Relevant bibliographies by topics / Democratic Progressive Party (Malawi)

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
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  4. Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'Democratic Progressive Party (Malawi)'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 15 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Democratic Progressive Party (Malawi)"

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Gunde, Anthony M. "Online News Media, Religious Identity and Their Influence on Gendered Politics: Observations from Malawi’s 2014 Elections." Journal of Religion, Media and Digital Culture 4, no. 1 (May 14, 2015): 39–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21659214-90000100.

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The rise of the internet has offered the opportunity for the news media to communicate with audiences in many significant ways that may have profound consequences in the shaping of public opinion and transforming lives in the global sphere. Through a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), this article examines ways in which online news media could be used to reinforce gender stereotypes by promoting patriarchal religious beliefs and how this may have huge implications on women’s empowerment with regard to political leadership roles in developing democracies. The analysis is drawn from the 2014 Malawi elections, in which a major opposition party used a campaign slogan peppered with sexist religious and cultural connotations to ridicule and vote out of office southern Africa’s first ever female President – Joyce Banda and her People Party (PP). In May 2014, Malawi held national elections and the main contestants were former President Banda representing the PP, Peter Mutharika of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), Lazarus Chakwera of the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) and Atupele Muluzi of the United Democratic Front (UDF). Mutharika and the DPP won the elections to wrestle away the presidency from Banda and her People’s Party. This article discusses the campaign slogan – Sesa Joyce Sesa – created by the DPP to attack former President Banda in which Malawi’s significant online news media sites played a critical role in the diffusion of the gendered campaign mantra to resonate with the religious identity of majority the electorate. The article reflects on the potential of new media to consolidate deep-rooted religious and cultural beliefs that marginalise women for leadership positions and the effect this may have on bridging gender inequalities, particularly in political representation in developing democracies.
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Mutharika, A. Peter. "The 1995 Democratic Constitution of Malawi." Journal of African Law 40, no. 2 (1996): 205–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855300007774.

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On 17 May, 1995, the Malawi National Assembly adopted a democratic constitution. In terms of Malawi’s post-colonial history, the adoption of the constitution was an unprecedented event. For a period of 30 years, Malawi had been subjected to a one-party dictatorship led by Dr Hastings Banda. Supported over the years by the West because of its anti-communist rhetoric, the Banda regime found itself abandoned with the ending of the Cold War and the collapse of apartheid in South Africa. Pressure from internal and external groups led to a referendum on the oneparty state in June 1993 which the Banda regime lost and to the first multi-party elections in May 1994 which the regime also lost. A day before the 1994 elections, the Malawi National Assembly adopted a Provisional Constitution for a period of 12 months. Pursuant to section 212 of the Provisional Constitution, the National Constitutional Conference was held in February 1995 for the purpose of making recommendations to the National Assembly on a permanent constitution. Rather than replace or repeal the Provisional Constitution, the National Assembly decided in April 1995 to make modest amendments to it in order to address some of the more blatant deficiencies that were identified at the Constitutional Conference. During the coming years, the Law Commission will make a detailed study of the entire document, make recommendations to the Minister of Justice and, it is hoped, address some of the obvious drafting oversights.
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El Sherif, Ashraf. "The Strong Egypt Party: representing a progressive/democratic Islamist party?" Contemporary Islam 10, no. 3 (September 2016): 311–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11562-016-0369-z.

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Kalua, Phaniso. "The Extent of Political Party Institutionalization in Malawi: The Case of United Democratic Front (UDF) and Malawi Congress Party (MCP)." Forum for Development Studies 38, no. 1 (March 2011): 43–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2010.548078.

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Schneirov, Richard. "New Perspectives on Socialism II Socialism and Capitalism Reconsidered." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 2, no. 4 (October 2003): 351–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400000487.

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The July 2003 special issue of the Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era revisited the history of the Socialist Party of America during the Progressive Era. This second issue on “New Perspectives on Socialism” examines socialism largely outside the party context, thereby challenging the tendency of scholars and non-scholars alike to identify socialism with a party-based political movement. To the degree that the essays collected here examine party-based socialism, they focus on the gradualist or revisionist wing of the party, whose socializing and democratic reforms, programs, and ideas helped establish a context for the Progressive Era and thereafter, when a “social democratic” type of politics became intrinsic to the mainstream American politics.
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Rigger, Shelley. "The Democratic Progressive Party in 2000: Obstacles and Opportunities." China Quarterly 168 (December 2001): 944–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009443901000559.

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Since its inception in 1986, Taiwan's main opposition party, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), has struggled to establish itself as a competitor for national political power. The victory of DPP candidate Chen Shui-bian in the 2000 presidential election marked a major breakthrough, not only for the DPP, but for Taiwan's young democracy as well. This article examines the party's history with an eye to explaining both its extended failure to win national office and its eventual success. The paper identifies two sets of factors: aspects of Taiwan's political system that worked to the advantage of the ruling KMT and historical errors committed by the DPP. It then shows how the KMT's advantages degraded in 2000, just as the DPP overcame its self-imposed liabilities, resulting in a DPP presidency.
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Kaspin, Deborah. "The Politics of Ethnicity in Malawi's Democratic Transition." Journal of Modern African Studies 33, no. 4 (December 1995): 595–620. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00021455.

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While the western media were directing their gaze towards South Africa's political restructuring, another democratic transition was taking place to the north that was no less remarkable and no more imaginable a few years ago. Since Malawi obtained independence in 1964, it had been governed by Dr Hastings Banda (as he was then known) and the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) under a system of absolute rule which the country's élites refused to reform or relinquish. In March 1992 the Catholic bishops issued a formal protest against President H. Kamuzu Banda's political high-handedness, initiating a popular movement for democratic reform and anti-régime demonstrations by university students and staff, as well as factory workers.1 When additional pressure was exerted by the international community, holding foreign aid hostage to democratisation, the Government finally yielded, holding a referendum for multi-party democracy in June 1993 that led to presidential and parliamentary elections in May 1994. Banda and the MCP were ousted, Bakili Muluzi and the United Democratic Front (UDF) were elected, and Malawians of all parties revelled in the freedom to be openly, aggressively political.
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Newell, Jonathan. "‘A Moment of Truth’? The Church and Political Change in Malawi, 1992." Journal of Modern African Studies 33, no. 2 (June 1995): 243–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00021054.

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The immediate origins of the democratic elections held in Malawi in 1994, which brought to an end over 30 years of political dominance by President Kamuzu Banda and the Malawi Congress Party (MCP), lie in the unprecedented events which shook the entire nation in 1992. Although that turbulent year was characterised by industrial action, serious urban riots, student demonstrations, the emergence of new domestic political groupings, and the Government's agreement to hold a national referendum on the future of the one-party system in the country, in retrospect perhaps what was most remarkable about these developments was that they were sparked off by the Catholic Church, and that their momentum was sustained at crucial stages by other Christian denominations in Malawi.1
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Winckler, Edwin A. "From Opposition to Power: Taiwan's Democratic Progressive Party. Shelley Rigger." China Journal 48 (July 2002): 252–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3182487.

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Stevenson, H. Michael. "Ideology and Unstable Party Identification in Canada: Limited Rationality in a Brokerage Party System." Canadian Journal of Political Science 20, no. 4 (December 1987): 813–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900050423.

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AbstractThis article examines changes in individuals' identification with Canadian federal political parties in the period 1977 to 1981. The analysis suggests that differences in class and ideology have a significant, if not very large effect on shifts in partisan identity. There was a slight bias toward more upper-class identification with the Progressive Conservative party and more lower-class identification with the Liberal party. Unstable partisans were at least as ideologically constrained as stable partisans, and partisan instability was more pronounced amongst the more left-wing individuals. Changes in partisanship were more likely among younger respondents, particularly lower-class and more left-wing youth. The largest bloc of unstable partisans was closest ideologically to the more left-wing stable New Democratic party partisans, and shifted only between the New Democratic and Liberal parties. A smaller bloc moved to the Progressive Conservative party and was ideologically closest to its more right-wing stable partisans.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Democratic Progressive Party (Malawi)"

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O'Neal, Brandon. "The Democratic Progressive Party: Self-regulation of Secessionist Rhetoric." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1511.

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Ever since the formation of the Democratic Progressive Party in 1986, the party campaigned on Taiwanese nationalism and de jure independence. It was the party in Taiwan known for its unwavering stance in the “One China Policy”: it recognizes itself as the sole legitimate China. In light of the 2016 presidential elections, the DPP lead by Tsai Ing-Wen changed their usual secessionist rhetoric towards China to one that is much more moderate in stance. Tsai Ing-Wen has pledged to “maintain the cross-strait status quo”, a sharp contrast in opinion for the party. How can this change be explained? Is the Democratic Progressive Party of Taiwan self-regulating its language? What is the DPP self-regulating in response to? This study will look at whether the pressure is coming internally from the constituency or externally from China's military and economic pressure.
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Chang, Melody. "Phoenix Reborn: The Revival of Taiwan's Democratic Progressive Party from 2008-2016." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1462.

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The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) suffered a crushing defeat to the Kuomintang (KMT) in the 2008 presidential elections in Taiwan that left them passive, disorganized, and without a clear future in the Taiwanese government. The pro-independence DPP had successfully maintained executive power for two terms, winning the 2000 and 2004 elections while increasingly promoting a spirit of Taiwanese nationalism. However, President Chen Shui-bian’s administration soon proved to be disastrous with his corruption scandals and failed policies that were evident of the party’s lack of political experience. After eight years under Ma Ying-jeou, the DPP, with its limited resources, managed to revive itself to win a complete transfer of power with Tsai Ing-wen’s victory in 2016. The purpose of this paper is to provide an explanation for the domestic events that allowed for the DPP’s return. Three major categories include: the collapse of the KMT government, the changing society and rise of a new era, and the restructuring of the DPP’s platform and campaigning practices. These areas will be examined through key events, which provide crucial insight into how these external factors became favorable conditions for the opposition party. The findings from this case study of Taiwanese domestic politics can be instrumental in further understanding cross-Strait relations.
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Ngo, Tak-wing. "The emergence of political opposition in an authoritarian regime : the case of Taiwan /." [Hong Kong] : University of Hong Kong, 1989. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B12754572.

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Kundu, Apurba. "How will the return of the Congress Party affect Indian Foreign and Security Policy?" Thesis, EIAS Policy Brief, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/2985.

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No
The 2004 Indian general elections stunned observers when, contrary to expectations, the ruling National Democratic Alliance (NDA) coalition government led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Prime Minister Atul Behari Vajpayee was defeated by an electoral coalition led by the Indian National Congress (INC) headed by Sonia Gandhi. A further surprise came when Gandhi declined to become India's first foreign-born prime minister, opting instead to back party stalwart Dr Manmohan Singh for this office. Dr Singh, India's first Sikh prime minister, now heads a United Progressive Alliance (UPA) coalition government headed by a cabinet containing 19 INC members and 10 members of smaller parties. Will the return to power of the INC after eight years in opposition (during three years of Left Front then five years of BJP/NDA rule) result in a shift of India's foreign and national security policies?
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Jones, Cherisse Renee. "Repairers of the breach black and white women and racial activism in South Carolina, 1940s-1960s /." Connect to this title online, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1060706692.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2003.
Document formatted into pages; contains viii, 256 p. Includes bibliographical references (p. 247-256). Abstract available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center; full text release delayed at author's request until 2006 Aug. 12.
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6

Chi, Chia-Lin. "Lee Teng-Hui’s political cross-straits policy and mainland china’s reaction." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/28534.

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By the end of the twentieth century, there were many secessionist groups, but, the move towards Taiwanese secessionism has arguably been the most significant of these. It triggered the 1996 Taiwan Strait Crisis, which resulted in a historical military confrontation between Mainland China and the US. As will be shown, from 1988 to 2000, Lee Teng-hui, as president of Taiwan, manipulated the political Cross-Straits relationship to promote what was ultimately a secessionist policy. This caused Mainland China to react strongly and triggered sharp tension between Taiwan and Mainland China. This thesis considers what motivated Lee Teng-hui to implement a secessionist Cross-Straits policy and why he supported unification while adopting a substantive secessionist policy. It looks at how he was able to instigate Taiwanese hostility towards Mainlanders, to transform the hostility into a sense of Taiwanese national identity and ultimately into Taiwanese secessionist ideology. A historical approach was used in exploring the origins of secessionism, and descriptive and analytical methods to review systematically and comprehensively political developments in the ROC and its civil war, and to study Lee Teng-hui’s life; the national identity of Taiwan and Mainland China; the implementation of Lee Teng-hui’s political Cross-Straits policy; and the reaction of Mainland China. The study showed that the main cause of Taiwanese secessionism was ethnic conflict between Taiwanese and Mainlanders. It originated from the 228 Incident of 1947, in which Mainlander-led troops slaughtered many Taiwanese. Soon after, the Mainlander-led government fled to Taiwan from Mainland China, and many Taiwanese (including Mainlanders) were killed during the State of Emergency in the 1950s and 1960s. Since the Mainlander-led government fled to Taiwan in its original central government form, the Mainlander élite occupied key positions in the government during the 1950s and 1960s. It resulted in unfair power-sharing for Taiwanese, and caused the Taiwanese élite to believe that they had to establish their own government (nation). Lee Teng-hui had participated in the CCP and had been under political surveillance by the Mainlander-led government for over twenty years. He weathered these political difficulties, but by reasonable inference, there was a close relationship between the political oppression by the Mainlander-led government and his secessionist political Cross-Straits policy. Because Taiwanese residents were indoctrinated by Chiang Ching-kuo and his father, Chiang Kai-shek’s administration for about 40 years, Chinese ideology was dominant and Lee Teng-hui initially paid lip-service to Cross-Strait unification whilst working towards secessionism as reflected in the Chingdao-Lake Incident (1994); the private dialogue between Lee Teng-hui and Shiba Ryotaro (1994); the address at Cornell University (1995); and his two-state theory (1999). However, due to strong pressure from Mainland China, he did not reach his secessionist goal during his presidential term (1988-2000). In conclusion, this thesis shows that Taiwan Island’s geopolitical importance is at the heart of the US’ support for Taiwan’s secession from the Mainland. Therefore, Lee’s secessionist Cross-Strait policy aside, US national interests lie in containing Mainland China and it has, therefore, always played an important role in the secessionist issue and always will. From the perspective of Mainland China, either in terms of nationalism or national security, Taiwan’s secession is a life-and-death issue. If Taiwanese authorities were to declare independence, the only option for Mainland China would be to launch a unification war. For the US, Taiwan is only a pawn that it uses to contain Mainland China. Therefore, in the Cross-Strait issue, the US has more options than Mainland China, namely, to use military intervention in the future to deter Chinese unification or to decide to share common peaceful international relations with Mainland China by accepting Cross-Strait unification.
Thesis (DPhil (International Relations))--University of Pretoria, 2004.
Political Sciences
unrestricted
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7

Hsieh, Jui-Ming, and 謝瑞明. "Democratic Progressive Party ’s Factionalism: 2000-2008." Thesis, 2013. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/85465593892900799914.

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博士
中國文化大學
政治學系
101
The following research is related to the development of factions, which consists of setting, form, range and reason in the DPP government time. Such a development could be comparable to traditional faction. The result of the research is that the operations of factions influence the political decisions and political powers in the DPP. The relationship between the different factions is very complicated. Political power is centralized in President Chen Shui-Bian, Justice Alliance faction and New Tide faction. But since that the actual affair can unite the different faction in the party, which bring about ruling-group and opposition-group. Additionally, the original existing faction split himself. Traditionally, factional politics apply collegiate system and shared governance. However, this situation has been mitigated by centralizing president’s authority. Dominant faction was led by Chen Shui-bian or local leaders during ruling period. The reasons that influence factions consist of president, government policy, constitutional structure and electoral system. Chen Shui-bian played a key role in party affairs, election and policy during his ruling period. After the outbreak of the relevant scandal, President Chen Shui-bian and his faction lost prestige. In the meanwhile, the operations of the factions return to traditional model. The equal, normal and institutional faction in the past had gradually transferred into an individual servant faction under the ruling of self-interest dominant by Chen Shui-bian and other central leaders refer above. And this resulted in the complexity of the factions, which had changed right after the eruption of the scandals. On the other hand, perceiving from the aspect of the comparative feature and range, the operation of faction in DDP was accessible to the public, however, it has changed into a reserved form since the ruling period, and the range of competition was restricted to the people in the core of ruling, especially to former president Chen Shui-bian and other senior leadership. Moreover, from the view of the development of factions, there are some similarity between DDP and LDP (Liberal Democratic Party) in Japan, since that they both transferred their faction from a multiple form into a single and co-leading form. Therefore, the positive and comparative function of DDP had strongly diminished since the ruling in 2000, not to mention the public, democratic and multiple features under the competition of faction had also profoundly decreased since the ruling. And this is undoubtedly the main reason that led to the end of eight- year-executive governance.
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8

Wang, Jinn-ming, and 王進名. "Democratic progressive party place party duty director has the system stable research." Thesis, 2009. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/56592511980530307898.

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碩士
國立中山大學
政治學研究所
98
The succession is Taiwan''s in 1986 (75 years) under the martial law authority system, the aboriginality democratic progressive party''s in at the end of fall the beginning of winter (9/28) date, just happene to meet atthat time the Kuomintang being in power authority ountedscout densely covered with under the atmosphere which withered finally to establish. This is the organizational structure which loose has notoperated the rudder from non-party time each place enters into officiallyby the central party committee political party essence institution operation start, previously like the mushroom growth various places non-partyorganization also one after another one after another reformed the beingestablished development, and by place standing organization institution(party committee) the state has opened in our country democraticinstitutions the party politics competition. Democratic progressive party place county municipal party headquarters party duty director is situated the strategic point, actually the political party stationing in various places county city party organization institution''s actual person in charge, has the strong party spirit and theshoulder political party develops the place politics domain the mission,and holds superiority of the county municipal party headquarters partyresources utilization.The present paper the theory surface which will study by heavy practice surface matching analyzes it, place county municipal party headquarters party duty director will have the system stable really tobe supposed take Democratic Progressive Party''s in system lengthwisesection and the non-system surface cross section of as the elaboration axlecenter. System surface: Such as the place party committee sets up the means, the county municipal party headquarters organizes the regulations, the party duty personnel to elect the means, the county municipal party headquarters fourth, five kind of public official elects the nominationmeans or the party member year to year party dues captures depth contents and so on the means and financial control rule, has the system by viewparty duty director to stabilize rests on what. Non-system surface: Then iscontinual by the cross section, such as and pocket party member wealthyand powerful family (foot of pile) transportation and maintenance, rulingcounty city and non-ruling county city time party duty director and countymayor like for same clique either homogeneity of or difference non-sameclique its interaction situation or the role acting why? But other each kindof public service mover or is the coordination also can accept regardingthe party duty director''s direction? Furthermore, with for the party dutynational party representative, the county city party members representsand holds comments committee member to link party duty director to havethe system to have what influence and the subtle relations stably. Moreover, these perform its own functions each kind of party duty mover duty department revises the rules and regulations in particular thenational party representative nearly has also not acted must revise changesparty duty director to have the system.If is by the view, above these manymay affect party duty director to produce the system party duty moverreally little to change this system the fact result, is opposite by the word,but “the rational choice system theory” the viewpoint not also talliesappears party duty director to have the system stable relative most majorcharacteristic even more suddenly. Your in the recent several dozens years, no matter is the East and West world national laws and regulations or the article, also perhaps in anynational big enterprise, the small organization or the political party and the association and so on, its internal custom, the means or the main point, allseek the change and between the transformation activation voice in onepiece, but noisy changes changes does not have set of flawless full easy touse well-mannered systems to be satisfying. In this, production of take thedemocratic progressive party place party duty director as the example,strengthens the system stable invariable usability, even more may verify isthe question which the system custom transforms, but is the stable systemperformer or the influence system stable mover, all takes it by the rationalchoice to oneself''s advantageous, determinism and may grasp on fairly,fair, openness, urges place party duty director to have the system stably toexist truly.
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Ming-wu, Sheng, and 吳陞銘. "A Study on the Party Building of the Democratic Progressive Party (1978-1987)." Thesis, 2008. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/18738292711466799457.

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碩士
國立臺灣大學
國家發展研究所
96
After the Nationalist Government relocated to Taiwan in 1949, it exercised authoritarian governance. Until the Democratic Progressive Party was established in 1986, there was no opposing party for 37 years. In 1960, Lei Cheng organized the Chinese Democratic Party, but the party building was failed because the authority arrested Lei Cheng. In 1978, the Formosa Group promoted a party without name, and established the Formosa Magazine. It aggressively established many service locations, which are equivalent to party branches. On December 10, 1978, the Formosa Incident occurred in Kaohsiung, and the party building movement of the Formosa Group was failed. In 1983, the election for additional members of Central Representatives was held. To fight for seats, non-party members entered the competition through an organized approach. The public support for non-party members promoted the party building movement. In 1983, non-party members established the “1983 Non-party Members Campaign Group for Legislative Election” and “Non-party Members Writers’ Club”. After the central election in 1984, the campaign group transformed into “Public Policy Research Group for Non-party Public Servants”, and branches were established throughout Taiwan. As the non-party organizations became mature, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) was officially established in 1986. The establishment of DPP was not suppressed or arrested by the authorities, as when Lei Cheng formed the Chinese Democratic Party and the party building of Formosa Group. The main reasons need to be probed from the political development of parties in Taiwan, analysis on the party building of Chinese Democratic Party by Lei Cheng and DPP, and the characteristics of the third wave democratization of other countries. The findings of this paper are as follow: 1) international state of affairs would affect the political development of parties in Taiwan; 2) the transformation of the political elite structure weakens the authoritarian system; 3) election is the key of cohering non-party forces; 4) Kuomingtang has transformed from a hegemonic one-party system to a pragmatic one-party system; 5) the political leaders’ attitude is the key to the termination of hegemony; 6) the development of political parties in Taiwan shares the same characteristics as the third wave democratization.
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CHUANG, CHIEN-WEI, and 莊健瑋. "The Arbitration Mechanism of Political Party - A Study on Cases of Democratic Progressive Party." Thesis, 2018. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/xbrwyf.

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碩士
國立臺北大學
公共行政暨政策學系
106
The arbitration mechanism of political party is an important mechanism for political parties in democratic countries to maintain intra-party democracy. Taiwan Legistative Yuan passed the political party law in 2017, and it is clear that in Article 12, paragraph 6, a political party's charter shall have conditions for member arbitration and appeals. However, looking at the current Taiwan party, Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) has an arbitration committee at the beginning of the founding of the party, and has the most experience in the establishment and operation of the arbitration mechanism. This research adopts the historical institutionalism approach, and uses literature analysis and interview research to analyze the creation, reform and path dependence of the DPP Arbitration Commission. It also explores the impact of the operation of the Arbitration Commission on the DPP and the protection of party members' rights. The results of the reseach found that in the founding of the Arbitration Committee, the factions did not understand the arbitration, so the relevant provisions were soon passed. However, as the external environment gradually opened up the party competition, the Arbitration Committee's investigation capability was limited. The powers of the Arbitration Committee were thus limited, and they have since been shaped. But the Arbitration Committee still indirectly through the referee to urge the authorities of the DPP to abide by due process of law. Long-term operation, although composed of non-party members, does accumulate a certain reputation and has considerable protection for the rights of party members.
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Books on the topic "Democratic Progressive Party (Malawi)"

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(Malawi), Democratic Progressive Party. Manifesto of the Democratic Progressive Party: Prosperity, justice, and security. [Malawi]: Democratic Progressive Party, 2008.

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Party, Malawi National Democratic. Peace, stability, and progress: Malawi National Democratic Party manifesto. [Lilongwe]: The Party, 1993.

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Victory: How a progressive Democratic Party can win and govern. Armonk, N.Y: M.E. Sharpe, 1992.

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Great Britain. Northern Ireland Office. Exploratory Dialogue with Progresive Unionist Party (PUP) and Ulster Democratic Party (UDP) and representatives of British Government: Details of meetings December 1994 - October 1995. Belfast: Northern Ireland Information Service, 1995.

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White, Andrew Paul. The Development of working-class loyalist political thought (1985-1995) and the Rise of the PUP and the UDP. Belfast: the author, 1995.

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Sarasohn, David. The party of reform: Democrats in the progressive era. Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1989.

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Great Britain. Northern Ireland Office. [Exploratory Dialogue]: [Seventh meeting of Government representatives with Progresive unionist Party (PUP) and Ulster Democratic Party (UDP) 13th March 1995]. Belfast: Northern Ireland Information Service, 1995.

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Great Britain. Northern Ireland Office. Exploratory Dialogue: [Sixth meeting between British Government (delegation led by MichaelAncram MP) and Sinn Féin, 10th May, 1995]. Belfast: Northern Ireland Information Service, 1995.

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Great Britain. Northern Ireland Office. Exploratory Dialogue: Details of meeting between representatives of British Government andSinn Fein December 1994 - October 1995. Belfast: Northern Ireland Information Service, 1995.

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Great Britain. Northern Ireland Office. Exploratory Dialogue: [Further meeting between representatives of British Government and Sinn Féin, 7th February 1995]. Belfast: Northern Ireland Information Service, 1995.

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Book chapters on the topic "Democratic Progressive Party (Malawi)"

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DeWitt, Benjamin Parke, and Sidney A. Pearson. "The Progressive Movement in the Democratic Party." In The Progressive Movement, 26–45. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315134277-3.

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Sager, Rebecca. "Progressive Religious Activists and Democratic Party Politics." In Religion and Progressive Activism. NYU Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479854769.003.0003.

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Rebecca Sager’s chapter focuses on a broader ecology of progressive religious organizations and actors working at the national level, and their relationship to Democratic Party politics. Drawing on participant observation of the 2008 and 2010 political campaigns of Democratic candidate Tom Perriello of Virginia for Congress, she demonstrates how Democratic Party activists used this campaign as means of exploring how a progressive candidate could reach out to religious voters. She also shows how the group of activists who led this effort were connected to a variety of new progressive religious movement organizations that had emerged as a loosely coordinated force to offset the power of the religious Right in the public sphere.
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Fielding, Steven, and Declan McHugh. "The Progressive Dilemma and the social democratic perspective." In Interpreting the Labour Party. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7765/9781526137456.00015.

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Kennedy, Paul. "Zapatismo: Progressive Ideology in a Post-Soeial Democratic World?" In The Spanish Socialist Party and the modernisation of Spain, 166–77. Manchester University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9780719074134.003.0009.

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Cammack, Diana. "The Democratic Transition in Malawi: from single-party rule to a multi-party state." In Voting for Democracy, 183–205. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429428036-9.

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Rigger, Shelley. "The Democratic Progressive Party: From Opposition to Power, and Back Again." In Taiwan's Politics in the 21st Century, 41–67. WORLD SCIENTIFIC, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/9789814289092_0003.

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"TWO YEARS IN OPPOSITION: TAIWAN'S DEMOCRATIC PROGRESSIVE PARTY MOVES FROM DEFEAT TO REVIVAL?" In The Taiwan Independence Movement In and Out of Power, 157–69. WORLD SCIENTIFIC, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/9789814689434_0006.

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Kwan, Tommy Chung Yin, and Dafydd J. Fell. "The Relationship between Mainstream and Movement Parties in Taiwan." In Civil Society and the State in Democratic East Asia. Nieuwe Prinsengracht 89 1018 VR Amsterdam Nederland: Amsterdam University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463723930_ch07.

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Since democratization began in the mid-1980s, Taiwan’s party system has been dominated by two parties, the Kuomintang (KMT) and the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). However, smaller parties have at times played an important role, bringing diversity into the system, stressing different issues and representing neglected communities. These small parties tended to be those that split off from the mainstream parties, while alternative social movement parties struggled to be electorally relevant. The picture changed recently with the rise of two different types of movement parties, the New Power Party (NPP) and the Green Party Taiwan/Social Democratic Party Alliance (GPT/SDP). In this chapter we examine the relationship of these new players with the mainstream party, DPP, offering some thoughts on how the relationship affected the development of these alternative parties.
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"THE CHINA POLICY OF TAIWAN'S DEMOCRATIC PROGRESSIVE PARTY SINCE 2012: THE UNFINISHED LAST MILE." In The Taiwan Independence Movement In and Out of Power, 199–212. WORLD SCIENTIFIC, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/9789814689434_0009.

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Bedingfield, Sid. "A Black Political Insurgency in the Deep South." In Newspaper Wars. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252041228.003.0004.

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This chapter chronicles the role of McCray and his newspaper in the NAACP’s battle against the all-white Democratic Party in South Carolina. In the wake of the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision in Smith v. Allwright, which outlawed race-based party membership rules, white Democrats in the state erected new barriers to black participation in Democratic Party politics. In response, McCray and his allies used his newspaper to launch an insurgent political organization, the Progressive Democratic Party, which took its fight against the state’s white Democrats all the way to the national convention in Chicago in July. After three years of legal and political battle, McCray and the NAACP managed to overthrow the all-white primary in South Carolina. In August 1948, black South Carolinians voted in a Democratic Party primary for the first time since the rise of Jim Crow rule in the state in the 1890s.
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