Regional Environmental Change 17, no. 2 (July 12, 2016): 379–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10113-016-1022-3.
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Grundy, John, and Rob Moodie. "An approach to health system strengthening in the Democratic Peoples Republic of Korea (North Korea)." International Journal of Health Planning and Management 24, no. 2 (April 2009): 113–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/hpm.958.
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INOMATA, Michiya, and Yong-Ui KIM. "Gold deposit and geology of the Chonsan mine, North-Pyongan Province, Democratic People's Republic of Korea." JOURNAL OF MINERALOGY, PETROLOGY AND ECONOMIC GEOLOGY 90, no. 5 (1995): 155–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2465/ganko.90.155.
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Park, John J., Ah-Young Lim, Hyung-Soon Ahn, Andrew I. Kim, Soyoung Choi, David HW Oh, Owen Lee-Park, et al. "Systematic review of evidence on public health in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea." BMJ Global Health 4, no. 2 (March 2019): e001133. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjgh-2018-001133.
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BackgroundEngaging in public health activities in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK, also known as North Korea) offers a means to improve population health for its citizens and the wider region. Such an engagement requires an understanding of current and future needs.MethodsWe conducted a systematic search of five English and eight Korean language databases to identify available literature published between 1988 and 2017. A narrative review of evidence was conducted for five major categories (health systems, communicable diseases (CDs), non-communicable diseases (NCDs), injuries, and reproductive, maternal, newborn and child health (RMNCH) and nutrition).FindingsWe found 465 publications on the DPRK and public health. Of the 253 articles that addressed major disease categories, we found under-representation of publications relative to proportion of disease burden for the two most significant causes: NCDs (54.5% publications vs 72.6% disability adjusted life years (DALYs)) and injuries (0.4% publications vs 12.1% DALYs), in comparison to publications on the third and fourth largest disease burdens, RMNCH and nutrition (30.4% publications vs 8.6% DALYs) and CDs (14.6% publications vs 6.7% DALYs) which were over-represented. Although most disease category articles were on NCDs, the majority of NCD articles addressed mental health of refugees. Only 165 articles addressed populations within the DPRK and among these, we found publication gaps on social and environmental determinants of health, CDs, and NCDs.ConclusionThere are gaps in the public health literature on the DPRK. Future research should focus on under-studied, significant burdens of disease. Moreover, establishing more precise estimates of disease burden and their distribution, as well as analysis on health systems responses aimed at addressing them, can result in improvements in population health.
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Choi, Jina, and Brendan Howe. "United Nations Contributions to Promoting Human Rights in the DPRK: Impetus for Change." International Studies Review 19, no. 2 (October 19, 2018): 115–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-01902006.
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The United Nations (UN) has been the key contributor to the diffusion of human rights norms and practices in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK). The process of promoting human rights in the DPRK has been beset with challenges. The UN has had to steer its way through a complex web of international politics in order consistently to apply pressure on Pyongyang to amend its human rights norm-violating behavior. While achievements to date have been limited, this paper identifies the processes of socialization rather than coercion or inducements, as constituting the most promising avenue for the UN to impact North Korean governance. The paper will examine the evolution of UN socialization efforts in the DPRK to date, including how and under what mechanisms or conditions, socialization occurred, and what progress has been made by UN socialization dynamics. Although the progress so far may have been limited at best, what has been achieved merits greater scholarly attention, in order to derive implications for future policy prescription with regard to promoting human rights in North Korea and beyond.
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Hymans, Jacques E. C. "Assessing North Korean Nuclear Intentions and Capacities: A New Approach." Journal of East Asian Studies 8, no. 2 (August 2008): 259–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800005324.
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This article develops a novel assessment of the nuclear program of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. Using a theory-driven approach rooted in comparative foreign policy analysis, the article undermines two common assumptions about the DPRK nuclear threat: first, that the North Korean leadership's nuclear intentions are a measured response to the external environment and, second, that the DPRK has developed enough technical capacity to go nuclear whenever it pleases. In place of these assumptions, the article puts forth the general theoretical hypotheses that (1) the decision to go nuclear is rarely if ever based on typical cost-benefit analysis, and instead reflects deep-seated national identity conceptions, and (2) the capacity to go nuclear depends not only on raw levels of industrialization and nuclear technology, but also on the state's organizational acumen. Applied to the case of the DPRK, these hypotheses suggest that it has long been strongly committed to the goal of acquiring an operational nuclear deterrent, but also that it has been finding it very difficult to successfully implement that wish. The article also demonstrates that these hypotheses are supported by the meager evidence available on this case.
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Dawson, Tyler, Aaron Aitken, Yixiong Huang, Kristen Pue, and Brendon Legault. "On the Passing of North Korea’s ‘Dear Leader:’ Kim Jong-il (1941-2011)." Agora: Political Science Undergraduate Journal 2, no. 1 (January 2, 2012): 82–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/agora12513.
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Few events have the potential to change the political landscape as dramatically as the death of an authoritarian leader, as their passing frequently leaves a power vacuum in their wake. This was certainly true of the death of Kim Jong-il, the former leader of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, who passed away on December 17, 2011. At this time, it is unclear as to exactly how events will unfold in Korea, as little is known about the reclusive nation. However, the collection of essays found below represent four initial perspectives on the passing of Kim Jong-il and its effect on the world.
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Zhang, Chi, Jun He, and Guanghui Yuan. "An Empirical Analysis on DPRK: Will Grain Yield Influence Foreign Policy Tendency?" Sustainability 12, no. 7 (March 30, 2020): 2711. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12072711.
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Democratic People’s Republic of Korea is the hub of Northeast Asia and its geopolitics is of great significance, whose foreign policy trend is not only related to the peace and stability of the region, but also one of the major variables affecting cooperation in Northeast Asia. According to the data on North Korea’s grain yield collected by the Korea National Statistical Office, supplemented by the data on international food aid to North Korea collected by the World Food Programme, and combined with the judgment of 10 experts from China, South Korea and the United States on the Hawk and Dove Index of North Korea’s foreign policy from 1990 to 2018, we use empirical mode decomposition wavelet transform data analysis and feature extraction methods to study the impact relationship, and OLS regression analysis to study the actual cycle of transformation. We found that: (1) North Korea’s grain output is an important indicator that affects its foreign policy tendency (hawks or doves). The hawk refers to those who take a tough attitude in policy and prefer rigid means such as containment, intimidation and conflicts; the dove refers to those who take mild attitude in policy, and prefer to adopt flexible means such as negotiation, cooperation, and coordination. When it comes to grain yield increase, North Korea’s foreign policy tends to be hawkish; when it comes to grain reduction, its dovish tendency will be on the rise. This is because food increase can alleviate grain shortage in North Korea and enhance its ability to adopt tough policies in its foreign policy. However, decreases in grain production will lead to adopt a more moderate policy and seek international cooperation and assistance to ease the internal pressure caused by grain shortage. (2) North Korea’s grain yield influencing its foreign policy (hawks or doves) has a lag phase of about 3 years. Such being the case, the accumulated grain during the production increase period has enhanced North Korea’s ability to cope with grain reduction in the short term. Secondly, the North Korean government blames the reduction on foreign sanctions, which will instead make the North Korean people more determined to resist external pressure. Therefore, we can use the changes in North Korea’s grain output to predict the direction of its foreign policy so as to more accurately judge the development of the Korean Peninsula and more effectively promote the process of peace and cooperation in Northeast Asia. We concluded that grain production will affect its policy sustainability in North Korea.
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Johnson, John A., Wojciech J. Cynarski, and Sunjang Lee. "ITF Taekwon-Do pedagogy in North Korea: A case study." Revista de Artes Marciales Asiáticas 14, no. 2s (November 18, 2019): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/rama.v14i2s.6017.
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<div><p><em>Background</em>. Despite the style of Taekwon-Do taught by the International Taekwon-Do Federation (ITF) being founded in the Republic of Korea (ROK; South Korea), it is known predominately as “North Korean Taekwon-Do.” <em>Problem and Aim</em>. Taekwon-Do was introduced to the People’s Democratic Republic of Korea (DPRK; North Korea) in 1980, but since then no studies have reported how it is practiced in that country due to the DPRK government’s restricting access to its populace. This research aims to begin establishing if there are differences in pedagogical purpose and praxis in DPRK Taekwon-Do. <em>Methodology</em>. An internet search for individuals who traveled to the DPRK to practice Taekwon-Do specifically was conducted. A systematic literature of ITF pedagogical materials was performed, and a multipurpose, qualitative questionnaire was implemented. Out of the seven individuals who were identified and contacted, two agreed to participate in the current study; however, one of those two were disqualified due to incorrectly completing the questionnaire. A descriptive, non-experimental case study of one subject (Singaporean female aged 36 yr.) was then conducted. A qualitative analysis of the data resulting from the questionnaire and follow-up interviews was performed. <em>Results</em>. All five areas of the ITF’s curriculum (i.e., fundamental techniques, <em>tul </em>[forms], sparring, <em>dallyon</em> [forging or conditioning of the body], and self-defense) and the three levels of Taekwon-do’s pedagogy (i.e., <em>musul</em> [martial technique], <em>muyae</em> [martial artistry], and <em>mudo</em> [martial way]) were found in DPRK Taekwon-Do. <em>Discussion and Conclusions</em>. Despite the severe limitations of being unable to interview DPRK Taekwon-Do practitioners directly and the smallest small sample group possible, it was learned that DPRK instructors most likely teach all aspects of General Choi’s Composition of Taekwon-Do, and the stratified Taekwon-Do pedagogy theory was found in the subject’s practice in the DPRK.</p></div>