Dissertations / Theses: 'Democratic Progressive Party (Malawi)'

1

O'Neal, Brandon. "The Democratic Progressive Party: Self-regulation of Secessionist Rhetoric." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1511.

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Ever since the formation of the Democratic Progressive Party in 1986, the party campaigned on Taiwanese nationalism and de jure independence. It was the party in Taiwan known for its unwavering stance in the “One China Policy”: it recognizes itself as the sole legitimate China. In light of the 2016 presidential elections, the DPP lead by Tsai Ing-Wen changed their usual secessionist rhetoric towards China to one that is much more moderate in stance. Tsai Ing-Wen has pledged to “maintain the cross-strait status quo”, a sharp contrast in opinion for the party. How can this change be explained? Is the Democratic Progressive Party of Taiwan self-regulating its language? What is the DPP self-regulating in response to? This study will look at whether the pressure is coming internally from the constituency or externally from China's military and economic pressure.

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2

Chang, Melody. "Phoenix Reborn: The Revival of Taiwan's Democratic Progressive Party from 2008-2016." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1462.

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The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) suffered a crushing defeat to the Kuomintang (KMT) in the 2008 presidential elections in Taiwan that left them passive, disorganized, and without a clear future in the Taiwanese government. The pro-independence DPP had successfully maintained executive power for two terms, winning the 2000 and 2004 elections while increasingly promoting a spirit of Taiwanese nationalism. However, President Chen Shui-bian’s administration soon proved to be disastrous with his corruption scandals and failed policies that were evident of the party’s lack of political experience. After eight years under Ma Ying-jeou, the DPP, with its limited resources, managed to revive itself to win a complete transfer of power with Tsai Ing-wen’s victory in 2016. The purpose of this paper is to provide an explanation for the domestic events that allowed for the DPP’s return. Three major categories include: the collapse of the KMT government, the changing society and rise of a new era, and the restructuring of the DPP’s platform and campaigning practices. These areas will be examined through key events, which provide crucial insight into how these external factors became favorable conditions for the opposition party. The findings from this case study of Taiwanese domestic politics can be instrumental in further understanding cross-Strait relations.

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3

Ngo, Tak-wing. "The emergence of political opposition in an authoritarian regime : the case of Taiwan /." [Hong Kong] : University of Hong Kong, 1989. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B12754572.

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4

Kundu, Apurba. "How will the return of the Congress Party affect Indian Foreign and Security Policy?" Thesis, EIAS Policy Brief, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/2985.

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No
The 2004 Indian general elections stunned observers when, contrary to expectations, the ruling National Democratic Alliance (NDA) coalition government led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Prime Minister Atul Behari Vajpayee was defeated by an electoral coalition led by the Indian National Congress (INC) headed by Sonia Gandhi. A further surprise came when Gandhi declined to become India's first foreign-born prime minister, opting instead to back party stalwart Dr Manmohan Singh for this office. Dr Singh, India's first Sikh prime minister, now heads a United Progressive Alliance (UPA) coalition government headed by a cabinet containing 19 INC members and 10 members of smaller parties. Will the return to power of the INC after eight years in opposition (during three years of Left Front then five years of BJP/NDA rule) result in a shift of India's foreign and national security policies?

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5

Jones, Cherisse Renee. "Repairers of the breach black and white women and racial activism in South Carolina, 1940s-1960s /." Connect to this title online, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1060706692.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2003.
Document formatted into pages; contains viii, 256 p. Includes bibliographical references (p. 247-256). Abstract available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center; full text release delayed at author's request until 2006 Aug. 12.

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6

Chi, Chia-Lin. "Lee Teng-Hui’s political cross-straits policy and mainland china’s reaction." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/28534.

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By the end of the twentieth century, there were many secessionist groups, but, the move towards Taiwanese secessionism has arguably been the most significant of these. It triggered the 1996 Taiwan Strait Crisis, which resulted in a historical military confrontation between Mainland China and the US. As will be shown, from 1988 to 2000, Lee Teng-hui, as president of Taiwan, manipulated the political Cross-Straits relationship to promote what was ultimately a secessionist policy. This caused Mainland China to react strongly and triggered sharp tension between Taiwan and Mainland China. This thesis considers what motivated Lee Teng-hui to implement a secessionist Cross-Straits policy and why he supported unification while adopting a substantive secessionist policy. It looks at how he was able to instigate Taiwanese hostility towards Mainlanders, to transform the hostility into a sense of Taiwanese national identity and ultimately into Taiwanese secessionist ideology. A historical approach was used in exploring the origins of secessionism, and descriptive and analytical methods to review systematically and comprehensively political developments in the ROC and its civil war, and to study Lee Teng-hui’s life; the national identity of Taiwan and Mainland China; the implementation of Lee Teng-hui’s political Cross-Straits policy; and the reaction of Mainland China. The study showed that the main cause of Taiwanese secessionism was ethnic conflict between Taiwanese and Mainlanders. It originated from the 228 Incident of 1947, in which Mainlander-led troops slaughtered many Taiwanese. Soon after, the Mainlander-led government fled to Taiwan from Mainland China, and many Taiwanese (including Mainlanders) were killed during the State of Emergency in the 1950s and 1960s. Since the Mainlander-led government fled to Taiwan in its original central government form, the Mainlander élite occupied key positions in the government during the 1950s and 1960s. It resulted in unfair power-sharing for Taiwanese, and caused the Taiwanese élite to believe that they had to establish their own government (nation). Lee Teng-hui had participated in the CCP and had been under political surveillance by the Mainlander-led government for over twenty years. He weathered these political difficulties, but by reasonable inference, there was a close relationship between the political oppression by the Mainlander-led government and his secessionist political Cross-Straits policy. Because Taiwanese residents were indoctrinated by Chiang Ching-kuo and his father, Chiang Kai-shek’s administration for about 40 years, Chinese ideology was dominant and Lee Teng-hui initially paid lip-service to Cross-Strait unification whilst working towards secessionism as reflected in the Chingdao-Lake Incident (1994); the private dialogue between Lee Teng-hui and Shiba Ryotaro (1994); the address at Cornell University (1995); and his two-state theory (1999). However, due to strong pressure from Mainland China, he did not reach his secessionist goal during his presidential term (1988-2000). In conclusion, this thesis shows that Taiwan Island’s geopolitical importance is at the heart of the US’ support for Taiwan’s secession from the Mainland. Therefore, Lee’s secessionist Cross-Strait policy aside, US national interests lie in containing Mainland China and it has, therefore, always played an important role in the secessionist issue and always will. From the perspective of Mainland China, either in terms of nationalism or national security, Taiwan’s secession is a life-and-death issue. If Taiwanese authorities were to declare independence, the only option for Mainland China would be to launch a unification war. For the US, Taiwan is only a pawn that it uses to contain Mainland China. Therefore, in the Cross-Strait issue, the US has more options than Mainland China, namely, to use military intervention in the future to deter Chinese unification or to decide to share common peaceful international relations with Mainland China by accepting Cross-Strait unification.
Thesis (DPhil (International Relations))--University of Pretoria, 2004.
Political Sciences
unrestricted

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7

Hsieh, Jui-Ming, and 謝瑞明. "Democratic Progressive Party ’s Factionalism: 2000-2008." Thesis, 2013. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/85465593892900799914.

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博士
中國文化大學
政治學系
101
The following research is related to the development of factions, which consists of setting, form, range and reason in the DPP government time. Such a development could be comparable to traditional faction. The result of the research is that the operations of factions influence the political decisions and political powers in the DPP. The relationship between the different factions is very complicated. Political power is centralized in President Chen Shui-Bian, Justice Alliance faction and New Tide faction. But since that the actual affair can unite the different faction in the party, which bring about ruling-group and opposition-group. Additionally, the original existing faction split himself. Traditionally, factional politics apply collegiate system and shared governance. However, this situation has been mitigated by centralizing president’s authority. Dominant faction was led by Chen Shui-bian or local leaders during ruling period. The reasons that influence factions consist of president, government policy, constitutional structure and electoral system. Chen Shui-bian played a key role in party affairs, election and policy during his ruling period. After the outbreak of the relevant scandal, President Chen Shui-bian and his faction lost prestige. In the meanwhile, the operations of the factions return to traditional model. The equal, normal and institutional faction in the past had gradually transferred into an individual servant faction under the ruling of self-interest dominant by Chen Shui-bian and other central leaders refer above. And this resulted in the complexity of the factions, which had changed right after the eruption of the scandals. On the other hand, perceiving from the aspect of the comparative feature and range, the operation of faction in DDP was accessible to the public, however, it has changed into a reserved form since the ruling period, and the range of competition was restricted to the people in the core of ruling, especially to former president Chen Shui-bian and other senior leadership. Moreover, from the view of the development of factions, there are some similarity between DDP and LDP (Liberal Democratic Party) in Japan, since that they both transferred their faction from a multiple form into a single and co-leading form. Therefore, the positive and comparative function of DDP had strongly diminished since the ruling in 2000, not to mention the public, democratic and multiple features under the competition of faction had also profoundly decreased since the ruling. And this is undoubtedly the main reason that led to the end of eight- year-executive governance.

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8

Wang, Jinn-ming, and 王進名. "Democratic progressive party place party duty director has the system stable research." Thesis, 2009. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/56592511980530307898.

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碩士
國立中山大學
政治學研究所
98
The succession is Taiwan''s in 1986 (75 years) under the martial law authority system, the aboriginality democratic progressive party''s in at the end of fall the beginning of winter (9/28) date, just happene to meet atthat time the Kuomintang being in power authority ountedscout densely covered with under the atmosphere which withered finally to establish. This is the organizational structure which loose has notoperated the rudder from non-party time each place enters into officiallyby the central party committee political party essence institution operation start, previously like the mushroom growth various places non-partyorganization also one after another one after another reformed the beingestablished development, and by place standing organization institution(party committee) the state has opened in our country democraticinstitutions the party politics competition. Democratic progressive party place county municipal party headquarters party duty director is situated the strategic point, actually the political party stationing in various places county city party organization institution''s actual person in charge, has the strong party spirit and theshoulder political party develops the place politics domain the mission,and holds superiority of the county municipal party headquarters partyresources utilization.The present paper the theory surface which will study by heavy practice surface matching analyzes it, place county municipal party headquarters party duty director will have the system stable really tobe supposed take Democratic Progressive Party''s in system lengthwisesection and the non-system surface cross section of as the elaboration axlecenter. System surface: Such as the place party committee sets up the means, the county municipal party headquarters organizes the regulations, the party duty personnel to elect the means, the county municipal party headquarters fourth, five kind of public official elects the nominationmeans or the party member year to year party dues captures depth contents and so on the means and financial control rule, has the system by viewparty duty director to stabilize rests on what. Non-system surface: Then iscontinual by the cross section, such as and pocket party member wealthyand powerful family (foot of pile) transportation and maintenance, rulingcounty city and non-ruling county city time party duty director and countymayor like for same clique either homogeneity of or difference non-sameclique its interaction situation or the role acting why? But other each kindof public service mover or is the coordination also can accept regardingthe party duty director''s direction? Furthermore, with for the party dutynational party representative, the county city party members representsand holds comments committee member to link party duty director to havethe system to have what influence and the subtle relations stably. Moreover, these perform its own functions each kind of party duty mover duty department revises the rules and regulations in particular thenational party representative nearly has also not acted must revise changesparty duty director to have the system.If is by the view, above these manymay affect party duty director to produce the system party duty moverreally little to change this system the fact result, is opposite by the word,but “the rational choice system theory” the viewpoint not also talliesappears party duty director to have the system stable relative most majorcharacteristic even more suddenly. Your in the recent several dozens years, no matter is the East and West world national laws and regulations or the article, also perhaps in anynational big enterprise, the small organization or the political party and the association and so on, its internal custom, the means or the main point, allseek the change and between the transformation activation voice in onepiece, but noisy changes changes does not have set of flawless full easy touse well-mannered systems to be satisfying. In this, production of take thedemocratic progressive party place party duty director as the example,strengthens the system stable invariable usability, even more may verify isthe question which the system custom transforms, but is the stable systemperformer or the influence system stable mover, all takes it by the rationalchoice to oneself''s advantageous, determinism and may grasp on fairly,fair, openness, urges place party duty director to have the system stably toexist truly.

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9

Ming-wu, Sheng, and 吳陞銘. "A Study on the Party Building of the Democratic Progressive Party (1978-1987)." Thesis, 2008. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/18738292711466799457.

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碩士
國立臺灣大學
國家發展研究所
96
After the Nationalist Government relocated to Taiwan in 1949, it exercised authoritarian governance. Until the Democratic Progressive Party was established in 1986, there was no opposing party for 37 years. In 1960, Lei Cheng organized the Chinese Democratic Party, but the party building was failed because the authority arrested Lei Cheng. In 1978, the Formosa Group promoted a party without name, and established the Formosa Magazine. It aggressively established many service locations, which are equivalent to party branches. On December 10, 1978, the Formosa Incident occurred in Kaohsiung, and the party building movement of the Formosa Group was failed. In 1983, the election for additional members of Central Representatives was held. To fight for seats, non-party members entered the competition through an organized approach. The public support for non-party members promoted the party building movement. In 1983, non-party members established the “1983 Non-party Members Campaign Group for Legislative Election” and “Non-party Members Writers’ Club”. After the central election in 1984, the campaign group transformed into “Public Policy Research Group for Non-party Public Servants”, and branches were established throughout Taiwan. As the non-party organizations became mature, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) was officially established in 1986. The establishment of DPP was not suppressed or arrested by the authorities, as when Lei Cheng formed the Chinese Democratic Party and the party building of Formosa Group. The main reasons need to be probed from the political development of parties in Taiwan, analysis on the party building of Chinese Democratic Party by Lei Cheng and DPP, and the characteristics of the third wave democratization of other countries. The findings of this paper are as follow: 1) international state of affairs would affect the political development of parties in Taiwan; 2) the transformation of the political elite structure weakens the authoritarian system; 3) election is the key of cohering non-party forces; 4) Kuomingtang has transformed from a hegemonic one-party system to a pragmatic one-party system; 5) the political leaders’ attitude is the key to the termination of hegemony; 6) the development of political parties in Taiwan shares the same characteristics as the third wave democratization.

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10

CHUANG, CHIEN-WEI, and 莊健瑋. "The Arbitration Mechanism of Political Party - A Study on Cases of Democratic Progressive Party." Thesis, 2018. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/xbrwyf.

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碩士
國立臺北大學
公共行政暨政策學系
106
The arbitration mechanism of political party is an important mechanism for political parties in democratic countries to maintain intra-party democracy. Taiwan Legistative Yuan passed the political party law in 2017, and it is clear that in Article 12, paragraph 6, a political party's charter shall have conditions for member arbitration and appeals. However, looking at the current Taiwan party, Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) has an arbitration committee at the beginning of the founding of the party, and has the most experience in the establishment and operation of the arbitration mechanism. This research adopts the historical institutionalism approach, and uses literature analysis and interview research to analyze the creation, reform and path dependence of the DPP Arbitration Commission. It also explores the impact of the operation of the Arbitration Commission on the DPP and the protection of party members' rights. The results of the reseach found that in the founding of the Arbitration Committee, the factions did not understand the arbitration, so the relevant provisions were soon passed. However, as the external environment gradually opened up the party competition, the Arbitration Committee's investigation capability was limited. The powers of the Arbitration Committee were thus limited, and they have since been shaped. But the Arbitration Committee still indirectly through the referee to urge the authorities of the DPP to abide by due process of law. Long-term operation, although composed of non-party members, does accumulate a certain reputation and has considerable protection for the rights of party members.

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11

Wu, Pin Chan, and 武炳昌. "Factionalism and Candidate Selection of the Democratic Progressive Party in Taiwan." Thesis, 2004. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/35180689513164481327.

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碩士
淡江大學
公共行政學系公共政策碩士班
92
Candidate selection is a key aspect for the Democratic Progressive party in Taiwan. Because the process of candidate selection becomes an important arena of internal party conflict, and power of control. So we have these questions: First, What the candidate selection of DPP had controlled by the faction. Second, why the faction has control the process of the candidate selection. We will explore relationship between faction and candidate selection. We use the conceptual framework of Historical institutionalism to analyze this relationship. First, We try to use this conceptual framework to find out motivation who had controlled the processes, and profession. Second, We analyze the processes of the candidate selection. Final, We will examine this relationship between actor and institution. Chapter One, Introduction. Chapter Two, Historical Institutionalism. Chapter, Three, The prossces of the candidate selection. Chapter, Four, Analyze. Chapter, Five, Conclusion.

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12

Li, Po-Jung, and 李博榮. "The Transformation of the Democratic Progressive Party from 1986 to 1996." Thesis, 1997. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/19898901485926234488.

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13

Cheng, Yu-kai, and 鄭宇凱. "Democratic Progressive Party''s legislator primary election continuance and change." Thesis, 2013. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/48888470245497647663.

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碩士
銘傳大學
公共事務學系碩士班
101
Good governance is the foundation of democratic politics, and it had shown many different styles in Public administration. To explore the comprehensive meaning of “Governance”, this study tried to use content analysis approach to investigate the history of Social sciences journal literature in Taiwan. This analysis aimed to merge the data from beginning, procedure, transition on the basis of each key time point and prospect future development, using qualitative, quantitative and social network analysis. We collected many keywords and concepts and the different interpretations from Taiwan''s journal literatur, in order to tease out clear and complete "governance" appearance. Governance should be developed and reformed by the time changes, and is not on the basis of nations as an only object. To integrate public, private organization and voluntary groups as a network could build a strong civil society. The government then becomes a relative powerful organization to collaborate with other organizations. Based on the“Governance”concept, the government can adjust their role and set boundary between state and society. Under such concept, a public governance that citizens seek for can be built. The more deep theoretical analysis was conducted, the better model of governance could be built to lead Taiwan''s civil society.

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14

Chang, Meng-Feng, and 張孟豐. "The Transformation of Factional Politics in Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), 1999-2005." Thesis, 2005. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/12918919020986335760.

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碩士
國立臺灣師範大學
政治學研究所在職進修碩士班
93
“Factions of a party is like parties of a country.” Citizens may have ill feelings for parties and factions; however, both parties and factions play important roles in the operation of democratic politics. According to Political Order in Changing Societies of Professor Samuel P. Huntington, a partyless regime lacks a system way to improve society changing and to absorb the impact after changing, and as well, its capacity to realize political ideal, economic goal, and social modernization is even limited. Thus, parties and factions are decisive of the political development. The DPP founded in 1986 has been dominated by factions. The factional structure is relatively stable. The DPP Legislative Yuan caucus is the policy-making center for factional leaders; the DPP Headquarters is responsible for the drafting of party charter, administration, and elections. In other words, the DPP is a stable Internally-created Party dominated by the factions. The DPP Headquarters and Legislative Yuan caucus form a binary policy-making center. The characteristics of a party dominated by the factions representing at the party policy making is that though factions have different opinions of a policy in the very beginning, once the policy goal is set up after a policy debate or factional leaders’ negotiation, all factions cohere and assume common standpoints externally. Therefore, the factions not only maintain DPP’s balance of power—share of the party personnel and allocation of every election nomination, but also affect DPP’s policy-making direction. The DPP won presidential election in 2000, became the ruling party, and assumed the power to allocate political and economic resources. Nevertheless, from “Non-partisan Government” to “Minority Government,” DPP factions have different opinions in the operation of power and disputes in primary election of the party, which reveals that the structure of factions works loose, the power game arises during power transitions, and moreover the political situation is influenced.

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15

Peng, Kuo-Hua, and 彭國華. "The Evolution of Democratic Progressive Party''sFactions:from a Political-Economy Perspective." Thesis, 2010. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/21679674213688987038.

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碩士
臺灣大學
政治學研究所
98
The purpose of the study is to examine the evolution of Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) factions from the perspective of political economy. Although citizens may have ill feeling for parties and factions, both parties and factions still play important roles in the operation of democratic politics. Beginning in 1970s and prospering in 1980s, the anti-KMT activities had led to the forming of DPP. During these days, there were already many different groups in DPP. Although these groups had made the consensus of fighting with the powerful authority, they still had different backgrounds, beliefs and ideologies. They competed with each other for leadership power and resources, and that is why this progress turned to be faction conflicts. The main function of factions is to capture the limited resources, and the elites in the DPP should take these resources as their backups. This kind of evolution has its own advantages, but also brings about some disadvantages. For a long time, the factions operations in DPP have made it a party of coalition of factions. That is to say, DPP already accepted this kind of operation and every faction also built their own norms and disciplines. Since the DPP won the presidential election in 2000 and became the ruling party, the factions tried to allocate political and economic resource in an extreme way. However, this kind of allocation finally led to a fiasco. Therefore, this study will try to analyze the operations of factions in DPP and use a different perspective to discuss the problems of factions. As DPP lost the presidential election in 2008, its factions may have different opinions in the operation of power and disputes in the main issues. This thesis will also focus on the future of DPP, and seek to find out how to solve all these problems.

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Wang, Li-Kuo, and 王勵國. "The Research of Mainland China Policy Taken by DDP (Democratic Progressive Party) Government." Thesis, 2006. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/ak5g9w.

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碩士
銘傳大學
社會科學院國家發展與兩岸關係碩士在職專班
94
The government of Democratic Progressive Party (DPP.) has been running for six years since Chen Shui-bian and Hsiu-lien Annette Lu were inaugurated as the president and the vice president of the tenth run of Republic of China. Currently, in terms of the claim of both sides policy, the ruling authority resolutely object to the basic of the “ One China Policy” addressed by People Republic of China (PRC.) government, but consider the relationship of the both sides to be the international frame of “ Country to Country” instead; therefore, the authority tries to establish a kind of normal reciprocal relation of international interaction. On the other hand, the PRC government always regards that the political principle of “ One China Policy “ and “ Consensus of 1992” should be the premise of both sides’ dialogue. The ruling party government has made effort in adjustment and implement of mainland policy, the development of both sides’ relationship does not get any significant steps though owing to both sides’ standpoint of policy firmly. This thesis is to explore the background factors of drawing up the mainland policy of the ruling government by means of studying the related researched methods, which illustrates the changes of mainland policy from experiencing the stages of “The Independence Forum of Taiwan practical sovereign rights”, “Taiwan Independence forum”, and “ The Innovation Forum of Protecting Taiwan” to the alternation of political party in power. In addition, this thesis also studies the aspects of international relationship, national security, Taiwan history of culture, the interaction and relation of Taiwan Straits, etc and explores the strategies of international political and economical issues and the development of the relations among US, mainland China and Taiwan, the structure of country security, the relation of culture and local though, history evolution and political changes, and the effects of basic doctrinism, the goodness of new government for the people. Furthermore, this thesis also discusses with the relationship and interaction of both sides after renewing the ruling party’s terms and the impact of “Anti-Secession Law” drawn by PRC currently. In terms of mainland policy of the ruling government, the thesis is to focus on the aspects, which are including setting both sides’ relationship, the standpoints of mainland policy, the consult meeting of both sides’ dialogue, the interactive frame peacefully, the strategy of military preparation, the policy of investment and trade, the agenda of three “communication”, the mainland financial policy, the opening of mainland people’s visiting and traveling, the permit of journalists’ cover at the fixed points, denying the diploma identification of mainland education, advocating the statement of public speech, discussing standpoints of mainland policy and security strategy, both mainland economical and social cultural strategies, etc. Moreover, this thesis will get the above-referred issues into account to research for the core value of both “ Nation Security” and “Sovereignty Independence” of the ruling government about mainland policy.

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Ma, Wen-Yu, and 馬文鈺. "Study of Propositions of the Democratic Progressive Party in Cross-Strait Political Negotiation." Thesis, 2012. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/91789237739643673375.

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碩士
國立臺灣大學
國家發展研究所
100
On his “Golden Decade” press conference on October 17, 2011, President Ma Ying-Jeou explained that when interacting with Mainland China, the government would address “economic issues before political ones”. Ma also proposed the possibility of entering into a cross-strait peace agreement. In the meantime, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) also proposed the establishment of a “Framework of Cross-Strait Peace and Stability” in its 10-year political platform. It seems that political negotiation has become an inexorable cross-strait issue for the three major political parties in Taiwan. After two political turnovers, democracy in Taiwan has become more stable according to Samuel P. Huntington’s “two-turnover test”. With the quadrennial presidential election in Taiwan, the opposition party, the DPP, has the opportunity to become the ruling party. With a mature bi-party political system in place, as the opposition party, the DPP has already had a significant influence on Taiwan’s politics with its political propositions. If the DPP takes over the reins of government in the future, its cross-strait policies would become the official policies of Taiwan. In such a case, its propositions in cross-strait political negotiation would certainly determine the direction and development of cross-strait relations between Taiwan and Mainland China. The study adopted documentary analysis, in-depth interview and comparative research methods. To learn about the DPP’s propositions in cross-strait political negotiation, the DPP members influential in the policy-making of cross-strait relations were also interviewed. The study found that the DPP members have reached a consensus for “dialogues without preconceptions, dual-supervision and dual-referendum”. In addition, another implicit consensus was that cross-strait negotiation should wait until the time is right and an appropriate setting is ready. Suggestions for future policy-making and studies were made in hope that the DPP’s cross-strait policies would be better accepted by the people of Taiwan and benefit a peaceful development of cross-strait relations.

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Chun-fang, Wang, and 王春芳. "The Rhetorical Study of Democratic Progressive Party Chairman(1986 ~ 2012)：Fantasy Theme Criticism." Thesis, 2013. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/31831303314341498478.

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碩士
世新大學
新聞學研究所(含碩專班)
101
Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) was formed with 18 people in 1986 during the Martial Law era. In the presidential election in 2000, DPP was in power with 39.3% of votes. Compared to the Chinese Kuo-Ming-Tong (KMT) with over 100 years of history, DPP with only 14 years of political history winning the ruling power was rather unthinkable. How does DPP successfully ‘persuade’ the general public and turned into actual votes in 14 years? The leader plays a crucial role in a organization just like a chairperson of a political party or a president of a country. There have been quite a few political celebrities in DPP. These celebrities have been taken important positions in DPP or led DPP as chairpersons. The chairperson controls the internal affairs and represent the whole party externally, its importance is rather pivotal. This research is in attempt to analyze the DPP rhetoric throughout its chairpersons circa 1986. This study dissected DPP’s development and characteristics into four periods: Social movement Period from the first Chairperson--Chiang, Pen-Jieng to the 5th —Hsu, Hsin-Liang; Transformation Period from the 6th Chair—His, Ming-Deh to the 8th —Lin, I-Hsun; Ruling Period from the 9th Chair—Hsieh, Chung-Ting to the 11th —Chen, Hsiuh-Bien; and Minority/Opposition Period from the 12th—Tsai, Eng-Wen to the current 14th—Su, Jen-Chun. To explore the rhetoric of the chairs among each period, this research analyzed by its political culture and conceptualized texts as: National Identification; Constitutional Institution; Citizen Role; and Powerful Political Figures. The result showed that 1: DPP’s discursive rhetoric was precise and clear during the Social Movement Period and Transformation Period. 2: Due to the ruling figure in the 8 years of Ruling Period, its discourse was inconvincible which led to the loss of power in 2008. The researcher suggested that DPP would have to reconstruct its rhetorical capability in order to persuade the general public in order to regain its ruling power

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Lin, Kuo-Wei, and 林國維. "The Relationship of Integrated Marketing Communication and Political Party Election Strategy— An Empirical Study of Democratic Progressive Party." Thesis, 2004. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/98655817435637203052.

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碩士
義守大學
管理科學研究所
91
Abstract Recently, the Taiwanese democracy development heads into the new era, the campaign is already gradual to melt sell the concept into the campaign strategy in the middle. For example:(County) The mayor, lawmaking member of committee, president and all levels elects medium, the political party candidate makes use of the mode of the party politics marketing in succession to develop the election strategy programming, and campaigned the propaganda through literature from the profession design, image packing, public relations and campaigning etc., sell dissemination to develop toward the integration. Can know "integrated marketing" is strict however become necessary a sharp weapon for campaigning activity last from here. This research purpose is in order to construct a set of perfect political party election strategy model, to respond political advantage of the political party. Also study the candidate of the political party and can integrate the biggest resource full exertive its result, this research will go deep into study to integrate sell to spread to elect the connection of the strategy to the political party, and understand the political party in the process of the election how in "integrated marketing communication", "political party election strategy", "election scenario" and "party image" goes forward to go the integration and elects the strategy creation innovation to the political party. Also find out integration to sell dissemination to elect in the political party strategic of creative model. This research adopts the questionnaire method to investigate, and induce its conclusion. This research find" party image" in order to campaign the important strategy, mold to especially have it good image in the votes heart. The draw-up of the political party election strategy has relation to elect the victory and defeat, and the strategy is a think tank, public sentiment and prospect of nation it combines, integrate to sell the database in the dissemination and can reflect political party the supporter''s public sentiment at this time. And be the basis of the election strategy adjustment through the result reaction of various media, then evaluate and draft the election strategy of optimization, is for the convenience of reaching to win the target that choose according to it. Is past, two save the cause and effect, feedback relation. Furthermore "lord war strategy" and "strategy of CIS" can cause the essential public sentiment and political parties claim the symbol, and make use of to "integrated marketing communication" to inform in the votes this is to win the key that choose. Elect the scenario in regard votes as heavy, and all have influence to the party image(position) and election strategies, and match with the integration to sell the media claim of spreading the usage adequacy and present will is to win to choose the advantage.

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CHIU, YAO-HUI, and 邱耀輝. "A Study on the Evolutions of the Democratic Progressive Party 's Cross-Strat Policies." Thesis, 2017. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/w86gn9.

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碩士
國立中正大學
戰略暨國家安全碩士在職專班
105
With the return to power in 2016, the ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) has to encounter and address the cross-Strait relations affecting the existence and development of Taiwan under the circumstances of the rise of the People’ Republic of China (PRC). The cross-Strait issues involve the behaviors of the PRC, the attitude of the US government, and the viewpoints of opposition parties and people in Taiwan. Since the establishment on September 28th, 1986, the DPP had taken over the reins of presidency of the Republic of China (ROC) in 2000 and 2016, being in power for 8 years and being out of office for 8 years. During the 16 years, there are abundant references of the DPP’s China policies, and the PRC, the US, and the Kuomintang (KMT) respectively proposed different perspectives, standpoints and criticism, with the fluctuations of Taiwanese opinions. Only the PRC would resume cross-Strait talks on the premise that the Tsai Ing-wen administration accepts the “1992 consensus” insisted on by Beijing, so the DPP has to reflect upon history to find optimal ways and strategies to get through the stagnant cold-peace period. The study tries to generalize the evolutions and the changes of the DPP’s past statements on the PRC, understand the reasons leading to those changes, and explore the opportunities and challenges the DPP would face when formulating future China policies.

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21

Yen, Cheng Yung, and 嚴政雍. "Analysis on the Online Word-of-Mouth of Chinese Kuomintang and Democratic Progressive Party." Thesis, 2011. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/m363bn.

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碩士
國立臺東大學
社會科教育學系碩士班
99
This study aims to discuss the annual changes and general situation of people’s emphasis and satisfaction to the features of the political parties, so as to provide them with references in making development directions and improving service quality. It analyzes the word-of-mouth evaluations of the Taiwan political parties based on the online word-of-mouth. , It collected the online word-of-mouth data of the Kuomintang (KMT) and Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) between Jan. 1st, 2007 and Dec. 31st, 2010 from Yahoo! Blog and Wretch, obtaining 2,385 valid data items in total. The word-of-mouth data of different years were then analyzed dynamically. The analysis results of this study are as the following: 1.Regarding the online word-of-mouth of KMT, the public emphasize the party's governance ability most, followed by its credibility and integrity, and then its bureaucratic style. On the whole, the online word-of-mouth dimensions of KMT emphasized most by the public are its governance ability and style of the party. 2.Regarding the online word-of-mouth of DPP, the public emphasize its incorruptibility most, followed by law abiding, and then responsibility of the party. On the whole, the online word-of-mouth dimensions of DPP emphasized most are its governance ability and style of the party, which are the same as those of KMT. 3.In exploring the factors that affect the public’s evaluation, it is found that the factors affecting the governance ability are such phenomena as unemployment, economic recession; the factors affecting its administrative practice of dealing with concrete matters are wasteful consumption of the public money; the factors affecting incorruptibility are those who take bribe and pursue personal interests; the factor affecting the administrative impartiality is the malfunction of judicature and supervision; the factor affecting the bureaucratic style is the arrogance of the officials; the factor affecting the responsibility is the political parties buckpassing their due responsibilities ; the factor affecting credibility and integrity is the party leaders violate their commitments made during the election campaign; the major factor affecting law abiding is corruption. 4.Since KMT took over the governance in 2008, the public's satisfaction with its governance ability and style has been dropping year after year. It indicates there have been lags between their practice and the public opinions, which causes the dramatic decrease of the public’s satisfaction. The overall evaluation of the current situation is negative. 5.Extremely low as they were in 2007, the governance ability and style of DPP got until 2010 had been vigorously improving ever since then , turning from negative to positive and did much better than KMT. Therefore, its current operation situation is good, and has gained the support and satisfaction from many people. 6.For both KMT and DPP, once holding the governance power, their original election commitments, governance ability and style will be all forgotten, and their attitude towards bureaucracy and powers will be completely exposed. It is suggested that the political parties, the government party or the opposition party, should keep a modest attitude and always bear their election commitments in mind, which is the only way to gain the support of people.

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Cheng, Pai Chung, and 白忠正. "A Study of Kuomintang's Administration under the Reigns of Democratic Progressive Party(2000~2008)." Thesis, 2013. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/72623065516618658703.

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碩士
國立臺北教育大學
台灣文化研究所
101
The reins by Democratic Progressive Party (DDP) for 8 years are party alternation with democratic value. Under actual investigation, administration of Kuomintang (KMT) in Legislative Yuan showed big impact on the 8-year reign by DDP, the paper conducts research on deeds of KMT’s administration during the 8-year reign by DDP, when there are discrepancies on viewpoints between KMP and DDP in terms of policy and personnel decision, whether methods of boycott and contention comply with interests of nation and people? A deadlock in official business of Legislative Yuan, opposition party to put Act on ice via Ad Hoc Committees as well as passing of version by opposition party lastly after a voting battle among departments, all these disputes on Act occurred during DDP reins that KMT and DDP argue on can’t be crystal clear simply by a study on council efficiency, only get to the bottom on Act one by one could make causes of argument and failure in Act passing between ruling and opposition parties clear. Chapter I, introduction of the paper, will be exploring literature with regard to KMP studies. Chapter II, administration analysis of KMT in Legislative Yuan – discuss use strategies on President deposition, budget review, personnel consent and opposition alliance under powers of Legislative Yuan and analyze deeds of KMT in Legislative Yuan accordingly. Chapter III, strategic analysis for election – fair competition between parties is requisite requirement and minimum standard, under the ruling period of President Chen, there are more for KMT to decide while facing election; analysis on topics with election concerns from referendum legislation, handling of party assets, pro-China policy to assassination of President Chen. Chapter IV, thinking and deeds that hinder policy promotion and execution– different viewpoints on policy between KMP and DDP, there are still many discussions that require no review by Legislative Yuan, in which KMT’s thinking and deeds that hinder policy promotion and execution will be discussed by obstruction through name-correction event, resistance on transitional justice, inconsistent Chinese transliteration , obstruction on reform act and Obstruct the high school history curriculum.

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Chang, Yu-cheng, and 張育正. "Examining Changes in the Democratic Progressive Party from 2008 to 2014 with Harmel and Janda’s Integrated Theory of Party Change." Thesis, 2015. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/t2stey.

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碩士
國立中山大學
政治學研究所
104
Using Harmel and Janda’s integrated theory of party change, the author examines the changes within the Democratic Progressive Party　(DPP)　from 2008-2014. In this thesis, the author specifically explores how the three main independent variables – chairperson change, dominant faction displacement, and external stimuli – are related to the changes observed in DPP which is considered a vote-seeking party. The research finds that changes within the DPP including organization, ideology, strategies, constitution, and policy changes can be attributed to numerous factors such as – changes in DDP’s chairperson, external stimuli and external shocks such as electoral system change, jurisdictional changes in Taiwan’s local government structure, the Sunflower protest movement in early 2014, and others. Despite these changes, DPP factional structure have not changed substantially. The changes observed in the DPP in this thesis corroborates Harmel and Janda’s integrated theory of party change.

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24

唐賞蓉. "A Study on the Alliance between the Democratic Progressive Party and the Local Political Powers." Thesis, 2003. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/99338080978082685870.

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Chang, Kai-Tang, and 張凱棠. "The policy of Taiwanese Government of the Mainland students:Perspectives from Factionalism of Democratic Progressive Party." Thesis, 2014. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/nnrbfs.

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碩士
國立臺灣大學
國家發展研究所
102
“Policy of Mainland Chinese Students Studying in Taiwan” has been a part of the overall Mainland policy, involving complicated aspects such as Mainland affairs, national security, immigration/emigration, and regulations of labors. Numerous problems have existed in the internal situations as well as the external environment across the strait, thus leading to different perspectives and expectations among the political parties. To Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), discrepancies in the policy also exist, with some thinking the policy too open while others considering it too conservative and thus requiring further amendments. The current study, based on different faction angles, attempted to investigate if the amendments to the policy were related to the competition among factions. The current study established a coalition of political parties and factions via the control force of the political party and the autonomy of the faction, under which potential coalition and policy output were observed. The results revealed DPP’s changes to “Policy of Mainland Chinese Students Studying in Taiwan”—from the opposition as the ruling party, to their taking the policy with a grain of salt after the implementation of the policy, and finally to the hospitality in “2014 Mainland Policy Review: Summary Report”. In addition, factions in DPP held different perspectives on the part-time job and health insurance of Mainland Chinese students. To “Policy of Mainland Chinese Students Studying in Taiwan”, DPP has reached a consensus of its term—Mainland Chinese students. In terms of factionalism, furthermore, the “Communicative Group” and the “Conservative (Independent) Group” have existed in DPP, with the “Communicative Group” currently growing in strength. Factional coalitions affected DPP’s attitude towards “Policy of Mainland Chinese Students Studying in Taiwan”. As cross-strait interactions become increasingly close, “cross-straitization” of education has become an issue that cannot be neglected. Diminution in policies cannot always be feasible act once and for all. The ruling party has to ponder deeply how to optimize the advantages of educational qualities of Taiwan, to create soft power during cross-strait cultural and educational interactions, and to promote “Policy of Mainland Chinese Students Studying in Taiwan” with a positive attitude.

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Chou, Chun-Ling, and 周君綾. "Reserch of Local joint constituency office：─The case of Democratic Progressive Party in Changhua County." Thesis, 2018. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/p52w2j.

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碩士
國立彰化師範大學
公共事務與公民教育學系
106
Along with the democratization and Party Alternation, Taiwan’s democracy and democratic elections have gradually entered the stage of maturity and democracy consolidation. The central and local public opinion representatives at all levels, confront the growing pressure of re-election, the selection of the voters and various traditional and emerging media, and they are all oriented towards the display of professionalism in the areas of image management, professional politics, and constituency services. Among them, the vast majority of the public service on behalf of the voters, to collect public opinion, almost always set up personal service, the business became stronghold geographical constituencies. However, some elected representatives will be specially set up more than two people on behalf of the Joint Services, in this study that is set up on behalf of the people want to know the motivation of the joint services, as well as the mode of operation of the Joint Service. Through this study, literature review and qualitative interview study, found that the establishment of joint services to follow at the end, and the composition of the different modes of operation mechanism has a different distinction.

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Feng, Wang, and 王峯. "Examining the Similarities and Dissimilarities of the News Content about Taiwan Before and After the Democratic Progressive Party Became the Governing Party." Thesis, 2004. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/53874301832320025625.

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碩士
銘傳大學
社會科學院國家發展與兩岸關係碩士在職專班
92
This Study attempts to understand the similarities and dissimilarities of the news content about Taiwan in the news themes, report trends, report sources, statement types, report appeals, report skills, and the mold into images about Taiwan by People’s Daily before and after the Democratic Progressive Party became the governing party. The samples include the news content about Taiwan from May 20th 1997 to May 20th 2003 in People’s Daily. Using the research methods of content analysis of the media coverage. SPSS for windows were used for this study. This study found the attitude trends that there are significant difference among civilian and government in the news content of People’s Daily. Before the Democratic Progressive Party to be in power, in People’s Daily, the focal points of report are affectional appeal, fearful appeal, personal attack, authoritative appeal, and the image of Taiwan independence. After the Democratic Progressive Party to be in power, the focal points of report are affectional appeal, safe appeal, benefit appeal, defective appeal, models’ praise, and the image of Taiwan independence are more riser in People’s Daily. More research findings were discussed in the paper.

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Wang, Yao-Ching, and 王耀慶. "A Study of Democratic Progressive Party''s Mainland Policy Evolution--The Analysis of Impacts of Policy Variable." Thesis, 2001. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/47350582328468841930.

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碩士
國立暨南國際大學
公共行政與政策學系
89
The purpose of this study is to examine the impact of policy variable on Democratic Progressive Party’s (DPP) mainland policy evolution. The main hypothesis of this thesis is that, these policy variables have impact on the process and outcome of DPP’s mainland policy evolution. These policy variables include “faction-decision structure”, “Taiwan-independence discourse”, “party competition”, “vote maximization”, etc. Chapter 2 mainly focuses on the change and development of the mainland policy after DPP was established in 1986. The chapter described DPP’s mainland policy evolution. Faction-decision structure, the subject of chapter 3, is the major variable of DPP’s mainland policy. This chapter discussed the relation between DPP factions and DPP’s mainland policy. Their relation seemed quite close. To continue chapter 3, chapter 4 argues the other variables. This chapter mentions several concepts including “Taiwan-independence discourse”, “party competition”, “vote maximization”, etc. Further, it argued the relation between “Taiwan-independence (ideal) vs. come into power (real)” and DPP’s mainland policy. Finally, the study mentions some comments about DPP’s mainland policy evolution.

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Lin, Peo-Lin, and 林珮霖. "The Nomination Strategy in Difficult Electoral Districts of Democratic Progressive Party for the Ninth Legislative Yuan Election." Thesis, 2017. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/a24x52.

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碩士
國立臺灣大學
政治學研究所
105
In 2016, Taiwan finished the third Party Alternation, and the Democratic Progressive Party won full political power for the first time. But the election involves the elections of the president and Legislative Council, and the party vote expanded and did not partition the Legislative Council seats. The layout of the election plays a crucial role for big parties to be in power and for minor parties to survive. Therefore, the nomination and alignment strategy is of great importance. From the nomination strategy of the Democratic Progressive Party in difficult constituency, we can see that, in the premise of campaign combined with non-Kuomintang forces, the degree of the difficulties in combining the blue-green spectrums, the difference in the results of election and the back effect will have a ripple effect of interlocking. This article is based on the observation and analysis of the 3 aspects of the formation of the DPP, PFD and the alliance of the forces of the time, the comparison of the alliance process and the results and the effects of the alliance. I got conclusions as follows: first, the nomination of Legislative Council of the DPP in difficult constituency is influenced by the election of the president and other factions. Second, the political spectrum affects the DPP''s alliance with other political parties and their integration. Third, that whether the coalition party has presidential candidates affects the legislative assistant election. Forth, the party spectrum and past political identity influence voter’s voting intentions. Fifth, the grass-roots organizations of the DPP may not follow the party''s directions for their own interests. Sixth, the political resources are easily transferred when a party mayor become a member of another party to compaign headquarters Chairman. Seventh, the DPP internal and external polls released are in different tunes.

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30

Hsiao-WeiTsai and 蔡筱薇. "A Study of the Primary Election Strategies of the Democratic Progressive Party--2018 Tainan City Mayoral Election." Thesis, 2019. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/e3thx4.

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31

Hsu, Cheng-chun, and 徐承群. "Web Campaigning Strategies－The Case of Taiwan's Local Elections of Democratic Progressive Party from 2009 to 2010." Thesis, 2010. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/89886353873833408277.

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博士
世新大學
傳播研究所(含博士班)
98
“Web Campaigning” begins form 90’s, and developed new forms with the evolution of internet technology, as Homepage in late 90’s, Blogs from 2005, Facebook blooms from 2008. With the political marketing effects of Facebook, the most important effect is the “Viral Marketing”, which could dispread and communicate between candidates and voters. The well-known case is Obama’s 2008 Presidential Campaigning. The “Web Marketing Department ” of Democratic Progressive Party(DDP) was held in 2009, becouse of not only the increasing effects of internet, but also of the lack of finance. In the three local elections in Taiwan from 2009 to 2010, Democratic Progressive Party practiced the “Web Campaigning ” and “trial and errow” for correcting localized web campaigning stretegies and models in Taiwan. This study shows that not every candidate would agree the web campaigning strtegies, and the only case of “ Viral Marketing ” was the “Young-Beauties Viral Marketing” model, this research did not found any other viral marketing case. In the practice of web campaigning, the Political Parties considerate the interaction of internet, but did not practice the spirit of “Digital Democracy”. The campaigning webs are for promotion and marketing not for dialouge with the voters for public issues.

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32

McCaffrey, Shaun. "A study of policy continuity between the Progressive Conservative and New Democratic Party governments of Manitoba, 1958-1977." 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1993/3585.

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There existed a fundamental similarity in the policies of the Roblin and Schreyer administrations during the years from 1958 to 1977. By means of historical analysis, this thesis traces several major fields of public policy which characterized the Roblin Progressive conservatives and the Schreyer New Democrats, demonstrating that although there were ideological differences between the two governments, the policies of the two administrations reflected a significant continuity. Both administrations maintained an interventionist presence in economic and social matters. Both governments were more active in their earlier years in office, and both slowed down somewhat in their later years. This thesis focuses on five policy areas: education, health and we1fare, urban renewal, northern development and general economic policy. A substantial continuity of policy was evident in all of these areas, demonstrating that the period of interventionist government in Manitoba initiated by Roblin, was maintained by the Schreyer administration.

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33

Hsuan, Ling Lu, and 呂弦玲. "investigation on affection of factions interaction in organzational change and associated mechanism--take democratic progressive party for example." Thesis, 2000. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/55330563286825407704.

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碩士
國立政治大學
心理學系
88
The objective of this research is through using the theories and practices associated with organizational change (hereinafter called OC) in the disciplines of psychology and politics to investigate the OC process in a party. The research target is the biggest opposition party in Taiwan-Democratic Progressive Party (hereinafter called DPP). Since the research about OC in psychology focus on profit-industry in the past, and the research of OC process in personal and group level have developed extensively. However, it''s a pity that not including the prospects of institution or the revolution of external environment. The discipline of politics will supply this section by coincidence. Since there are many factors exerting on the change of organization, the researcher can''t describe them in this research detail. Thus, researcher will choose some factors associated with discipline of psychology: the interaction of subgroups-i.e., the interaction of factions in DPP, role of the leader in OC. In addition, the Guanxi relation in China society that is extensively affected by Confucian thinking is also considered. Not only the research of interaction of factions is too rare, but also there is no systematic investigation on the phenomena of factions in DPP. Due to this reason, the research will try to use qualitative method by the interaction as main factor, the leader''s behavior and the Guanxi relation as mediation factors to investigate the affection of the process of organizational change in DPP. Researcher will use document research and half-construction interview as major method and researcher''s participative observation as minor one. Within half year, the research sequence can divide five prospects: first, the cause of parties formation and its constructive factors, including consciousness type, history source, organizational system and power structure so on. Second, before investigating the interaction of the parties, researcher will re-propose basic characteristics of these parties, for example, background of formation, mechanism of conjoining, organization feature and representative figure. It is investigated that Although the parties can be categorized to interest group and politics machine, the Guanxi relation still affect organizational culture of parties. Besides, the differences of cultures partly explain situation of parties interact hereafter. Third, researcher will discuss the interaction of factions as example of resource distribution. If the nature of source can be shared, these factions can be mutually beneficial by cooperation; in the contrast, if can''t be shared, they may compete each other. There are two effects that one of them is accumulation of rapport experience in past interaction, another is anticipation of future cooperation, and it is possible to make the chance of cooperation higher. Fourth, how these factions interaction influence the organizational change will be discussed. Using the organizational performance and change model of Burke & Litwin, researcher will investigate the moderation or change through the process of organizational change and discuss influence of two mediating variables. Fifth, research of psychology can be used to previewed DPP. The research conclusion is as shown that each faction has its own organizational culture, and the five relations in Confucian must be influence upon them. In the five relations, the differences in priority and degree may affect character of members, frequency of private relation, solution in faction conflict, binding of factions and identification of faction representative figure. These differences can form some kind of competition and cooperation, however, since DPP is still opposition, the prior consideration of these factions is the whole party''s interest. Even the chairman of party as a leader of DPP, he also can''t violate the highest spirit of this party: process justice and open transparent. Under the spirit, the five relations can elaborate its lubricating function at right time; in the contrast, if the chairman''s decision is affected prior by five relations, the chance of other factions'' boycott will increase. Besides, in the institution the chairman''s power is weaken intentionally, the in-group and out-group effect is not significant.

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Kuo, Yen-Kuang. "The history and politics of Taiwan's February 28 Incident, 1947-2008." Thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/12556.

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Taiwan’s February 28 Incident happened in 1947 as a set of popular protests against the postwar policies of the Nationalist Party, and it then sparked militant actions and political struggles of Taiwanese but ended with military suppression and political persecution by the Nanjing government. The Nationalist Party first defined the Incident as a rebellion by pro-Japanese forces and communist saboteurs. As the enemy of the Nationalist Party in China’s Civil War (1946-1949), the Chinese Communist Party initially interpreted the Incident as a Taiwanese fight for political autonomy in the party’s wartime propaganda, and then reinterpreted the event as an anti-Nationalist uprising under its own leadership. After the rapprochement of Mao’s China with the United States in the 1970s, both parties successively started economic or political reform and revised their respective policies toward the February 28 Incident. Moreover, the Democratic Progressive Party rose as a pro-independence force in Taiwan in the mid-1980s, and its stress on the Taiwanese pursuit of autonomy in the Incident coincided with the initial interpretation of the Chinese Communist Party. These partisan views and their related policy changes deeply influenced historical research on the Incident. This study re-examines both the history and the historical accuracy of these partisan discourses and the relevant scholarship on the Incident, and further proposes to understand this historic event in the long-term context of Taiwanese resistance and political struggles.
Graduate

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35

Lin, Lung-Chiang, and 林隆瑲. "The Analysis of the Party Cleavage and Conflict Resolution in Legislative Yuan－A Case Study of the Democratic Progressive Party Ruling from 2000 to 2008 A.D." Thesis, 2011. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/43704101206830374288.

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碩士
國立臺灣大學
國家發展研究所
99
Legislative Yuan, the parliament in Taiwan, a place gathering interests, is full of political struggles and interest competitions for parties to reflect public opinion and seek ruling power. Under the constitutional system, the period under the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) is divided government as minority ruling which leads the party conflict to become more violent in Legislative Yuan. Under this situation, discussing resolutions of party conflict in parliament are very meaningful for the political development in Taiwan. The approach in the study is historical institutionalism. By discussing the factor of party conflict, it considers both ‘opposition of ideology’ and ‘cleavage of democratic rules’ are the foundations of party cleavage and institution is the key factor connecting party interacting process in history developing. Through different party interacting types and constitutional dispute resolution system operated in bill examining procedure, this study discusses whether the party conflict of important policies or bills would be resolved or not when government ruled with DPP. According to this study, if one party deals with bills in force, it would easily cause the party conflict model--‘agenda obstruction and parliament strike’, and then the other wouldn’t accept the examining result. It means that the party conflict is too serious to resolve with parliamentary institution, the party would resolve the conflict through the constitutional dispute resolution system. The institution of Party Caucus Negotiation plays an important role on resolving party conflicts. Moreover, it is important to be the majority in parliament under divided government ruled by the minority. About the dimension of constitutional operation, the Council of Grand Justices delivers the constitutional interpretation. If it also concludes political consideration, party conflict would be resolved. This is the best way to resolve conflict for DPP and lead to the path dependence. In Taiwan, political cleavage reflects the opposition of ideology among parties. Under the divided government, parties seek power through democratic rules. Although parliamentary institution and constitutional dispute resolution system can resolve the conflicts in parliament, there is still something that they can’t deal with. In this study, the cleavages of Taiwan Independence vs. Unification Ideology, transitional justice and maintaining important party interests through setting democratic rules, they are the reasons which cause party conflict. However, if the bills are related to transitional justice or interest of administration, party conflicts aren’t been resolved. Furthermore, the party cleavages of those bills are also the limits of parliamentary institution and constitutional dispute resolution institution.

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Chung, Chen-Yu, and 鍾鎮宇. "The research of china policy during the period of Tsai Ing-Wen served as Democratic Progressive Party chairman.(2008-2012)." Thesis, 2013. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/23976501377082632918.

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碩士
淡江大學
中國大陸研究所碩士在職專班
101
Democratic Progressive Party established in 1986 is the largest opposition party in Taiwan, from establishing to coming into power total 14 years in growth and transition; held the reins of government in 2000 and lost power by the party alternation in 2008. Under the effect of democratic politics, the party alternation in Taiwan shall be evolved into normality. DDP, as a young political party, has gone through various policy processes and party leaders’ policy decisions, even the party members who served in DDP or public office are elected by a democratic manner that makes DDP become the first political party to carry out the inner-Party democracy, much more the system of the primary election to nominate candidates through party members’ vote and opinion polls. The young, innovative, and local root is DDP’s characteristic; from local to central organization structure have all middle and lower ranks obtain an equal chance to join the political affairs. DDP defeated the many-year ruling Nationalist Party (or Kuomintang; hereinafter referred to as KMT) during the presidential election held in 2000. It is believed, DDP is a party can change the future of Taiwan, and create a brand-new cross-Straits relations under an equal and reciprocal circumstance. This local party in its early stage was striving for human and suffrage rights, then, from the secondary stage to the third, for social justice, rightfulness, welfare, and equality of educational resources. As to the cross-Straits issue, of course, there is a different from KMT in cognition. This essay is to explore the evolvement in respect of the policy toward Mainland China occurred in a period from Lee Deng-Hui succeeded to presidential office in 1988 to emergence of the politically new star--- Tsai Ying-Wen. In an era of military confrontation, both sides cut down the communication and had nearly no reciprocation each other, hence, Taiwan did not have the necessity to enact any China policy. Nevertheless, as China continuously tried to conduct the united-front strategy, Taiwan was passively obliged to enact the “China Policy” such as “The Three Principles Reunite China” and “Three Noes Policy” (no contact; no negotiation; no compromise), but it was no more than a slogan. In 1987, Taiwan lifted the ban and allowed residents to visit relatives in China. For cross-Straits unfolded an enthusiastically interflow, Taiwan’s “China Policy” started changing from passive to active. Not but that cross-Straits had a 180-degree transition, both sides’ relationship still lay in the phenomena of “Official Passion &; Civil Indifference” because of the influence of ruler’s subjective or objective factor. In particular, the controversial disputes in respect of the “Special state-to-state relations” advocated by Lee Deng-Hue in his late reign period forced China to unilaterally suspend the cross-Straits negotiation. On the one hand, China’s doubt about the “Taiwan Independence” commended by Chen Shui-bian and DDP caused the official contacting channel being cut during Chen’s reigning period, but not the civil interflow, which on the contrary, became more intense and frequent. The civil force urged the ruler to enact the guideline of “China Policy” that became even more important. During Chen’s reigning period, Taiwan in the international was constrained by the US and China, and pinned down by the opposition party; how could the “China Policy” be produced? It is also worthy to make a further exploration if the “Domestic factor” is the key point to affect the said Policy. DDP was turned into the opposition party through the party alternation in 2008; it could become the ruling party again. Regardless of which parties in power, “China Policy” is an important issue to be actively faced by each party, either ruling party or opposition party. The formation of any argument or policy will be affected by contemporary time, space, environment, and context in a mass, in particular, the “China Policy” that could directly influence the cross-Straits relations. China has always doubt about DDP’s China Policy, but has no choice but to face the possibilities that DDP might regain the power. After all, Taiwan is a democratic country, and the party alternation by democratic election is the normality of an advanced democratic state. Tsai Ying-wen transformed from a scholar to DDY’s chairwoman in the duration of 2008~2012, proposing the “Decade of political program” and “China Policy”, the formation and tendency of which has directly and indirectly affect our national development. Therefore, how to deeply understand the China Policy enacted by DDY after a party alternation, we expect that DDY will be helpful for both sides’ relationship while we seek and explore how to develop a peaceful and stable cross-Straits relations.

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KAN, SHUN-CHI, and 甘順基. "The Legislativ Strategy of the Opposition Party:Take the Democratic Progressive Party at the 7th and 8th Legislative Yuan for Example." Thesis, 2017. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/4hya39.

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碩士
東吳大學
政治學系
105
Because the ruling party controls over half of seats of the legislative yuan and becomes united government, the other opposition parties in so doing play a passive role in supervising the bills that the ruling party wants to push and hardly influences the bills passed or not. The study found that the Democratic Progressive Party as the opposition party can take strategic actions to tie down or block the bills that the ruling party, the Kuomintang, wants to push even in the united government situation at the 7th and 8th legislative yuan. The strategic actions as follow: boycott contained agenda processing and physical conflict or push the bills. Also, the study found that the Democratic Progressive Party usually takes agenda processing and physical conflict interactions to boycott the proposals of the Kuomintang by case study. According to the differences of the number of the seats, agenda types, the urgent degree of the agendas, the people’s attitude toward the agendas, the Democratic Progressive Party would take the different strategies. However, the people’s attitude toward the bills is the key point for the Democratic Progressive Party taking the legislative strategies successfully and achieving its goal or not

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Tsai, Fang-Ju, and 蔡芳茹. "Media Stragtegy of Intra-Party Primary Election: A Case Study on Democratic Progressive Party's Primary in 2018 Tainan Mayoral Campaign." Thesis, 2019. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/tdz3xk.

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碩士
崑山科技大學
媒體藝術研究所
107
This study focuses on the six candidates in the Democratic Progressive Party's Tainan Mayor's primary election in 2018. It analyzes each candidate who uses the media strategy to stand out from the primary polls. It is impossible for a single media to cover all the target markets. Instead, there must be a purposeful and planned use of multiple media in campaign communication activities. In addition to the traditional grassroots organization operation, the key factors are the candidate image shaping, candidate and policy marketing propaganda, and the operation of the election strategy in the work of public relations for the election. In the past, the propaganda in grassroots elections was dominated by print, outdoor advertising, newspapers and magazines, and television and radio advertisements. However, with the rapid evolution of the media and the rapid changes in the social atmosphere, the thinking of voters is constantly changing. Moreover, the media enter the immediacy and self-media mode because of the factors of the Internet. Therefore, the mode of election campaigns and the behavior of political parties are changed with the times, including the use of propaganda media, the direct use of the Internet, and the change from real to virtual. Every candidate considers the relevant questions, for example, what model should be used to let him be more popular and so forth. This research hopes to explore the voters' acceptance degree for media strategy, and how to use the media combination so as to let candidates be rapidly understood by voters and the elections be more predicable. This research, structurally based on the campaign communication strategy, campaign communication pipeline analysis, and media application strategy (three levels), analyzes the candidate's personal traits and the main axis of the campaign at the initial time; candidate political issues at the mid-term; candidate attack and defense strategies at the late time. The poll data at each stage is used as a reference for strategic effectiveness. This research finds that the candidate's media strategy is an argument, with the campaign strategy at each stage that needs to use the characteristics of the media to communicate with voters, including the initial understanding on candidates, the understanding on candidates in the medium term, more voters to support candidates in the late time. Eventually, the faction resources, intermediate voters, and supporters (who were not originally supporters) will have a magnetic effect, which brings more attention to the candidates who have more supporters in polls.

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Chen, Chun-Ting, and 陳俊廷. "The Campaign Strategy of Democratic Progressive Party for off-shore Islands Legislative Election: A Case Study of Penghu County in 2012." Thesis, 2013. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/80415904314821867629.

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碩士
國立臺灣大學
國家發展研究所
101
The key purposes of Taiwan’s 7th Constitutional amendment completed in 2005, was for a desired reform on its legislative electoral system. The electoral system was consequently changed from the original ‘single nontransferable vote (SNTV)’ to the current ‘single-member district dual ballot system’. By altering the campaign behavior, the lawmakers were expecting some uplifting electoral sphere for the reforms on local factions, and also plutocracy. Taiwan’s local elections had adopted the SNTV system ever since the total reelection of its parliament. Penghu county is allocated for only one seat in the parliament, and the actual electoral district range covers the whole county, and thus Penghu has practically implemented single-member district dual ballot system ever since 1992. Single-member district could easily benefit the incumbent member. The point could be demonstrated d by analyzing how Legislator Lin Pin-Kun won continuous five legislative elections in Penghu. In1995, Lin won his seat in the 3rd Taiwanese parliament, on one hand, he then has successfully developed his interpersonal network, and controlled the political and economic groups within his district. On the other hand, he began to request for more finance for the local intra-structures, and thus, to increase his public supports. Lin was subsequently reelected to the 4th (1998), 5th (2001), 6th (2004) and 7th (2008) parliament, and became a significant political leader in Penghu. Many have called him: ‘the King of Penghu’. The Democratic Progressive Party has only won two local elections in Penghu, and they were respectively the 11th Magistrate’s by-election and the 12th Magistrate’s election won by Dr Kao Chih-Peng. Noticeably, the DPP then never won more than 50 per cent of Penghu’s total vote in the next eighteen years, not in the presidential, magistrate’s, nor in the parliamentary elections. With the parliamentary elections, in particular, the DPP has not gained over 40 per cent of the votes.. Lin Pin-Kun has always been DPP’s only opponent in Penghu. One should pose many questions on DPP’s lost. Were the DPP’s losses in Penghu a cause of the existing political structure? Was it simply a result of unsuccessful choice of electoral strategies? Or were there other main factors that determined the outcomes of the elections? It has surprised many, Yang Yao, a DPP nominated candidate, defeated Lin Pin-Kun who sought to win his 6th reelections in 2012. Did Lin lose his advantages? Did the DPP somehow adjust their campaign strategies? Or Was is relevant to the merge of presidential and parliamentary elections? These were a few interesting questions ought to be answered through this research. The literatures and separate researches on elections of remote islands are not particularly common. This research paper seeks to investigate the DPP’s campaign strategies in Penghu by analyzing its legislative elections in 2012, and hopefully the research outcome would later provide some useful references for the future candidates and researchers.

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Tseng, Tzu-Cheng, and 曾資程. "The Democratic Progressive Party''s Electoral Strategy and Constituency Management：An Analysis of Hsinchu City''s Election from 2010 to 2016." Thesis, 2018. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/2k9j8u.

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碩士
國立臺灣大學
國家發展研究所
106
The text analyzes the crucial factors that contribute to Democratic Progressive Party’s electoral strategy and constituency management in Hsinchu City from 2010 to 2016. In Hsinchu City, there is a difference between supporters of Kuomintang and supporters of Democratic Progressive Party in the proportion 6: 4. How did Democratic Progressive Party bulldoze its way to election victory of the mayor and the regional legislators at one effort? In recent years, the increase in foreign population and young population of Hsinchu City influences the original electoral ecology. How did Democratic Progressive Party deal with it to win the recognition of the citizens? The 9th mayor of Hsinchu City is Democratic Progressive Party member Lin, Zhi-Jian. Independent Cllr. Hsieh, Wen-Jin succeeded in integrating continually Democratic Progressive Party city councilors and independent city councilors and therefore was re-elected the chairman of the city council. I describe the phenomenon as quasi-united government. 　　The study is prefaced by the introduction to the history of Hsinchu City. Participant observational method and in-depth interview method are adopted in the research. The study, based on my personal experience of practical assistance in all the previous campaigns and close interaction with candidates, provides first-hand information that is the most authentic, the most valuable and the most detailed. The conclusion and the suggestion are the most precious and the most complete. 　　The findings explain the young group is the key factor that influences the election. The diversity of the personal qualities of the candidates is also an important element. The media and the Internet are the essential instruments for election in modern society. Democratic Progressive Party trains the young generation to participate in politics with every effort. 　　Hsinchu City is the principal technology city of Taiwan and a city with young population. It has been over 30 years since Democratic Progressive Party was established. Democratic Progressive Party, which citizens expect to lead them to the happy city, is trustworthy. I hope that the organized and analyzed study can give direction to the young group who aims to go in for politics. With changes of times and the modern trend towards party transformation, Taiwanese democracy has been getting mature. Besides consolidating the recognition of the existing supporters, Democratic Progressive Party needs to actively expand support of floating voters for the future.

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Tseng, Shu-Feng, and 曾淑芬. "Democratic Progressive Party Presidential Election Campaign Advertising Strategies in 2000 & 2004 -Content Analysis of Taiwan Major Newspapers：Liberty Times、China Times and United Daily News." Thesis, 2007. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/99077907496443606025.

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Cheng, Po-Yu, and 鄭博宇. "A Study of Cognitive Characteristics of Voters through Analysis of Campaign Advertising - Example of Democratic Progressive Party''s Campaign Literature in 2010 Kaohsiung Mayoral Election." Thesis, 2011. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/44226121022148183876.

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碩士
國立中山大學
公共事務管理研究所
99
Democratic politics is a process where political elites compete for votes (Schumpeter, 1950) and therefore campaign communication is an indispensable area in it. In the beginning, campaign communication focused more on public policy promotion (Peng, 2005) and now is campaign-communication oriented to define communication strategies adopted in election campaign. Election campaign becomes fiercer after party politics takes root in Taiwan and that is where campaign advertising comes in. Purposes of campaign advertising by a candidate or party include image shaping, promotion of campaign issue and statement of political platform and achievements. We examined campaign literature of Democratic Progressive Party in 2010 Kaohsiung Mayoral Election and adopted Cognitive Continuum Theory (CCT) to analyze how appeal of campaign advertising influenced voter. Quasi-experiment was adopted. 45 questionnaires were issued to 45 participants individually due to the nature of the questionnaire. Results indicate that voters in Kaohsiung are more intuitive and support a candidate more because of the candidate’s image than his/her platform. Reflect Kaohsiung voters'' cognitive characteristics to be more intuitive. These cognitive characteristics show not only economic but serious social issues in Kaohsiung.

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Mergl, Tomáš. "Současný stranický systém Islandu." Master's thesis, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-337002.

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The party system of Iceland was always well-known for its strong stability and moderate nature typical for its whole modern development. But since the 1999 parliamentary election the Icelandic party system has been going through several changes and it is not appropriate to consider it nowadays as a traditionally stable party system with, in the long term, the dominant Independence Party. The party system is splitting off and the new parties are found out. Although after the 2013 election the system returned to the pre-2009 model, there is still an important question whether it reflects repeated stabilization of the Iceland political and party system, or it is only a reaction to the left-wing government in the years of 2009 to 2013. The aim of this thesis is to answer the following questions: is the Icelandic party system going through some changes of its structure or inter-party competition, and if so, is this transformation caused by the financial and bank crisis in 2008, or does it concern long- term transformations? Did the electoral shock in 2009 result from the reaction of the Icelandic voters to the financial crisis, or the election results were only another validation of the long- term Icelandic party system trend, namely by erosion of its traditional adjustment? In the analysis of the...

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Ashbourne, Craig Donald. "Rules of engagement: how current tactics corrode the relationship between progressive parties and their bases, and potential means of re-mobilizing the Left." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/3950.

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The professionalization of political parties has significantly altered the means by which parties interact with voters and supporters. The current study is an attempt to examine what these changes in political communication mean for the ability of parties to organize supporters and mobilize them both in a campaign setting and in the longer-term struggle. Habermasian and Gramscian perspectives on the relational aspects of political communication highlight the challenges presented by the growing unidirectionality of communication and the concomitant atrophying of intermediary institutions. Beyond this, the work of Bottici and McLuhan is used to expose the effects of the 'arational' aspects of these changes in both form and content. To test the plausibility of the theoretical insights obtained, the case of the New Democratic Party of Canada is considered. The study concludes by considering the potential of new technological developments for resolving or mitigating concerns identified throughout the thesis.
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