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Journal articles on the topic 'Democratic Revolutionary Movement'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 5 June 2025

Last updated: 2 August 2025

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1

Bai, Zuolian Wu Zhaoyao. "A Preliminary Exploration Of The Social Value Made By Chinese Female Pianists In The Democratic Revolution Movement In The First Half Of The 20th Century." Multicultural Education 8, no. 12 (2022): 8. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.7391497.

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<em>This paper adopts the method of literature research and content analysis, and takes Chinese female pianists in the first half of the 20th century as the research object who dedicates themselves to the country and the party through direct participation in the democratic revolutionary movement and indirect investment. To explore their social value in the democratic revolutionary movement.That is to say, in the democratic revolutionary movement in the first half of the 20th century, Chinese female pianists, as one of the forces among the intellectuals, played a leading and exemplary role for

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ALLISON, MICHAEL E. "Why Splinter? Parties that Split from the FSLN, FMLN and URNG." Journal of Latin American Studies 48, no. 4 (2016): 707–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x1600136x.

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AbstractFollowing the ends to the civil wars in Nicaragua, El Salvador and Guatemala, the revolutionary coalitions that had led the fight against authoritarian regimes began to fracture. However, none of the splinter parties that broke from the Sandinista National Liberation Front, Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front, and Guatemalan National Revolutionary Unit has succeeded on their own as political parties. In this article, I argue that there is no single reason to explain the poor performances of the Democratic Party (PD), the Renovating Movement (MR), and the Democratic Front Party (F

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Schelchkov, Andrey. "«LEFT OPPOSITION» IN REVOLUTIONARY SPAIN." Latin-American Historical Almanac 32, no. 1 (2021): 118–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2021-32-1-118-148.

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The division in the international communist movement and the creation of Trotskyism movement coincided with turbulent revolutionary events in Spain, where the left-wing forces were building up their forces. As in many other countries, the split of the communists was reflected in do-mestic politics, one of the aspects of which was the confrontation and extreme hostility of the two currents in world communism. The Span-ish question and the situation in Spanish Trotskyism had a significant impact on the process of forming the doctrine of Trotskyism, primarily in the issue of electoral unions, att

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Liakhouski, Uładzimir. "“Red Landlord”. The Figure of Anatol Bonch-Osmolovsky and His Role in the Revolutionary Movement of Belarus." Studia Interkulturowe Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej, no. 13 (November 25, 2020): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/2544-3135.si.2020-13.2.

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The article is devoted to the social and political activity of Anatol Osipovich Bonch-Osmolovsky, who was one of the best representatives of the neopopulist direction in the revolutionary movement of Belarus and Russia in 1905–1917. This political biography of one of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party leaders looks at the revolutionary process and the establishment of democratic institutions in a predominantly peasant country by following Bonch-Osmolovsky’s opinions. The attitudes of the “red landowner” to the farm program, to the SocialistRevolutionary Party’s terror, to the Belarusian nationa

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Xolmurodov, Murodjon. "BUKHARA AND XIV THE ATTACK ON THE EVE OF THE SOVIET INVASION. ACTIVITIES OF YOUNG PEOPLE." MODERN SCIENCE AND RESEARCH 3, no. 3 (2024): 285–90. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.10809252.

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<em>The Khanate of Khiva was an important agent of the fragmented political structure in Turkestan after the Temirids. In 1873, the territories of West Turkestan occupied by Russia became a Russian mandate. The reformist Jadidism movement in Turkestan, after technical, social and political reforms, first focused on educational and cultural reforms, and naturally this movement also influenced Khiva and Bukhara khanates. The Jadidist movement in Turkestan, which was heavily influenced by the uprisings of 1905 and 1907 in Russia, influenced democratic movements in the Islamic world. Under the inf

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Bezarov, Oleksandr. "Participation of Jews in the processes of Russian social-democratic movement." History Journal of Yuriy Fedkovych Chernivtsi National University, no. 53 (June 21, 2022): 131–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/hj2021.53.131-142.

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The formation of social democracy in the Russian Empire was another stage in the «Russian reception» of the Western models of the socialist movement, the result of certain ideological contradictions on the Russian ground. Given the semi-feudal society of the Russian Empire, the paternalism of autocratic power, the absence of deep traditions of liberal culture, the Russian social democratic movement could hardly count on obvious success without a deep revolutionary renewal of the entire socio-economic and political system of the Russian state. Since Jews were an urban ethnic group, it is not su

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Ferree, Myra Marx. "Under different umbrellas: intersectionality and alliances in US feminist politics." European Journal of Politics and Gender 4, no. 2 (2021): 199–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251510820x16068343934216.

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Macro-level forms of inequality work intersectionally to establish democracy normatively, as well as shape its institutions. Liberal democracies, once revolutionarily new political formations, rest on an equally revolutionary understanding of male domination based not on descent, but on economic arrangements (the new ‘breadwinner’ role) and political institutions (the ‘brotherhood’ national state). Over time, social movements have diminished liberal democracy’s original exclusions of women and minority ethnic men so that many citizens’ daily lives now contradict this once hegemonic normative o

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Nisnevich, Yuliy A. "The Revolution is Over, Forget It: To the 30th Anniversary of the Russian Federation." RUDN Journal of Political Science 23, no. 4 (2021): 545–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2021-23-4-545-559.

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After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the power in post-Soviet Russia was seized by the leaders of the democratic movement - first wave democrats, and the more progressive Soviet nomenclature. As a result of the miscalculations made by the leaders of the democratic movement, the representatives of the Soviet nomenclature soon started displacing the first wave democrats and the reformers of the Gaidar call from the Russian governmental bodies in order to gain full control over the governance in the country. This appeared to be a manifestation of the more general and fundamental process, where

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Fakhreddin Jafarov, Mammad Aliyev, Zenfira Seyidova. "Democratic Movement in Nakhchivan at the Beginning of the 20th Century." Journal of Information Systems Engineering and Management 10, no. 21s (2025): 365–72. https://doi.org/10.52783/jisem.v10i21s.3361.

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At the beginning of the 20th century, peasant uprisings and the national liberation movement against Tsarist rule in the Nakhchivan region gradually intensified. Fearing the general movement, the Tsarist government, along with its officials and agents, began to incite ethnic massacres among different nationalities. Their goal was to instigate conflicts while pretending to seek peace between the two nations. Democratic forces active in Nakhchivan sought to make the masses understand that these massacres were orchestrated by the Tsarist government and its supporting forces. Consequently, democra

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Merone, Fabio, and Francesco Cavatorta. "Salafist movement and sheikh-ism in the Tunisian democratic transition." Middle East Law and Governance 5, no. 3 (2013): 308–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-00503004.

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The article examines the complexity of Tunisian Salafism in the context of the Tunisian transition to democracy. Building on primary sources and original field work, the article highlights the theoretical and practical divergences that affect the Salafist camp in Tunisia in its struggle to continue a revolutionary project for a sector of disenfranchised youth unwilling to support a process of renewal of political institutions that they perceive as contributing their marginalization. In addition, the article explores the ways in which, paradoxically, the emergence and public presence of Salafis

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Гребенкин, И. Н., and А. С. Романика. "The Balkan crisis and evolution of Russian revolutionary democratic movement in the 1870s." Вестник Рязанского государственного университета имени С.А. Есенина, no. 2(79) (August 7, 2023): 25–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.37724/rsu.2023.79.2.003.

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В статье исследуются роль и значение событий Балканского кризиса 1870-х годов в общественной жизни и политических процессах России. Представлен краткий обзор опыта изучения проблемы отечественной историографией. Установлены источники и характер общественных настроений в России в отношении положения славянских народов в Османской империи. Изложены взгляды идеологов русского социализма на международное значение революционного движения в России. Отмечается взаимное влияние борьбы славянских народов Балкан против турецкого господства и российского освободительного движения в пореформенный период.

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Kirillov, V. L. "The Split among the Nihilists – the Strife among the Nihilists. On the History of Russian Revolutionary-Democratic Press of the 1860s." Вестник Пермского университета. История, no. 3(54) (2021): 68–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2021-3-68-77.

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In 1863–1865, two influential Russian revolutionary-democratic journals “Sovremennik” (“The Contemporary”) and “Russkoe Slovo” (“The Russian Word”) debated literary and social issues. In historiography, this debate – the so-called “split among the nihilists” – was an example of political conflicts in Russian press, but the author states that a personal factor was a more important reason for that case. It was not a single occasion of personal conflicts in the journalist community in the middle and the second half of the 1860s. In this period, there were the similar episodes: Maxim Antonovich an

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Fando, Roman A. "A. L. Shanyavskii University in the Epicenter of the Revolutionary Movement of Late 19th – Early 20th Century." Herald of an archivist, no. 4 (2018): 1092–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2018-4-1092-1102.

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The article is devoted to the history of revolutionary unrest among students at the turn of the 20th century. Activities of informal student associations that conducted a broad agitation campaign within the walls of the A. L. Shanyavskii University in the early 20th century serve as an example. Unlike many other higher educational institutions, the Moscow City People's University became a hotbed of revolutionary outbreaks, fueled both by teachers and students of the university. University professors N. N. Polyansky, M. D. Zagryatskov, V. V. Krasnokutsky, A. V. Gorbunov, P. P. Gensen, P. N. Sak

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Navdeep, Singh. "Shaheed Bhagat Singh." International Journal of Advance and Applied Research 10, no. 4 (2023): 377–78. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.7966062.

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Shaheed Bhagat Singh was an Indian revolutionary socialist who played a critical role in India's struggle for independence against British colonial rule. Despite being executed at a young age of 23, his legacy continues to inspire people in India and around the world. This research paper explores the multifaceted legacy of Bhagat Singh through various research methodologies, including primary and secondary sources, and the keywords used include Bhagat Singh, Indian independence movement, revolutionary socialism, colonialism, and legacy. The research concludes that his ideas on socialism, d

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Ahmed, Sundus Serhan. "The Evolution of the Ennahda Movement: From Religious Ideology to Political Force in Tunisia's Post-Revolution Era." Jurnal Ilmiah Mizani: Wacana Hukum, Ekonomi Dan Keagamaan 12, no. 1 (2025): 150. https://doi.org/10.29300/mzn.v12i1.7138.

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This article examines the ideological and political transformation of Tunisia’s Ennahda Movement from a clandestine Islamist organization inspired by the Muslim Brotherhood into a central actor in Tunisia’s post-revolutionary democratic landscape. The research addresses how Ennahda redefined its political identity in response to shifting sociopolitical conditions following the 2011 revolution. Employing qualitative methods—including thematic, discourse, and comparative analysis—the study draws on primary data such as party manifestos, speeches by Rached Ghannouchi, and interviews with politica

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Lamusse, Ti. "Strategies for Building the Revolutionary Left." Counterfutures 6 (December 1, 2018): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/cf.v6i0.6385.

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 This paper outlines some potential strategies for growing revolutionary left organisations in Aotearoa, using the case study of People Against Prisons Aotearoa (PAPA), previously known as No Pride in Prisons. Lamusse provides a brief history of PAPA and outlines their experiences organising with the prison abolitionist organisation since its founding, sharing the lessons they learned about growing revolutionary left organisations in Aotearoa. They argue that to ensure democracy, transparency, and a fair division of labour, left organisations need clearly defined decision-making structur

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Routledge, Paul. "Backstreets, Barricades, and Blackouts: Urban Terrains of Resistance in Nepal." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 12, no. 5 (1994): 559–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d120559.

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In this paper I apply aspects of sociospatial theory to the revolutionary context of urban Nepal during the democratic uprisings of 1990. The urban spaces of Kathmandu and Patan were two of the most important sites within which power was contested, and terrains upon which space itself was contested. As I will show, the location of struggle emerged from conscious movement choices (as to tactics, efficacy of mobilization, etc) and influenced the character of collective action. An analysis of the spatial mediation of social movement agency provides us with what 1 term the ‘terrain of resistance’—

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Le, Thi Tuyet. "FRENCH ENLIGHTENMENT AND REVOLUTIONARY PATRIOTIC MOVEMENTS IN VIETNAM AT THE BEGINNING OF THE 20TH CENTURY." Globus: social sciences 7, no. 4(38) (2021): 23–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.52013/2713-3087-38-4-5.

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The patriotic movement in Vietnam at the beginning of the twentieth century, to a certain extent, demonstrated the unity of two tasks: national liberation and social renewal with an orientation towards democracy, naturally, in relation to the conditions of that time. Vietnamese patriotic movements of that time, experiencing the influence of Western culture, including French, gradually moved away from feudal consciousness and over time came to understand the need to combine patriotism with bourgeois democratic values of the Western type. However, at the beginning of the twentieth century, Vietn

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Lescu, Artur. "The struggle of the gubernatorial Direction of the Independent Corps of Gendarmes of Bessarabia with the Russian Social-Democratic Labor Party (RSDLP)." Akademos, no. 1(68) (June 2023): 88–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.52673/18570461.23.1-68.11.

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Among the existing institutions in the Russian Empire, responsible for the security of the autocratic regime, the Independent Corps of Gendarmes stood out. Its members were obliged to combat and annihilate various socio-political movements with a pronounced anti-government character. Among such movements and parties was the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party, which was also active in Bessarabia. From the moment of its emergence until the abolition of the monarchy in February 1917, this party had some influence on the revolutionary movement in the region. Organizationally structured on two l

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Young, John. "The Tigray and Eritrean Peoples Liberation Fronts: a History of Tensions and Pragmatism." Journal of Modern African Studies 34, no. 1 (1996): 105–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00055221.

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The Tigray Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF), and by extension the Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), the multi-ethnic coalition that it established and still dominates, is frequently considered to be a creation of, and beholden to, the Eritrean Peoples Liberation Front (EPLF). From this perspective the foreign loyalties of the TPLF made it an unsuitable, if not illegitimate, movement to lead the Transitional Government of Ethiopia (TGE) in 1991, and since 1995, the newly created Federal Democratic Republic. By way of contrast, this article attempts to demonstrate that the

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Bogomolov, Igor K. "The Labor movement and Revolutionary Social Democracy in the borderlands of late Imperial Russia." Rossijskaâ istoriâ, no. 4 (November 6, 2024): 234–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s2949124x24040285.

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A review of a new monograph by Professor Eric Blanc of Rutgers University (USA) is presented. The book is devoted to the history of the labor movement and the development of revolutionary social democracy on the outskirts of the Russian Empire from 1882 (the year of the creation of the first social democratic organization in Poland) to the revolutionary 1917. Blanc focuses specifically on the "non-Russian" socialist parties in the territory of modern Poland, Ukraine, the Baltic States, Georgia and Armenia. The author concludes that the development of the socialist and labor movement in the bor

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Bayu, Takele Bekele. "Fault Lines within the Ethiopian People Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF): Intraparty Network and Governance system." International Journal of Contemporary Research and Review 10, no. 02 (2019): 20592–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.15520/ijcrr.v10i02.662.

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Ethiopia People Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRD) is a political party in charge of government power since 1991. EPRDF is established in 1989 out of Rebel group to party transformation with the view to oust the military government called Derg. It is a coalition of four parties political organization i.e. Tigray People Liberation Front (TPLF)- which is an architect of EPRDF, Amhara National Democratic Movements (ANDM) in 1980, Oromo People Liberation Organization (OPDO ) and Southern Ethiopian People Democratic Movement ( SEPDM) However, in spite of the nominally coalition structure of the

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Kirillov, Victor. "Elements of the ideology of the Sixtiers — members of the Russian revolutionary community of the 1860s." St. Tikhons' University Review 107 (August 31, 2022): 25–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.15382/sturii2022107.25-47.

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The article analyzes the ideology of the Sixties – members of the Russian revolutionary community of the late 1850s – 1860s. A revolutionary community means a set of ideologically close personalities and associations with revolutionary views; it makes possible to examine members of the revolutionary underground and people sympathizing with revolutionary views as one community. Due to the fact that definitions of the Sixties as revolutionary democrats, Narodniks, nihilists, etc. are common in historiography, the article proposes to look at their ideology as a non-hierarchical, eclectic combinat

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Kashchenko, A. S. "The Evolution of Pre-Revolutionary Russian Constitutionalism." Russian Law Online, no. 3 (October 20, 2024): 25–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/2542-2472.2024.31.3.025-028.

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The paper examines genesis and evolution of pre-revolutionary constitutionalism in Russia. The subject of research is the origins and theory of constitutionalism and the political and legal embodiment of the practices of the Russian constitutional movement of the period of 19th — early 20th centuries. Pre-revolutionary constitutionalism arose during the reign of Alexander I and theoretically developed throughout the 19th century and achieved its goal at the beginning of the 20th century. The adoption in 1906 of the Basic State Laws of the Russian Empire became the political and legal result of

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Lane, David. "The Orange Revolution: ‘People's Revolution’ or Revolutionary Coup?" British Journal of Politics and International Relations 10, no. 4 (2008): 525–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-856x.2008.00343.x.

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The ‘Orange Revolution’ in Ukraine is widely considered to be an instance of the ‘coloured revolutions’ of 1989 engendered by democratic values and nascent civil societies in the process of nation building. The article examines the extent to which the ‘Orange Revolution’ could be considered a revolutionary event stimulated by civil society, or a different type of political activity (a putsch, coup d’état), legitimated by elite-sponsored ‘soft’ political power. Based on public opinion poll data and responses from focus groups, the author contends that what began as an orchestrated protest again

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Assoc., Prof. Nguyen Ngọc Dung, and Nguyen Minh Son MA. "Operation Lam Son 719 amid "Vietnamization" Strategy during Vietnam War." International Journal of Social Science and Human Research 04, no. 07 (2021): 1790–98. https://doi.org/10.47191/ijsshr/v4-i7-31.

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Fifty years ago, Operation Lam Son 719 was organized by the US Army and the Army of the Republic of Vietnam (ARVN) to realize their scheme to cut off the Indochina battlefield separating the Vietnam revolutionary forces from the revolutionary movement of Laos and Cambodia. Based on historical evidence from previous Vietnamese and USA documents, this article aims to prove that Operation Lam Son 719 made many strategic mistakes in assessing the military power of ARVN and the revolutionary alliance of Vietnam - Laos – Cambodia during the Vietnam War, as well as the tactical mistakes on the

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Zizeva, Elina V. "Organizational structure of the Tupamaros National Liberation Movement in Uruguay (1965-1972)." RUDN Journal of World History 12, no. 3 (2020): 292–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2020-12-3-292-301.

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The article represents the first in Russian historiography attempt to consider in detail the structure of the revolutionary organization Tupamaros National Liberation Movement that acted in Uruguay in the 1960s and early 1970s. Due to the fact, that the Movement was clandestine, the data on the structure, strength, members could be reconstructed from both official documents and memoirs of members and leaders of the Movement. There are a lot of eminent persons of the contemporary history of Uruguay among them - ex President Jos Mujica, Vice President Luca Topolansky, former Minister of Defense

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Lesiński, Paweł. "“Wohlstand, Bildung und Freiheit für Alle.” The Idea of Human Rights in the View of Gustav Struve as an Example of Radical German Political and Legal Thought during the Springtime of Nations." Krakowskie Studia z Historii Państwa i Prawa 16, (Special Issues) (2023): 65–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844131ks.23.036.18858.

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The Springtime of Nations in Germany is mostly associated with the views of various moderate liberals who played leading roles during these revolutionary events. The case is different when it comes to the members of the most radical wing within the liberal movement, the so-called “democrats.” Their ideas are described far less frequently. The article presented analyzes the idea of human rights in the view of Gustav Struve – one of the most important figures in the German democratic movement. During the German Springtime of Nations, the notion of human rights was one of the most frequently disc

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Bennis, Phyllis. "The 2016 U.S. Presidential Campaign: Changing Discourse on Palestine." Journal of Palestine Studies 46, no. 1 (2016): 34–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2016.46.1.34.

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This essay examines the discourse on Palestine/Israel in the 2016 U.S. presidential campaign, charting the impact of the Palestine rights movement on the domestic U.S. policy debate. Policy analyst, author, and long-time activist Phyllis Bennis notes the sea change within the Democratic Party evident in the unprecedented debate on the issue outside traditionally liberal Zionist boundaries. The final Democratic platform was as pro-Israel and anti-Palestinian as any in history, but the process of getting there was revolutionary in no small part, Bennis argues, due to the grassroots campaign of v

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Leboutte, Quentin. "Les projets constitutionnels du Congrès de Polleur (1789–1791): La Révolution dans les campagnes de la Principauté de Liège." Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis / Revue d'histoire du droit / The Legal History Review 92, no. 1-2 (2024): 141–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718190-20241203.

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Summary Within the history of revolutionary upheavals, the role of the Polleur Congress remains unique and yet overlooked. Drawing inspiration from the French and American Revolutions, and rooted in Enlightenment ideas, the congress participants adapted their demands to the local reality of the Marquisate of Franchimont. In doing so, they were able to create a more radical yet also more democratic revolutionary movement. Whether in the implementation of the separation of powers principle, the proclamation of a Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen, or the establishment of a Franchimont

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Gaido, Daniel, and Constanza Bosch Alessio. "Vera Zasulich’s Critique of Neo-Populism." Historical Materialism 23, no. 4 (2015): 93–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341441.

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Vera Zasulich’s shooting of Trepov, a governor of St Petersburg who had ordered the flogging of a political prisoner, in January 1878, catapulted her to international fame as a revolutionary heroine, a reputation that she put to good use by becoming one of the five ‘founding parents’ of Russian Marxism that created the ‘Group for the Emancipation of Labour’ in 1883. But her act of self-sacrifice also triggered, to her dismay, the institutionalisation of individual-terrorist tactics in the Russian Populist movement with the creation of the ‘People’s Will’ (Narodnaya Volya) Party in 1879. The or

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Rafiyeva, Afag. "“İQBAL” QƏZETİNİN MÜƏLLİF KONTİNGENTİ." Scientific Works 22, no. 1 (2025): 269–73. https://doi.org/10.62706/bqiz.2025.v22.i1.12.

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The newspaper “Igbal” united the most advanced intellectuals of the time and succeeded in spreading the ideas of national liberation more widely and rapidly. The struggle that “Iqbal” started for the national future was continued through the following newspapers, “Yeni Igbal” and “Achiq Soz”. The publisher and editor-in-chief of the newspaper, as well as the vast majority of its authors, later became the founders of the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic” [8: P. 38]. In a period when the ideas of freedom were rising, the authors, realizing the unnecessaryness of the tsarist-style administration, e

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Потапенко, Руслана. "THE HUSSITE MOVEMENT IN THE CZECH REPUBLIC." Український літопис, no. 4 (January 17, 2025): 105–10. https://doi.org/10.31470/2786-8583-2024-4-105-110.

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In the last third of the XIV century. in the Czech Republic, crisis phenomena began to appear, especially of an economic nature, which later had far-reaching social consequences for the kingdom. It is primarily about the deep social differentiation of society: from peasants and feudal lords to the clergy and city dwellers. The crisis aggravated relations between all strata of society. And as a result, a situation arose when the peasants sought to get rid of the exploitation of the feudal lords; burghership - to free oneself from the power of the patriciate and acquire one's own rights; the urb

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Yu, Qingxiang. "The Western Factors of the Republican Thought of the Bourgeois Revolutionaries." Academic Journal of Management and Social Sciences 4, no. 3 (2023): 106–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ajmss.v4i3.13164.

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As a pioneer of revolution, Sun Yat-sen's republican ideology is the glorious banner of the Chinese revolutionary democratic movement. His experience of studying abroad in the West had a huge impact on his republican ideology. Firstly, the founding model of the United States and its republican spirit provided a certain theoretical support and template for Sun Yat-sen's founding. Secondly, the Western idea of decentralization also had a profound impact on him, promoting him to creatively incorporate the two powers of examination and inspection on the basis of the separation of powers, localizin

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Bevzyuk, E. "Luzhitsky Ethnosaving Movement in the Revolution of 1848-1849." Problems of World History, no. 6 (October 30, 2018): 80–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2018-6-6.

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The national and cultural activities of the Lusatian Serbs in the period of the revolution of 1848-1849 are one of the brightest and most controversial pages of the past of this small Slavic people ofGermany. During the revolution, the Lusatian Serbs, through their ideologues, with their locallyprovincial patriotism, were oriented towards supporting paternalistic relations with the royal authorities. To the main factors of the participation of the least numerous Slavic people in the revolutionary events of the middle of the XIX century national-cultural and ethnopolitical should be considered.

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Genc, Elif. "Commoning the Komal: The Toronto Kurdish Community Centre." Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 6, no. 2 (2019): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/276.

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Within the walls of this two-story storefront, a distinct alternative practice of radical politics and life is taking place. In fact, what would appear to be an extension of the Kurdish social movement, as it is understood, is being practiced against a backdrop of the refugee experience within the metropolitan city limits of Toronto. This practice of what is arguably feminist anarchism has become known in the recent years by the title “Democratic Confederalism” (Öcalan 2011). Democratic Confederalism in its feminist anarchist framework reflects our understanding of what is known within the Mar

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Prodan, Andrii. "«Pavlov» and the transportation of social-democratic literature through the territories of Ukrainian governorates within the borders of the Russian empire." Scientific Papers of the Kamianets-Podilskyi National Ivan Ohiienko University. History 45 (January 15, 2025): 119–31. https://doi.org/10.32626/2309-2254.2024-45.119-131.

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The aim of the study is to examine the activities of the Menshevik technical group led by Pavlov, which was engaged in the transportation of illegal Social Democratic literature into the Russian Empire. It is important to note that Pavlov, in this context, is considered as a symbolic figure representing the political organization RSDLP (Russian Social Democratic Labour Party) The research methodology is based on modern theoretical and methodological approaches, including the history of everyday life and personal biography, which, using a set of historical sources, allow for a clear tracing of

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Bondareva, V. V. "Red Guard Movement in the First Years of “Cultural Revolution” in China (1966—1967): View of Domestic and Foreign Researchers." Nauchnyi dialog 1, no. 8 (2020): 346–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2020-8-346-366.

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The article analyzes the first years of “the cultural revolution” in China (1966—1967), characterized by high revolutionary activity of students and school youth, organized into groups of “red guards”, who were distinguished in their actions by extreme cruelty and fanaticism. From this point of view, the destructive actions of the red guards, which were of a terrorist and mass nature, highlight the main direction of their revolutionary strike, which was inflicted on the party and state apparatus of China. Mao Zedong is presented as the initiator of a mass movement of red guards who used monstr

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Vaughan, Kenneth R., Paul Froese, and Chase Lonas. "Was the Arab Spring a Post-Islamist Moment?" Comparative Sociology 21, no. 2 (2022): 248–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-bja10052.

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Abstract Scholars continue to debate political motives behind the Arab Spring – a debate that centers on the compatibility of democratic and Islamist preferences. Some frame the protests as a boon for democracy and prudential needs of citizens. Others report an Islamist turn against secular autocracies. Here, the authors argue that this framing relies on outdated civilizational narratives and that democratic, Islamist, and prudential concerns present concurrently in the Arab Spring. Using the Arab Democracy Barometer, the authors investigate public opinion in Egypt, Libya, and Tunisia, to esti

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Chicharro, Manuel Ramírez. "Radicalizing Feminism: The Mexican and Cuban Associations within the Women's International Democratic Federation in the Early Cold War." International Review of Social History 67, S30 (2022): 75–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859022000025.

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AbstractThis article analyses the interactions between the Women's International Democratic Federation (WIDF) and its Mexican and Cuban national chapters and affiliated organizations. Focusing on the National Bloc of Revolutionary Women, the Democratic Union of Mexican Women, and the Democratic Federation of Cuban Women, this article studies the ideological foundations these organizations defended and the action programmes they used to materialize them. One of its main contributions is to argue that Mexican and Cuban socialist and communist women contributed to the struggle for women's emancip

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Sapkota, Dr Dhaka Ram, and Dr Dol Raj Kafle. "THE FIRST DECADE OF DEMOCRACY IN NEPAL: CHALLENGES, EXPERIMENTS, AND LESSONS LEARNED." Global Multidisciplinary Journal 03, no. 12 (2024): 06–15. https://doi.org/10.55640/gmj/volume03issue12-02.

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The abolition of the oligarchic Rana regime in 1951 marked a significant turning point in Nepal's history, ushering in a decade of democratic experimentation. This study examines the socio-political developments during Nepal’s first democratic decade (1951–1960), focusing on the challenges, governance issues, and internal dynamics that defined this transformative period. The research explores key events, such as the revolutionary movement against the Rana regime, the Delhi Agreement, and the establishment of democracy by King Tribhuvan. Employing a qualitative research approach, the study util

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Lesiński, Paweł. "„Wohlstand, Bildung und Freiheit für Alle”. Idea praw człowieka w poglądach Gustava Struvego jako przykład radykalnej demokratycznej niemieckiej myśli polityczno-prawnej doby Wiosny Ludów." Krakowskie Studia z Historii Państwa i Prawa 15, no. 4 (2022): 537–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844131ks.22.038.16735.

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„Wohlstand, Bildung und Freiheit für Alle”. The Idea of Human Rights in the Views of Gustav Struve as an Example of Radical German Political and Legal Thought during the Springtime of Nations The Springtime of Nations in Germany is mostly associated with the views of various moderate liber- als, who played leading roles during these revolutionary events. The case is different when it comes to the members of the most radical wing within the liberal movement, the so called “democrats”. Their ideas are described far less frequently. The article presented analyzes the idea of human rights in the v

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Pokhrel, Ishwar. "The Nepali Communist Movement and People’s Multiparty Democracy." State, Society and Development: PMPD Perspectives 2 (June 27, 2024): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ssd.v2i01.67183.

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Madan Bhandari postulated People’s Multiparty Democracy (PMPD) to bolster both the Nepali Communist Movement and the International Communist Movement. As the global experiment with Marxism under one-party communist rule and the Soviet model of socialism collapsed, and the partyless Panchayat regime in Nepal became unpopular, Madan Bhandari fused classical Marxism, Leninism, and New Democracy, liberal democracy with the unique situation of Nepal to establish the foundational concept of PMPD. This article retraces the developmental trajectory of PMPD in conjunction with the evolving Communist Mo

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Barure, Walter Kudzai, and Irikidzayi Manase. "Different narration, same history: The politics of writing ‘democratic narratives’ in Zimbabwe." Tydskrif vir Letterkunde 57, no. 2 (2020): 48–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/tl.v57i2.6518.

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Over the past five decades, Zimbabwe’s political trajectories were characterised by a historiographic revision and deconstruction that revealed varying ideological perceptions and positions of political actors. This article reconsiders the current shifts in the Zimbabwean historiography and focuses on the politics of positioning the self in the national narrative. The article analyses three Zimbabwean political autobiographies written by political actors from the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), particularly Michael Auret’s From Liberator to Dictator: An Insider’s Account of Robert Mugabe

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Rocchi, Tony. "The Russian Black Hundreds Movement and its Place in the Past and Present of European Populist Parties and Movements: an Exercise in Comparative analysis." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 102 (March 1, 2020): 316–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2020-0-1-316-334.

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The history of the prerevolutionary Russian Black Hundreds movement is an integral part of the general European history of populist parties and movements, especially of the far-right type. However, the European context of the Black Hundreds is not reflected in Russian and foreign historiography. This absence of a broader context for the study of the Black Hundreds constitutes a huge blank spot in our understanding of this complex and often contradictory political phenomenon. This article examines the groundbreaking possibilities of studying the Black Hundreds phenomenon in a European context o

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Maskey, Mahesh Kumar. "What Is To Be Done?" World Marxist Review 2, no. 1 (2025): 1–12. https://doi.org/10.62834/s256cg56.

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In the fi rst quarter of 21st century, the communist movement in Nepal had succeeded in establishing itself as a powerful political force by securing a strong mass base through people’s movements and armed struggles. Such success had led to overthrowing of the Monarchy the establishment of Federal Democratic Republic. It had also gained a near two-third electoral majority in the parliament, however, the Left at present is in a diffi cult cross-road. Once united party is fragmented into several competing rival parties and the popularity of the Left has declined dramatically in past few years. N

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Jaggi, Stephan. "Revolutionary Constitutional Lawmaking in Germany—Rediscovering the German 1989 Revolution." German Law Journal 17, no. 4 (2016): 579–626. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200021374.

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AbstractToday, the 1989 Revolution in East Germany is recognized and celebrated as the event that abolished the German Democratic Republic (GDR) and brought about German unification. What is mostly overlooked, however, is that these are not the Revolution's only and, from the perspective of constitutional law, not even its most important achievements. More important with respect to understanding constitutional lawmaking in Germany is that the 1989 Revolution did not lead to an unconditional adoption of West German constitutional law in the new East German states. Instead, the Revolution had it

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Suarez, Rafael. "The U.S. in South Africa." Worldview 28, no. 5 (1985): 9–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0084255900046179.

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Chief Gatsha Buthelezi, in conflict with both the current South African Government and supporters of violent revolutionary action, is said to offer a nonviolent, multiracial, and liberal-democratic approach to the struggle against apartheid. The controversial Zulu chief, chief minister of the tribal “homeland” of KwaZulu, and leader of the (legal) Inkatha movement in South Africa, was interviewed on February 18 at Occidental College, Los Angeles, during a ten-day tour of the United States. Rafael Suarez, Jr., is a Los Angeles-based correspondent for Cable News Network, through whose courtesy t

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Petrović, Rajko, and Ivan Ribać. "The role of the authoritarian Fujimorist regime in Peru in suppressing the activities of the left-wing guerrilla groups Sendero Luminoso and Túpac Amaru Revolutionary Movement." Nacionalni interes 47, no. 1 (2024): 139–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/nint47-48335.

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The subject of this research is the analysis of the role played by the Fujimorist regime in Peru, i.e. the rule of Alberto Fujimori in that Latin American country from 1990 to 2000, in suppressing the activities of the left-wing, i.e. Marxist-Leninist guerrilla groups Sendero Luminoso and the Túpac Amaru Revolutionary Movement which represented the main security threat in the observed area from the 1980s to 2000. The basic assumption is that the Fujimorist regime, due to its authoritarian character, had greater success in the fight against Sendero Luminoso and Túpac Amaru Revolutionary Movemen

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Akhmadulin, Evgeny V. "POLITICAL SATIRE OF LIBERALS AGAINST ROYAL DIGNITANTS (ON THE EXAMPLE OF THE MAGAZINE "OSVOBOZHDENIE")." Proceedings of Southern Federal University. Philology 27, no. 3 (2023): 178–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/1995-0640-2023-3-178-187.

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The purpose of the article is to show the irreconcilable position of liberal publicists in relation to the tsarist regime on the eve of the first Russian revolution of 1905-1907 and during the period of active association of liberals around the foreign opposition magazine Osvobozhdenie (1902-1905). Unlike the social-democratic newspaper Iskra and the Socialist-Revolutionary Russia, which developed their party programs for a certain class – workers and peasants, respectively – Osvobozhdenie set the task of a nationwide movement in the struggle for their rights. Therefore, in addition to leading

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