Academic literature on the topic 'Democratic Progressive Party (DPP)'

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Journal articles on the topic "Democratic Progressive Party (DPP)"

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Rigger, Shelley. "The Democratic Progressive Party in 2000: Obstacles and Opportunities." China Quarterly 168 (December 2001): 944–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009443901000559.

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Since its inception in 1986, Taiwan's main opposition party, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), has struggled to establish itself as a competitor for national political power. The victory of DPP candidate Chen Shui-bian in the 2000 presidential election marked a major breakthrough, not only for the DPP, but for Taiwan's young democracy as well. This article examines the party's history with an eye to explaining both its extended failure to win national office and its eventual success. The paper identifies two sets of factors: aspects of Taiwan's political system that worked to the advantage of the ruling KMT and historical errors committed by the DPP. It then shows how the KMT's advantages degraded in 2000, just as the DPP overcame its self-imposed liabilities, resulting in a DPP presidency.
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Patterson, Dennis P., and Hans Stockton. "Strategies, Institutions, and Outcomes Under SNTV in Taiwan, 1992–2004." Journal of East Asian Studies 10, no. 1 (April 2010): 31–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800003210.

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During the five democratic elections held in Taiwan from 1992 to 2004 inclusive, the formerly dominant Kuomintang Party (KMT) was temporarily supplanted by the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) as the nation's largest political party. Most explanations for this have focused on party fragmentation and the changing patterns of electoral competition it helped create. These are important factors, but they have not been tested empirically at the level where candidates won and lost legislative seats, the level of the election district. This article offers such an empirical test, and it will show that these two factors had a direct impact on the ability of DPP and KMT candidates to obtain legislative seats. We also show that these factors carried indirect impacts by hurting the ability of the KMT and DPP to nominate in a way that they would obtain all the seats that their obtained vote shares would allow.
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Braig, Stefan. "Signs of Change? An Analysis of Taiwan's December 2009 Local Elections." Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 39, no. 1 (March 2010): 175–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261003900109.

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Under special circumstances created by a government decision to partly merge and upgrade six counties and county-level cities to special municipality status, local elections took place on December 5, 2009 in areas covering less than half of Taiwan's population. The results are generally seen as an important, though small, victory for the opposition Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). The ruling Kuomintang (KMT) (Guomindang), however, has remained in a stable position, while the DPP still has a long way to go towards a comeback.
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Nachman, Lev. "Misalignment between Social Movements and Political Parties in Taiwan’s 2016 Election." Asian Survey 58, no. 5 (September 2018): 874–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2018.58.5.874.

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Why would opposition movement activists not support an established opposition political party? Taiwan’s 2016 presidential election is apropos. This study shows that the Democratic Progressive Party lost support from leftist activists not only because of ideological distance but because they see the party as flawed and ineffective. But activists still voted strategically for Tsai Ing-wen and the DPP to thwart the Nationalist Party from winning the election.
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HO, Ming-Sho. "The Politics of Anti-Nuclear Protest in Taiwan: A Case of Party-Dependent Movement (1980–2000)." Modern Asian Studies 37, no. 3 (June 25, 2003): 683–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x03003068.

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This essay tries to understand a particular pattern of the relation between social movement and political party. By analyzing the development of the anti-nuclear protest in Taiwan, the author puts forth the concept of party-dependent movement. This term denotes an awkward situation where the fate of a social movement is bound to the electoral performance of a certain political party. In Taiwan, the rise of anti-nuclear voice is closely related to the democratic opening. The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) adopted an unequivocal anti-nuclear stand ever since its founding in 1986, thus helped to collect the increasing support from the broad movement constituents. But the growing DPP has other political priorities, which means the anti-nuclear goal is often shelved to the disappointment of movement activists. As a consequence of the early convergence, the movement has not been able to re-assert its autonomy.
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Schubert, Gunter. "No Winds of Change: Taiwan's 2012 National Elections and the Post-Election Fallout." Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 41, no. 3 (September 2012): 143–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261204100307.

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Taiwan held its first combined national elections on 14 January 2012. Though the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), the largest opposition party, fared much better in the Legislative Yuan elections than it did in 2008, DPP presidential contender Tsai Ying-wen's (Cai Yingwen) clear defeat at the hands of the Kuomintang (KMT, Guomindang) incumbent, Ma Ying-jeou (Ma Yingjiu), in the presidential race came as a surprise. The article examines the election campaigns of both Tsai and Ma, summarizes the election results, and analyses the reasons why the DPP failed to retake the presidency. It then discusses the postelection debate within the DPP on the future of its China policy and ponders what can be expected from the second Ma administration.
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TSENG, Katherine Hui-yi, and Min-hua CHIANG. "Taiwan Politics: Cross-strait Relations Continue to dominate." East Asian Policy 04, no. 01 (January 2012): 58–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930512000050.

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While the Ma administration claims that the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement is a means to promote Taiwan's economic growth, the opposition party, Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), continues to blame the Kuomintang for its negative impacts on Taiwan's economy. Politically, limited progress on cross-strait relations has been made. Beijing and Washington had paid close attention to Taiwan's 2012 presidential election for the unpredictable variables it may add to future China-US relations.
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Wei, Chi-hung. "China's Economic Offensive and Taiwan's Defensive Measures: Cross-Strait Fruit Trade, 2005–2008." China Quarterly 215 (August 15, 2013): 641–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574101300101x.

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AbstractThis article explains how Taiwan's Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) administration was able to restrict cross-Strait fruit trade and resist China's “fruit offensive” in a democratic setting. During 2004–2005, China implemented various preferential policies for the importation of Taiwanese fruit and wooed Taiwanese farmers in the rural south, where political support for the DPP was concentrated. However, trade statistics show that cross-Strait fruit trade only increased slightly, making up just 4 or 5 per cent of Taiwan's total fruit exports during 2005–2008. I argue that focusing solely on regime type ignores the formal and informal policy instruments a democratic state can wield to manage its commercial ties with, and resist economic offensives from, other states. Cross-Strait fruit trade was limited because the DPP used legal as well as corporatist informal policy instruments to resist China's fruit offensive. I conclude that state–society institutional relations explain cross-Strait economic relations and economic statecraft better than regime type alone.
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Lin, Jih-wen. "Institutionalized Uncertainty and Governance Crisis in Posthegemonic Taiwan." Journal of East Asian Studies 3, no. 3 (December 2003): 433–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800001594.

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March 20, 2000, constituted a milestone in Taiwan's modern political history. That day its electorate chose as president Chen Shui-bian, the candidate of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) who had been defamed as an antistate rebel only a decade before. The election also marked the end of the forty-year-plus hegemony of the Kuomintang (KMT, or Nationalists). That the DPP ascended to the island's supreme political office in spite of its rival's powerful organizational and economic arsenal suggested that the rules of the democratic electoral game finally took root in society, respected by all major political players to produce a peaceful and orderly regime change. Taiwan joined the club of consolidated democracies, so declared many observers.
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Bosco, Joseph. "Faction versus Ideology: Mobilization Strategies in Taiwan's Elections." China Quarterly 137 (March 1994): 28–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000034032.

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On 2 December 1989, voters on Taiwan cast ballots to elect national legislators (lifaweiyuan), provincial and city representatives (sheng/shiyiyuari) and county executives (xianzhang). Though the Nationalist Party (KMT) received 59 per cent of the overall vote, the election was widely viewed as a surprising success for the fledgling opposition party, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), since the KMT had polled over 70 per cent of the vote in all previous elections. James Soong, Secretary-General of the KMT, announced after an emergency meeting of the shocked KMT leadership, “We calmly accept an upset.”
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Democratic Progressive Party (DPP)"

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O'Neal, Brandon. "The Democratic Progressive Party: Self-regulation of Secessionist Rhetoric." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1511.

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Ever since the formation of the Democratic Progressive Party in 1986, the party campaigned on Taiwanese nationalism and de jure independence. It was the party in Taiwan known for its unwavering stance in the “One China Policy”: it recognizes itself as the sole legitimate China. In light of the 2016 presidential elections, the DPP lead by Tsai Ing-Wen changed their usual secessionist rhetoric towards China to one that is much more moderate in stance. Tsai Ing-Wen has pledged to “maintain the cross-strait status quo”, a sharp contrast in opinion for the party. How can this change be explained? Is the Democratic Progressive Party of Taiwan self-regulating its language? What is the DPP self-regulating in response to? This study will look at whether the pressure is coming internally from the constituency or externally from China's military and economic pressure.
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Chi, Chia-Lin. "Lee Teng-Hui’s political cross-straits policy and mainland china’s reaction." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/28534.

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By the end of the twentieth century, there were many secessionist groups, but, the move towards Taiwanese secessionism has arguably been the most significant of these. It triggered the 1996 Taiwan Strait Crisis, which resulted in a historical military confrontation between Mainland China and the US. As will be shown, from 1988 to 2000, Lee Teng-hui, as president of Taiwan, manipulated the political Cross-Straits relationship to promote what was ultimately a secessionist policy. This caused Mainland China to react strongly and triggered sharp tension between Taiwan and Mainland China. This thesis considers what motivated Lee Teng-hui to implement a secessionist Cross-Straits policy and why he supported unification while adopting a substantive secessionist policy. It looks at how he was able to instigate Taiwanese hostility towards Mainlanders, to transform the hostility into a sense of Taiwanese national identity and ultimately into Taiwanese secessionist ideology. A historical approach was used in exploring the origins of secessionism, and descriptive and analytical methods to review systematically and comprehensively political developments in the ROC and its civil war, and to study Lee Teng-hui’s life; the national identity of Taiwan and Mainland China; the implementation of Lee Teng-hui’s political Cross-Straits policy; and the reaction of Mainland China. The study showed that the main cause of Taiwanese secessionism was ethnic conflict between Taiwanese and Mainlanders. It originated from the 228 Incident of 1947, in which Mainlander-led troops slaughtered many Taiwanese. Soon after, the Mainlander-led government fled to Taiwan from Mainland China, and many Taiwanese (including Mainlanders) were killed during the State of Emergency in the 1950s and 1960s. Since the Mainlander-led government fled to Taiwan in its original central government form, the Mainlander élite occupied key positions in the government during the 1950s and 1960s. It resulted in unfair power-sharing for Taiwanese, and caused the Taiwanese élite to believe that they had to establish their own government (nation). Lee Teng-hui had participated in the CCP and had been under political surveillance by the Mainlander-led government for over twenty years. He weathered these political difficulties, but by reasonable inference, there was a close relationship between the political oppression by the Mainlander-led government and his secessionist political Cross-Straits policy. Because Taiwanese residents were indoctrinated by Chiang Ching-kuo and his father, Chiang Kai-shek’s administration for about 40 years, Chinese ideology was dominant and Lee Teng-hui initially paid lip-service to Cross-Strait unification whilst working towards secessionism as reflected in the Chingdao-Lake Incident (1994); the private dialogue between Lee Teng-hui and Shiba Ryotaro (1994); the address at Cornell University (1995); and his two-state theory (1999). However, due to strong pressure from Mainland China, he did not reach his secessionist goal during his presidential term (1988-2000). In conclusion, this thesis shows that Taiwan Island’s geopolitical importance is at the heart of the US’ support for Taiwan’s secession from the Mainland. Therefore, Lee’s secessionist Cross-Strait policy aside, US national interests lie in containing Mainland China and it has, therefore, always played an important role in the secessionist issue and always will. From the perspective of Mainland China, either in terms of nationalism or national security, Taiwan’s secession is a life-and-death issue. If Taiwanese authorities were to declare independence, the only option for Mainland China would be to launch a unification war. For the US, Taiwan is only a pawn that it uses to contain Mainland China. Therefore, in the Cross-Strait issue, the US has more options than Mainland China, namely, to use military intervention in the future to deter Chinese unification or to decide to share common peaceful international relations with Mainland China by accepting Cross-Strait unification.
Thesis (DPhil (International Relations))--University of Pretoria, 2004.
Political Sciences
unrestricted
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Chang, Melody. "Phoenix Reborn: The Revival of Taiwan's Democratic Progressive Party from 2008-2016." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1462.

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The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) suffered a crushing defeat to the Kuomintang (KMT) in the 2008 presidential elections in Taiwan that left them passive, disorganized, and without a clear future in the Taiwanese government. The pro-independence DPP had successfully maintained executive power for two terms, winning the 2000 and 2004 elections while increasingly promoting a spirit of Taiwanese nationalism. However, President Chen Shui-bian’s administration soon proved to be disastrous with his corruption scandals and failed policies that were evident of the party’s lack of political experience. After eight years under Ma Ying-jeou, the DPP, with its limited resources, managed to revive itself to win a complete transfer of power with Tsai Ing-wen’s victory in 2016. The purpose of this paper is to provide an explanation for the domestic events that allowed for the DPP’s return. Three major categories include: the collapse of the KMT government, the changing society and rise of a new era, and the restructuring of the DPP’s platform and campaigning practices. These areas will be examined through key events, which provide crucial insight into how these external factors became favorable conditions for the opposition party. The findings from this case study of Taiwanese domestic politics can be instrumental in further understanding cross-Strait relations.
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Ngo, Tak-wing. "The emergence of political opposition in an authoritarian regime : the case of Taiwan /." [Hong Kong] : University of Hong Kong, 1989. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B12754572.

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Kundu, Apurba. "How will the return of the Congress Party affect Indian Foreign and Security Policy?" Thesis, EIAS Policy Brief, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/2985.

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No
The 2004 Indian general elections stunned observers when, contrary to expectations, the ruling National Democratic Alliance (NDA) coalition government led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Prime Minister Atul Behari Vajpayee was defeated by an electoral coalition led by the Indian National Congress (INC) headed by Sonia Gandhi. A further surprise came when Gandhi declined to become India's first foreign-born prime minister, opting instead to back party stalwart Dr Manmohan Singh for this office. Dr Singh, India's first Sikh prime minister, now heads a United Progressive Alliance (UPA) coalition government headed by a cabinet containing 19 INC members and 10 members of smaller parties. Will the return to power of the INC after eight years in opposition (during three years of Left Front then five years of BJP/NDA rule) result in a shift of India's foreign and national security policies?
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Jones, Cherisse Renee. "Repairers of the breach black and white women and racial activism in South Carolina, 1940s-1960s /." Connect to this title online, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1060706692.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2003.
Document formatted into pages; contains viii, 256 p. Includes bibliographical references (p. 247-256). Abstract available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center; full text release delayed at author's request until 2006 Aug. 12.
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7

Chang, Meng-Feng, and 張孟豐. "The Transformation of Factional Politics in Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), 1999-2005." Thesis, 2005. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/12918919020986335760.

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碩士
國立臺灣師範大學
政治學研究所在職進修碩士班
93
“Factions of a party is like parties of a country.” Citizens may have ill feelings for parties and factions; however, both parties and factions play important roles in the operation of democratic politics. According to Political Order in Changing Societies of Professor Samuel P. Huntington, a partyless regime lacks a system way to improve society changing and to absorb the impact after changing, and as well, its capacity to realize political ideal, economic goal, and social modernization is even limited. Thus, parties and factions are decisive of the political development. The DPP founded in 1986 has been dominated by factions. The factional structure is relatively stable. The DPP Legislative Yuan caucus is the policy-making center for factional leaders; the DPP Headquarters is responsible for the drafting of party charter, administration, and elections. In other words, the DPP is a stable Internally-created Party dominated by the factions. The DPP Headquarters and Legislative Yuan caucus form a binary policy-making center. The characteristics of a party dominated by the factions representing at the party policy making is that though factions have different opinions of a policy in the very beginning, once the policy goal is set up after a policy debate or factional leaders’ negotiation, all factions cohere and assume common standpoints externally. Therefore, the factions not only maintain DPP’s balance of power—share of the party personnel and allocation of every election nomination, but also affect DPP’s policy-making direction. The DPP won presidential election in 2000, became the ruling party, and assumed the power to allocate political and economic resources. Nevertheless, from “Non-partisan Government” to “Minority Government,” DPP factions have different opinions in the operation of power and disputes in primary election of the party, which reveals that the structure of factions works loose, the power game arises during power transitions, and moreover the political situation is influenced.
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8

Wang, Li-Kuo, and 王勵國. "The Research of Mainland China Policy Taken by DDP (Democratic Progressive Party) Government." Thesis, 2006. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/ak5g9w.

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碩士
銘傳大學
社會科學院國家發展與兩岸關係碩士在職專班
94
The government of Democratic Progressive Party (DPP.) has been running for six years since Chen Shui-bian and Hsiu-lien Annette Lu were inaugurated as the president and the vice president of the tenth run of Republic of China. Currently, in terms of the claim of both sides policy, the ruling authority resolutely object to the basic of the “ One China Policy” addressed by People Republic of China (PRC.) government, but consider the relationship of the both sides to be the international frame of “ Country to Country” instead; therefore, the authority tries to establish a kind of normal reciprocal relation of international interaction. On the other hand, the PRC government always regards that the political principle of “ One China Policy “ and “ Consensus of 1992” should be the premise of both sides’ dialogue. The ruling party government has made effort in adjustment and implement of mainland policy, the development of both sides’ relationship does not get any significant steps though owing to both sides’ standpoint of policy firmly. This thesis is to explore the background factors of drawing up the mainland policy of the ruling government by means of studying the related researched methods, which illustrates the changes of mainland policy from experiencing the stages of “The Independence Forum of Taiwan practical sovereign rights”, “Taiwan Independence forum”, and “ The Innovation Forum of Protecting Taiwan” to the alternation of political party in power. In addition, this thesis also studies the aspects of international relationship, national security, Taiwan history of culture, the interaction and relation of Taiwan Straits, etc and explores the strategies of international political and economical issues and the development of the relations among US, mainland China and Taiwan, the structure of country security, the relation of culture and local though, history evolution and political changes, and the effects of basic doctrinism, the goodness of new government for the people. Furthermore, this thesis also discusses with the relationship and interaction of both sides after renewing the ruling party’s terms and the impact of “Anti-Secession Law” drawn by PRC currently. In terms of mainland policy of the ruling government, the thesis is to focus on the aspects, which are including setting both sides’ relationship, the standpoints of mainland policy, the consult meeting of both sides’ dialogue, the interactive frame peacefully, the strategy of military preparation, the policy of investment and trade, the agenda of three “communication”, the mainland financial policy, the opening of mainland people’s visiting and traveling, the permit of journalists’ cover at the fixed points, denying the diploma identification of mainland education, advocating the statement of public speech, discussing standpoints of mainland policy and security strategy, both mainland economical and social cultural strategies, etc. Moreover, this thesis will get the above-referred issues into account to research for the core value of both “ Nation Security” and “Sovereignty Independence” of the ruling government about mainland policy.
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9

Hsieh, Jui-Ming, and 謝瑞明. "Democratic Progressive Party ’s Factionalism: 2000-2008." Thesis, 2013. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/85465593892900799914.

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博士
中國文化大學
政治學系
101
The following research is related to the development of factions, which consists of setting, form, range and reason in the DPP government time. Such a development could be comparable to traditional faction. The result of the research is that the operations of factions influence the political decisions and political powers in the DPP. The relationship between the different factions is very complicated. Political power is centralized in President Chen Shui-Bian, Justice Alliance faction and New Tide faction. But since that the actual affair can unite the different faction in the party, which bring about ruling-group and opposition-group. Additionally, the original existing faction split himself. Traditionally, factional politics apply collegiate system and shared governance. However, this situation has been mitigated by centralizing president’s authority. Dominant faction was led by Chen Shui-bian or local leaders during ruling period. The reasons that influence factions consist of president, government policy, constitutional structure and electoral system. Chen Shui-bian played a key role in party affairs, election and policy during his ruling period. After the outbreak of the relevant scandal, President Chen Shui-bian and his faction lost prestige. In the meanwhile, the operations of the factions return to traditional model. The equal, normal and institutional faction in the past had gradually transferred into an individual servant faction under the ruling of self-interest dominant by Chen Shui-bian and other central leaders refer above. And this resulted in the complexity of the factions, which had changed right after the eruption of the scandals. On the other hand, perceiving from the aspect of the comparative feature and range, the operation of faction in DDP was accessible to the public, however, it has changed into a reserved form since the ruling period, and the range of competition was restricted to the people in the core of ruling, especially to former president Chen Shui-bian and other senior leadership. Moreover, from the view of the development of factions, there are some similarity between DDP and LDP (Liberal Democratic Party) in Japan, since that they both transferred their faction from a multiple form into a single and co-leading form. Therefore, the positive and comparative function of DDP had strongly diminished since the ruling in 2000, not to mention the public, democratic and multiple features under the competition of faction had also profoundly decreased since the ruling. And this is undoubtedly the main reason that led to the end of eight- year-executive governance.
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Wang, Jinn-ming, and 王進名. "Democratic progressive party place party duty director has the system stable research." Thesis, 2009. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/56592511980530307898.

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碩士
國立中山大學
政治學研究所
98
The succession is Taiwan''s in 1986 (75 years) under the martial law authority system, the aboriginality democratic progressive party''s in at the end of fall the beginning of winter (9/28) date, just happene to meet atthat time the Kuomintang being in power authority ountedscout densely covered with under the atmosphere which withered finally to establish. This is the organizational structure which loose has notoperated the rudder from non-party time each place enters into officiallyby the central party committee political party essence institution operation start, previously like the mushroom growth various places non-partyorganization also one after another one after another reformed the beingestablished development, and by place standing organization institution(party committee) the state has opened in our country democraticinstitutions the party politics competition. Democratic progressive party place county municipal party headquarters party duty director is situated the strategic point, actually the political party stationing in various places county city party organization institution''s actual person in charge, has the strong party spirit and theshoulder political party develops the place politics domain the mission,and holds superiority of the county municipal party headquarters partyresources utilization.The present paper the theory surface which will study by heavy practice surface matching analyzes it, place county municipal party headquarters party duty director will have the system stable really tobe supposed take Democratic Progressive Party''s in system lengthwisesection and the non-system surface cross section of as the elaboration axlecenter. System surface: Such as the place party committee sets up the means, the county municipal party headquarters organizes the regulations, the party duty personnel to elect the means, the county municipal party headquarters fourth, five kind of public official elects the nominationmeans or the party member year to year party dues captures depth contents and so on the means and financial control rule, has the system by viewparty duty director to stabilize rests on what. Non-system surface: Then iscontinual by the cross section, such as and pocket party member wealthyand powerful family (foot of pile) transportation and maintenance, rulingcounty city and non-ruling county city time party duty director and countymayor like for same clique either homogeneity of or difference non-sameclique its interaction situation or the role acting why? But other each kindof public service mover or is the coordination also can accept regardingthe party duty director''s direction? Furthermore, with for the party dutynational party representative, the county city party members representsand holds comments committee member to link party duty director to havethe system to have what influence and the subtle relations stably. Moreover, these perform its own functions each kind of party duty mover duty department revises the rules and regulations in particular thenational party representative nearly has also not acted must revise changesparty duty director to have the system.If is by the view, above these manymay affect party duty director to produce the system party duty moverreally little to change this system the fact result, is opposite by the word,but “the rational choice system theory” the viewpoint not also talliesappears party duty director to have the system stable relative most majorcharacteristic even more suddenly. Your in the recent several dozens years, no matter is the East and West world national laws and regulations or the article, also perhaps in anynational big enterprise, the small organization or the political party and the association and so on, its internal custom, the means or the main point, allseek the change and between the transformation activation voice in onepiece, but noisy changes changes does not have set of flawless full easy touse well-mannered systems to be satisfying. In this, production of take thedemocratic progressive party place party duty director as the example,strengthens the system stable invariable usability, even more may verify isthe question which the system custom transforms, but is the stable systemperformer or the influence system stable mover, all takes it by the rationalchoice to oneself''s advantageous, determinism and may grasp on fairly,fair, openness, urges place party duty director to have the system stably toexist truly.
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Books on the topic "Democratic Progressive Party (DPP)"

1

(Malawi), Democratic Progressive Party. Manifesto of the Democratic Progressive Party: Prosperity, justice, and security. [Malawi]: Democratic Progressive Party, 2008.

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Victory: How a progressive Democratic Party can win and govern. Armonk, N.Y: M.E. Sharpe, 1992.

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Great Britain. Northern Ireland Office. Exploratory Dialogue with Progresive Unionist Party (PUP) and Ulster Democratic Party (UDP) and representatives of British Government: Details of meetings December 1994 - October 1995. Belfast: Northern Ireland Information Service, 1995.

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White, Andrew Paul. The Development of working-class loyalist political thought (1985-1995) and the Rise of the PUP and the UDP. Belfast: the author, 1995.

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Sarasohn, David. The party of reform: Democrats in the progressive era. Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1989.

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Great Britain. Northern Ireland Office. [Exploratory Dialogue]: [Seventh meeting of Government representatives with Progresive unionist Party (PUP) and Ulster Democratic Party (UDP) 13th March 1995]. Belfast: Northern Ireland Information Service, 1995.

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Great Britain. Northern Ireland Office. Exploratory Dialogue: [Sixth meeting between British Government (delegation led by MichaelAncram MP) and Sinn Féin, 10th May, 1995]. Belfast: Northern Ireland Information Service, 1995.

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Great Britain. Northern Ireland Office. Exploratory Dialogue: Details of meeting between representatives of British Government andSinn Fein December 1994 - October 1995. Belfast: Northern Ireland Information Service, 1995.

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Great Britain. Northern Ireland Office. Exploratory Dialogue: [Further meeting between representatives of British Government and Sinn Féin, 7th February 1995]. Belfast: Northern Ireland Information Service, 1995.

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Office, Great Britain Northern Ireland. Exploratory Dialogue: [Fourth meeting of Government representatives with Progresive unionist Party (PUP) and Ulster Democratic Party (UDP) 25th January 1995]. [Belfast]: [Northern Ireland Information Service], 1995.

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Book chapters on the topic "Democratic Progressive Party (DPP)"

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Kwan, Tommy Chung Yin, and Dafydd J. Fell. "The Relationship between Mainstream and Movement Parties in Taiwan." In Civil Society and the State in Democratic East Asia. Nieuwe Prinsengracht 89 1018 VR Amsterdam Nederland: Amsterdam University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463723930_ch07.

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Since democratization began in the mid-1980s, Taiwan’s party system has been dominated by two parties, the Kuomintang (KMT) and the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). However, smaller parties have at times played an important role, bringing diversity into the system, stressing different issues and representing neglected communities. These small parties tended to be those that split off from the mainstream parties, while alternative social movement parties struggled to be electorally relevant. The picture changed recently with the rise of two different types of movement parties, the New Power Party (NPP) and the Green Party Taiwan/Social Democratic Party Alliance (GPT/SDP). In this chapter we examine the relationship of these new players with the mainstream party, DPP, offering some thoughts on how the relationship affected the development of these alternative parties.
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Ho, Ming-sho, and Thung-hong Lin. "The Power of Sunflower." In The Umbrella Movement. Nieuwe Prinsengracht 89 1018 VR Amsterdam Nederland: Amsterdam University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463723343_ch11.

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This article examines the genesis of Taiwan’s 2014 Sunflower Movement and how it contributed to the decisive defeat of the Kuomintang (KMT) in the 2016 election. The KMT’s accommodating approach to Beijing since 2008 had deescalated cross-strait military tensions and facilitated closer economic ties. However, the so-called “peace dividend” was not evenly distributed but remained a privilege of the minority who enjoyed political connection. The Sunflower Movement’s support came from believers in democratic values and sovereignty, as well as those who expected future joblessness. The widespread perception of threatened democracy and economic victimization constituted the root causes of the Sunflower Movement, paving the way for the historical victory of the independence-leaning Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) in 2016.
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DeWitt, Benjamin Parke, and Sidney A. Pearson. "The Progressive Movement in the Democratic Party." In The Progressive Movement, 26–45. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315134277-3.

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Sager, Rebecca. "Progressive Religious Activists and Democratic Party Politics." In Religion and Progressive Activism. NYU Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479854769.003.0003.

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Rebecca Sager’s chapter focuses on a broader ecology of progressive religious organizations and actors working at the national level, and their relationship to Democratic Party politics. Drawing on participant observation of the 2008 and 2010 political campaigns of Democratic candidate Tom Perriello of Virginia for Congress, she demonstrates how Democratic Party activists used this campaign as means of exploring how a progressive candidate could reach out to religious voters. She also shows how the group of activists who led this effort were connected to a variety of new progressive religious movement organizations that had emerged as a loosely coordinated force to offset the power of the religious Right in the public sphere.
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Fielding, Steven, and Declan McHugh. "The Progressive Dilemma and the social democratic perspective." In Interpreting the Labour Party. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7765/9781526137456.00015.

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Kennedy, Paul. "Zapatismo: Progressive Ideology in a Post-Soeial Democratic World?" In The Spanish Socialist Party and the modernisation of Spain, 166–77. Manchester University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9780719074134.003.0009.

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Grano, Simona A. "Interactions between Environmental Civil Society and the State during the Ma Ying-jeou and Tsai Ing-wen Administrations in Taiwan." In Civil Society and the State in Democratic East Asia. Nieuwe Prinsengracht 89 1018 VR Amsterdam Nederland: Amsterdam University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463723930_ch02.

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This chapter deals with the political repercussions of popular discontent towards several secondary issues in Taiwan prompting a mainstream political formation like the DPP to revert to its early pro-environmental and social justice rhetoric to attract voters for the 2016 electoral tournament; several activists and academics that trace their origins to the social movements’ galaxy were drafted by the DPP upon winning the elections. The aim of this chapter is to verify whether four years later concrete results have been achieved or whether the activists have become quieter after joining the ruling party. This chapter consolidates research on interactions and conflicts between the state trying to exert more influence across several fields and newly emerging/wellestablished social movements under the Ma Ying-jeou and Tsai Ing-wen administrations.
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Rigger, Shelley. "The Democratic Progressive Party: From Opposition to Power, and Back Again." In Taiwan's Politics in the 21st Century, 41–67. WORLD SCIENTIFIC, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/9789814289092_0003.

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"TWO YEARS IN OPPOSITION: TAIWAN'S DEMOCRATIC PROGRESSIVE PARTY MOVES FROM DEFEAT TO REVIVAL?" In The Taiwan Independence Movement In and Out of Power, 157–69. WORLD SCIENTIFIC, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/9789814689434_0006.

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"THE CHINA POLICY OF TAIWAN'S DEMOCRATIC PROGRESSIVE PARTY SINCE 2012: THE UNFINISHED LAST MILE." In The Taiwan Independence Movement In and Out of Power, 199–212. WORLD SCIENTIFIC, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/9789814689434_0009.

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