Relevant bibliographies by topics / Democratic stability

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Democratic stability'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Democratic stability"

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LoGerfo, Jim, and Daniel King. "Thailand: Toward Democratic Stability." Journal of Democracy 7, no. 1 (1996): 102–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.1996.0009.

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Hollyer, James R., B. Peter Rosendorff, and James Raymond Vreeland. "Transparency, Protest and Democratic Stability." British Journal of Political Science 49, no. 4 (February 2, 2018): 1251–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123417000308.

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Democratic rule is maintained so long as all relevant actors in the political system comply with the institutional rules of the game – democratic institutions must be self-enforcing. We examine the role of transparency in supporting a democratic equilibrium. Transparency improves the functioning of elections: in transparent polities, elections more effectively resolve adverse selection problems between the public and their rulers. Transparency increases popular satisfaction with democracy and inhibits challenges to the democratic order. We provide a game-theoretic model, test these claims, and find they enjoy empirical support. Transparency is associated with a reduction in both the probability of democratic collapse and of the irregular removal of democratic leaders. Transparency stabilizes democratic rule.
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Kyritsis, Dimitrios. "Legitimacy, stability and democratic persuasion." Jurisprudence 8, no. 2 (May 4, 2017): 352–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/20403313.2017.1296098.

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Carugati, Federica. "Democratic Stability: A Long View." Annual Review of Political Science 23, no. 1 (May 11, 2020): 59–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-052918-012050.

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What are the sources of democratic stability? The evidence from three modern waves suggests that stability rests on economic growth, strong states, and liberal institutions. But can we secure democratic stability beyond liberalism? This question is relevant to those developing countries that have little hope, and perhaps little interest in liberal democracy. But it is also increasingly relevant to those developed nations where the achievements of the twentieth-century liberal order are being eroded. This article takes a fresh look at democratic stability by reviewing the evidence from the last two and a half millennia. Particular attention is devoted to the case of ancient Athens, which highlights the importance of alignment between shared norms and appropriately designed institutions. Athens’ case suggests that goods that we usually associate with modern liberal democracy do not necessarily rely on a given set of values and do not have a unique institutional manifestation.
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Cornell, Agnes, and Victor Lapuente. "Meritocratic administration and democratic stability." Democratization 21, no. 7 (November 10, 2014): 1286–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2014.960205.

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Maxfield, Sylvia. "Capital Mobility and Democratic Stability." Journal of Democracy 11, no. 4 (2000): 95–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2000.0080.

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Lane, Jan-Erik, and Svante Ersson. "South Africa: Explaining Democratic Stability." Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 45, no. 2 (April 2007): 219–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662040701317592.

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Lloyd, Robert B. "Nigeria's Democratic Generals." Current History 103, no. 673 (May 1, 2004): 215–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2004.103.673.215.

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If democracy firmly establishes itself in this African giant and economic reform leads to increasing wealth and stability, Nigeria could serve as a beacon of inspiration for a continent many view as hopeless.
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HAGGARD, STEPHAN, and ROBERT R. KAUFMAN. "Inequality and Regime Change: Democratic Transitions and the Stability of Democratic Rule." American Political Science Review 106, no. 3 (August 2012): 495–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055412000287.

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Recent work by Carles Boix and Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson has focused on the role of inequality and distributive conflict in transitions to and from democratic rule. We assess these claims through causal process observation, using an original qualitative dataset on democratic transitions and reversions during the “third wave” from 1980 to 2000. We show that distributive conflict, a key causal mechanism in these theories, is present in just over half of all transition cases. Against theoretical expectations, a substantial number of these transitions occur in countries with high levels of inequality. Less than a third of all reversions are driven by distributive conflicts between elites and masses. We suggest a variety of alternative causal pathways to both transitions and reversions.
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Siaroff, Alan. "Democratic Breakdown and Democratic Stability: A Comparison of Interwar Estonia and Finland." Canadian Journal of Political Science 32, no. 1 (March 1999): 103–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900010118.

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AbstractTwo of the new states of interwar Europe were Estonia and Finland. Both arose out of the Russian Empire and both were literate, Protestant nations. Yet democracy broke down in Estonia but survived in Finland. These outcomes would seem ironic, given that Finnish independence involved a brutal civil war and Finland was linguistically divided—factors not present in Estonia. This study, however, examines not just the nature of independence but also the constitutional structures, party politics and regime crises of these two neighbouring cases. In terms of the factors commonly cited as favouring stable democracy, the Estonian-Finnish contrast shows the particular explanatory importance of political culture, the speed of democratization, the views of elites and the nature of the party system. What happened in Finland also implies that a presidential, or at least a balanced semipresidential, system cannot be considered as inherently dangerous for democratic stability.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Democratic stability"

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Matidze, Wilson Takalani. "Service delivery: a key to democratic stability." University of the Western Cape, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/7799.

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Magister Administrationis - MAdmin
The research investigates the reason why service delivery is slow and not enough or just not available in many areas. It highlights the problems that hamper progress toward achieving service delivery. Some of the problems discussed are: (a) The non-availability of enabling legislation to enable the state department to carry out their projects and plans, including the difficulty of implementing policy. While the government is quick to announce that it is going to achieve certain goals, it does not follow through to achieve these goals. (b) Some of the government ministers are unwilling to bring about a speedy recovery because- (1) they are busy building their own images and wealth; and (2) most of all are party loyalists whose hands are tied by the socialist ideology. While the ministers preach about how successful they are in providing basic services to the people, the very same people we are told are served, are complaining that the government is not doing enough to address the problems that affect the poor. In more cases than one, the situation of the people has remained the same as if they were living during the old apartheid days.
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Assaf, Noura. "Consociational theory and democratic stability : a re-examination : case study, Lebanon." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2004. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/1203/.

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The present thesis re-assesses the utility of the theory of consociational democracy as a prescriptive conflict-regulation mechanism for plural societies, by re-examining the significance of the so-called causative/positive relationship between consociationalism and democratic stability. This re-assessment is based on a twin-fold examination of the internal constructs and logic of consociational theory, their political/economic procedural aspects and their societal manifestations. This examination is undertaken in two complex historical contexts, pre-war and post-war Lebanon. Mainly, the internal weaknesses of the theory have to do with its inherently flawed assumptions and the imprecise definitions of its main components, which make it problematic to analytically and empirically establish a causative link between consociationalism and democratic stability. Thus, to undertake a meaningful discussion of the ability of consociationalism to deliver on the promise of democratic stability, the thesis elaborates on the definitions of the main components and concepts of consociational theory (as they relate to the Lebanese context). It also examines their relations to democratic theory. Equally, starting with the observations that many countries of the world adopt consociational practices and mechanisms of rule and that consociational theory continues to receive significant scholarly attention, the continuous development and elaboration of the consociational model appear to be a way of alleviating the weaknesses of the theory and expanding its prescriptive power. Hence, particular emphasis is placed on an original elaboration of the definition, concept and representative scope of the grand coalition for two major reasons. First, this is so in the light of the centrality of the notion of elites and their role in consociational democracies (consociationalism being an actor-centered model). Second, this is the case in the light of the fact that executive decision-making power effectively lies within the ruling grand coalition. Based on the complex societal stage on which the thesis unfolds, (i. e., the Lebanese context), the findings of the thesis reveal that the consociational model of democracy is at times unable in very many ways to operate as the consociational theory of democracy suggests. Most importantly for the purposes of the present dissertation, the Lebanese experiments with consociationalism reveal that the model is unable at times to prevent the outbreak of communal conflict involving violence. Furthermore, it does not seem to work properly without a heavy dose of internal mediation and external arbitration. Additionally, it prevents the Lebanese state and social systems from reaching the political maturity necessary for stability. In other words, the Lebanese consociational structure of governance appears to work effectively at ensuring relative stability only if it is continuously assisted by additional mechanisms of conflict-regulation (those of mediation and arbitration). Indeed, the Lebanese consociational model functions relatively well when it borrows from the above-mentioned mechanisms provided by the literature on conflict regulation in plural societies. As such, consociationalism's so-called ability to deliver, alone, on the promise of democratic stability for Lebanon's plural society is seriously questioned.
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Kashala, David Mukuna. "Evaluation of the effects of political instability on entrepreneurial activities : the case of the Democratic Republic of Congo." Thesis, Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11838/2440.

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Thesis (MTech (Business administration in entrepreneurship))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2015.
Interest in the domain of Entrepreneurship is growing considerably. Nevertheless, the plan of this study is to discover the distinctiveness of entrepreneurship in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The cutting-edge hostile environment for business developments of underdeveloped countries. In the case of the DRC, entrepreneurship is developed under life-threatening conditions, rarely seen elsewhere. These extreme conditions for entrepreneurship are present as the result of transitional particularities and the marginalised context deriving from political circumstances surrounding the DRC. Apart from the barriers and particularities of a business environment derived mainly from a transitional phase, the political situation has heavily influenced entrepreneurial developments in the country.
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Choi, Jungug Œd 1965. "Economic crisis, elite cooperation, and democratic stability : Asia in the late 1990s /." Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3008303.

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Caluori, Ladina. "Is social capital a prerequisite for democratic stability? India and Nigeria compared /." St. Gallen, 2004. http://www.biblio.unisg.ch/org/biblio/edoc.nsf/wwwDisplayIdentifier/99626160001/$FILE/99626160001.pdf.

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Riedel, Curtis B. "The long search for democratic stability in El Salvador: implications for United States policy." Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/8634.

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From 1980 to 1992, the United States spent over 6 billion dollars to combat insurgency and bolster democracy in El Salvador, a nation of only 5.3 million people. In fact, El Salvador was the site of the United States' most prolonged - and until the Persian Gulf War - the most costly military endeavor since Vietnam. While United States assistance did help the Salvadoran government combat the insurgents, this aid by most accounts acted to undermine rather than bolster the democratic stability of the country. The thesis examines the democratic experience of El Salvador, as a representative case study of a nation experiencing insurgency, to determine what changes are required in the formation of US foreign policy to help bolster democratic stability in countries challenged by insurgency. The thesis makes four key assertions: First, it is in the United States' self-interest to aid in the consolidation of democracy in El Salvador. Second, El Salvador is a nascent democracy, even after the Peace Accords of 1992 were signed, lacking democratic experience or stability, thus requiring US assistance. Third, despite oligarchic resistance, the United States has the ability to successfully influence democratic reform. Fourth, the best way to define United States' priorities for democratic assistance to El Salvador must be through a comprehensive, empirically-based assessment of causal factors. Utilizing the El Salvador case study and pre-existing theories, the thesis then presents and tests a new empirically-based model for define US priorities for providing democratic assistance to El Salvador or any other country under consideration. The research could potentially save the United States significant resources and time, while achieving the foreign policy goal of democratic enlargement
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Dineen, Y. "The problem of political stability in a democratic age : The ideas of W.E.H. Lecky." Thesis, Swansea University, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.235261.

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Schleiter, Petra. "Legislative politics, institutional choice and democratic stability : the dynamics of executive control in Russia, 1991-1993." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.302548.

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Vasconcelos, Maria Luísa Silva de. "Terrorism and the use of violence in Portugal : from the establishment of the Estado Novo to democratic stability." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.401420.

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This dissertation studies the use of terrorism in domestic Portugal throughout a significant part of the twentieth century, from the establishment of the Estado Novo to the formation and consolidation of democracy. Albeit with varying levels of impact in terms of the stigma inflicted upon the populace, and varying degrees of relevance in terms of capacity to mobilise for change or to achieve compliance, the argument to be discussed is that the phenomenon of terrorism has prevailed throughout this period of Portuguese history and has been present at the enfolding of crucial political transitions. Following a conceptual discussion on terrorism, an attempt is made to produce a definition based upon its behavioural essentials, pandemic to any social linkage in whatever political context. Since different stages of Portuguese history involve different actors engaged in terrorist practices, a review of theories on terrorism from which to profit from throughout the analysis is presented. The Estado Novo is analysed as a regime of intimidation, partially sustained by its terrorist practices and to some extent accountable for the on going disguised anaemia of the strong Portuguese spirit. The illegitimate and abnormal use of force by the Estado Novo raises problems regarding the classification of the organisations that chose the path of violent opposition to the regime, difficulties that are overcome by the definition of terrorism developed in this work. An attempt is made to describe these organizations, to clarify their origins, ideology, internal backup and external support, as well as understand their modus operandi, evaluate their relevance and explain their disappearance. The practice of terrorism is also observed in the aftermath of the 25 April during the period of establishment and consolidation of democracy in Portugal. Emerging both at the left and the right of the political spectrum, this activity is firstly analysed as a reflection of the clash between revolutionary change and counter-revolution, and then is studied in the light of a democratic norm. An attempt is made to describe the major terrorist organizations of both the radical right and the extreme left.  The processes of controlling and pacifying Portuguese society are henceforth presented, clarifying the path that transformed Portugal into a society devoid of the terrorist phenomena.
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Toyambi, Bernard Dipo. "Renewing diplomatic relations between Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo : the road to lasting peace and stability?" University of the Western Cape, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/5278.

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Books on the topic "Democratic stability"

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Terrorism and democratic stability. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2001.

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Terrorism and democratic stability. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 2006.

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Schedler, Andreas. Expected stability: Defining and measuring democratic consolidation. Vienna: Institut für Höhere Studien/Institute for Advanced Studies, 1997.

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Satyanath, Shanker. What determines long-run macroeconomic stability?: Democratic institutions. [Washington, D.C]: International Monetary Fund, Research Dept., 2004.

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Conflict and stability in the German Democratic Republic. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007.

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Policy stability and democratic change: Energy in Spain's transition. University Park, PA: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1989.

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Party, Malawi National Democratic. Peace, stability, and progress: Malawi National Democratic Party manifesto. [Lilongwe]: The Party, 1993.

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Albert Gallatin's vision of democratic stability: An interpretive profile. Westport, Conn: Praeger, 1996.

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The dawn of democratic tyranny. Abakaliki, Ebonyi State, Nigeria: J.O. Odey, 2003.

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The breakdown of democratic regimes : Chile. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1987.

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Book chapters on the topic "Democratic stability"

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Zink, Allan. "Ireland: Democratic Stability without Compromise." In Conditions of Democracy in Europe, 1919–39, 263–93. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333993774_11.

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Erikson, Robert S., and Kent L. Tedin. "Public Opinion and Democratic Stability." In American Public Opinion, 155–83. Tenth Edition. | New York : Routledge, 2019. | "Ninth edition published by Pearson Education Inc. 2015"—T.p. verso.: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351034746-6.

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Aarebrot, Frank H. "The Netherlands: Early Compromise and Democratic Stability." In Conditions of Democracy in Europe, 1919–39, 321–34. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333993774_13.

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Frattini, Franco. "The Hague Programme: Our Future Investment In Democratic Stability And Democratic Security." In Freedom, Security and Justice in the European Union, 7–10. The Hague: T.M.C. Asser Press, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-90-6704-629-9_2.

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Siaroff, Alan. "Democratic Breakdown versus Democratic Stability. A Comparison of Interwar Estonia and Finland." In Nach dem »Großen Krieg«, 269–90. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/9783666369742.269.

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Bulut, Alper T., and T. Murat Yildirim. "The Dynamics of Policy Agenda, Issue Diversity, and Policy Change in Democratic and Non-democratic Times." In Political Stability, Democracy and Agenda Dynamics in Turkey, 131–53. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27458-0_6.

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Edosa, Enaruna. "National Integration, Citizenship, Political Participation and Democratic Stability in Nigeria." In Minority Rights and the National Question in Nigeria, 183–205. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-50630-2_9.

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Hanegraaff, Marcel, Jan Beyers, and Caelesta Braun. "Mapping the WTO Interest Group System: Exploring Density, Diversity, and Stability Over Time." In The Scale of Interest Organization in Democratic Politics, 180–201. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230359239_9.

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İlkin, Selim. "Businessmen: Democratic Stability." In Turkey and The West. I.B.Tauris, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9780755612536.ch-008.

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Lipset, Seymour Martin. "Values and Democratic Stability." In The First New Nation, 207–47. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315132037-6.

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Conference papers on the topic "Democratic stability"

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Ali, Omran. "International interventions in non-democratic states between democratic change and achieving interests (Iraq as a case study after 2003)." In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp232-245.

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This research seeks to critically analyze the international efforts, particularly the United States of America, in transforming authoritarian and non-democratic states into democratic ones, and clarify to what extent the US seeks to achieve real democratic change in non-democratic countries, especially Iraq, and whether their main goal is to achieve stability and their vital interests or democratic change and reform. It argues that although spreading democracy and human rights in the Middle East has become, especially after the end of the Cold War, one of the main goals of the US, but, in reality, the US is not ready to sacrifice its vital interests in the region at the expense of spreading democratic values, as well as reducing its strong security and economic relations with its non-democratic allies, or even applying the required pressure on them. Consequently, this increases doubts about the credibility and seriousness of the US in achieving its goal of spreading democracy in the Middle East in general, and Iraq in particular.
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Haydaroğlu, Ceyhun. "Political Economy of Russia’s Voting Power on Eurasian Countries." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00635.

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The relationship between economy and politics shows itself explicitly while governments are determining and implementing national and international economic policies. In democratic societies voting power, which means that economical and political units uses against one another in decision making mechanisms, shapes stability and/or unstability. It can be explained that a government, which is structured by the sovereignty of a single party in a parlament, has a monopoly power. Putin, has an important voting power in both The Council of The Federation and State Duma. The confidence through this voting power, while national economic and political equlibrium is provided, in international context, stable and strong policies are followed. Russia, increases the pressure and makes its economical and political power apperant on the eurasian countries, especially which were under its’ authority before. In this context Russia’s voting power calculated seperately for all election periods by Normalized Banzhaf Index. According to this, the effect of today’s Russia’s dominance on the Eurasian countries has been analyzed within the boundaries of political economics dicipline. In consequence of the analysis; it is indicated that, there is a linear relationship between the Russia’s voting power and economical stability, and Russia’s efficieny on the eurasian countries gradually increases. The most important feature of this study, which makes it differentiated form others, is making political economy of Russia’s efficiency on the eurasian countries within the context of political economics literatüre by the voting power perspective, besides cultural, historical and social factors.
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Reports on the topic "Democratic stability"

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Dewal, Snigdha, Jack A. Goldstone, and Michael Volpe. Forecasting Stability or Retreat in Emerging Democratic Regimes. Librello, May 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.12924/pag2013.01010032.

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Terzyan, Aram. Post-Soviet State - Building in Kyrgyzstan: Behind and Beyond the Revolutions. Eurasia Institutes, April 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/caps-1-2021.

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This paper explores post-Soviet state-building in Kyrgyzstan, with a focus on the root causes of the three revolutions faced by the country. It suggests that the revolutions have not produced significant results in terms of fundamental economic and political reforms. Rather, Kyrgyzstan has turned into the Central Asian “island of instability”. The situation is compounded by deep- rooted inter-ethnic tensions, the prevalence of traditional informal institutions and weakness of democratic institutions, as well as country’s heavy reliance on international donors. The presidential elections and constitutional referendum of 2021 have provided grounds for cautious optimism. A question remains of whether and to what extent Sadyr Japarov’s ambitious agenda will translate into reality, thus leading the country to prosperity and stability.
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S. Abdellatif, Omar. Localizing Human Rights SDGs: Ghana in context. Raisina House, June 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52008/gh2021sdg.

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In September 2015, Ghana along all UN member states endorsed the Agenda 2030 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) as the cardinal agenda towards achieving a prosperous global future. The SDGs are strongly interdependent, making progress in all goals essential for a country’s achievement of sustainable development. While Ghana and other West African nations have exhibited significant economic and democratic development post-independence. The judiciary system and related legal frameworks, as well as the lack of rule law and political will for safeguarding the human rights of its citizens, falls short of considering violations against minorities. Will Ghana be able to localize human rights related SDGs, given that West African governments historically tended to promote internal security and stability at the expense of universal human rights? This paper focuses on evaluating the commitments made by Ghana towards achieving Agenda 2030, with a particular focus on the SDGs 10 and 16 relating to the promotion of reduced inequalities, peace, justice and accountable institutions. Moreover, this paper also analyzes legal instruments and state laws put in place post Ghana’s democratization in 1992 for the purpose of preventing discrimination and human rights violations in the nation. The article aims to highlight how Ghana’s post-independence political experience, the lack of rule of law, flaws in the judiciary system, and the weak public access to justice are obstacles to its effective localization of human rights SGDs. Those obstacles to Ghana’s compliance with SDGs 10 and 16 are outlined in this paper through a consideration of human rights violations faced by the Ghanaian Muslim and HIV minorities, poor prison conditions, limited public access to justice and the country’s failure to commit to international treaties on human rights. Keywords: Ghana, human rights, rule of law, security, Agenda 2030
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