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1
Thomson-Wohlgemuth, Gabriele. "A Socialist Approach to Translation: A Way Forward?" Meta 49, no. 3 (2004): 498–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/009375ar.
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Abstract Within the German Democratic Republic (GDR) during the period of the Cold War, a new approach was created to the processes involved in literary translation, in fact the whole publishing industry was reorganised. Recognising translation as a social practice, the GDR consciously established conditions which encompassed the whole working environment with the aim of producing high quality translations. By recognising the historical significance of this approach, it may be abstracted and adapted to contemporary society. In so doing, it is believed that it can be developed into a constructive addition to the field of Translation Studies today.
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Manek, Cronox. "Freedom of information – Challenges and the way forward." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 16, no. 2 (2010): 56–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v16i2.1034.
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Commentary: While the media has demonstrated that it can cover global and governance issues, it neglects the potential to be a responsible partner, especially in developing countries such as Papua New Guinea and to an extent the Pacific. However, this partnership can be strengthened with the media industry and government departments and agencies working to improve their ability to work with each to achieve social, economical and political mileage. Freedom of information and a free media is about upholding the freedom we currently enjoy in a democratic society, as it is about our freedom to express ourselves and be informed appropriately and responsibly.
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Azad, Abul Kalam. "Bangladesh: An Umpired Democracy." Journal of Social and Development Sciences 3, no. 6 (2012): 203–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jsds.v3i6.704.
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This paper reveals that there has been a continuous political confrontation between two archrival political forces in Bangladesh since independence in 1971. In the course of the confrontation, the country has seemingly been divided into two forces: BAL forces and anti-BAL forces. The democratic development in this country since 1991 is a by-product of this confrontation. In 1991, because of the continued mistrust between the two confronting forces, a unique system of interim government (non-party caretaker government) was produced that kept working as a catalyst of power transfer in a democratic way from one government to another till 2008 election from 1991.
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Nedelko, Zlatko, and Vojko Potocan. "Sustainability of Organizations: The Contribution of Personal Values to Democratic Leadership Behavior Focused on the Sustainability of Organizations." Sustainability 13, no. 8 (2021): 4207. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13084207.
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The main purpose of this study was to examine the influence of leaders’ personal values on their democratic behavior from a sustainability perspective. We specified and tested the research model, drawing upon modified versions of the theory of basic values and the autocratic–democratic leadership continuum. A total of 208 Slovenian and 196 Austrian leaders’ responses were used in hierarchical regression and structural equation modeling analysis. The results reveal a significant and positive influence of collectivistic values in both samples on democratic leadership behavior. A significant and negative effect of individualistic values on democratic leadership behavior is present in Austria, while in Slovenia, the effect is positive but not significant. Based on acknowledged associations between leader’s values, leaders’ democratic leadership behavior, and sustainable development, we argue that democratic leadership behavior contributes to the sustainable working and behavior of organizations. These results have theoretical implications, indicating how personal values affect leaders’ democratic behavior and contribute to the sustainable working and behavior of organizations. The practical implications relate to the strengthening of leaders’ democratic behavior in Slovenian and Austrian organizations. In addition, these findings will be helpful in increasing the sustainability of organizations via fostering democratic leadership behavior and its underlying personal values.
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Ennals, Richard. "Democratic Dialogue and Development: An Intellectual Obituary of Björn Gustavsen." International Journal of Action Research, no. 2-3/2018 (January 11, 2019): 146–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/ijar.v14i2-3.06.
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Björn Gustavsen, with an original professional background as a lawyer and judge in his native Norway, had a formative role in organisational development processes in Norway, Sweden, Scandinavia and the European Union over four decades. Following in the tradition of Norwegian working life research by Trist and Thorsrud, he provided the conceptual framework and practical case studies which have driven major national and international programmes. He learned from different experience of organisational change in, for example, the USA and Japan, but he identified a distinctive way forward for the European Union, where he acted as a senior adviser. In contrast to conventional Taylorist top-down management and reliance on expert consultants, his approach was bottom up and concept driven, with a focus on empowering workers. With a commitment to long-term sustainable processes, he emphasised the importance of capacity building and succession planning, highlighting development organisations. His approach to partnership and coalition building enabled collaboration across sectors, in the cause of creating collaborative advantage. He had a distinctive fluent academic writing style, but spentmost of his time engaged in the design and practice of development, and editing the work of younger colleagues. He saw the role of academic journals and edited books in the development process, so encouraged new publications, but without seeking to dominate. He took ideas of Action Research and case studies, and applied them to national enterprise development programmes, working with the labour market parties. This resulted in a distinctive research and development culture.
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Marot, John. "Lenin, Bolshevism, and Social-Democratic Political Theory." Historical Materialism 22, no. 3-4 (2014): 129–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341370.
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Lars Lih has contributed to our knowledge of Russian Social Democracy lately. However, serious methodological flaws bedevil this advance in knowledge. Lih’s overall approach displays a very static understanding of political ideas in relation to political movements. In the first section, ‘Lenin, the St Petersburg Bolshevik Leadership, and the 1905 Soviet’, I challenge Lih’s position that Lenin never changed his mind about bringing socialist consciousness into the working class ‘from without’. In the second section, ‘Lenin, “Old Bolshevism” and Permanent Revolution: The Soviets in 1917’, I challenge Lih’s revisionist view that Old Bolshevism’s pre-1917 goal of ‘democratic revolution to the end’ drove Lenin’s partisans to make a working-class, socialist revolution in 1917. On this singular account, Lenin’s April Theses, which called for the overthrow of the Provisional Government and the transfer of all power to the soviets, was merely a further expression of Old Bolshevik politics, not a break with it, as has almost universally been held.
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Winkelman, Joel. "A Working Democracy: Jane Addams on the Meaning of Work." Review of Politics 75, no. 3 (2013): 357–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670513000314.
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AbstractBy exploring Addams's lifelong fascination with work, this essay analyzes the ways in which her understanding of work fundamentally shaped her wider political vision. For Addams, work was the foundation of not only a personal sense of identity, but also a collective democratic character. The workplace had the potential to be the model of a cooperative community, providing a venue for social solidarity and civic reciprocity. By working together, Americans would develop a more cosmopolitan and inclusive politics. In short, the essay argues that Addams's political thought was an attempt to revitalize democracy by giving meaning to work. It concludes by suggesting that her arguments can be applied to many contemporary political problems, and that today's democratic theory and practice would be enlivened by a renewed attention to work.
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Rikowski, Glenn, and Mike Neary. "Working Schoolchildren in Britain Today." Capital & Class 21, no. 3 (1997): 25–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030981689706300103.
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In the scary media world of abused childhoods, child labour has become a major journalistic event. The news headlines record children working in conditions thought to have been abolished by social democratic reform. In spite of this mounting documentary evidence—supported by research undertaken by trade unions and pressure groups such as the Low Pay Unit—Tory ministers argued that child labour was not a problem. The Government's interest in youth was not the demoralisation of young workers at work, but the insubordination of youth, expressed as, among other things, crime, drug-taking and classroom disorder. The problem for conservative policy is the remoralisation of young people through the imposition of a new authority and the production of guides to the virtuous life.
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Frohock, Fred M. "A Politics of the Ordinary. By Thomas L. Dumm. New York: New York University Press, 1999. 240p. $55.00 cloth, $18.50 paper." American Political Science Review 96, no. 1 (2002): 175–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402254313.
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Exploring the ordinary is a reasonable and fun way to get through the day. Thomas Dumm takes the exploration along a cart path toward democratic politics, dramatizing the intersections and reciprocal influences of everyday life and political events and the forces of conformity and normalcy that shackle the ordinary. The working technique is juxtaposition, the kind of display that one finds in the store windows of, well, ordinary life in towns and cities. The pantheon of familiar figures and texts includes Emerson, Thoreau, Nixon, Disney, alien depictions, Lowi, Wolin, Cavell, the King's Two Bodies, Baudrillard, and many more, all offered as showcase for the book's main claim that the ordinary is the primary source of the democratic imagination.
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Johansen, Oddbjørn, and Ellen Saur. "Being Actors with Learning Disabilities in a Democratic Perspective." Nordic Theatre Studies 25, no. 1 (2018): 46–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/nts.v25i1.110897.
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The Nordic welfare model is based upon the democratic value of the equal rights of all citizens to live a dignified life. In 1991, a decisive reform in Norway transferred the responsibility for people with learning disabilities from central state and county governments to the local municipality where they were born. The intention was to give them the same rights and obligations as other citizens, and the large segregated residential institutions, the asylums, were closed down. In this article we will share our experiences from working within Teater nonSTOP, a political theatre employing fifteen professional actors with learning disabilities.
 The theatre is now owned by the local municipality, following a three-year trial period during which we worked as project leaders responsible for conducting research and documenting the activities at the theatre. In this article we draw on the theories of Pierre Bourdieu and Jacques Rancière in a discussion of the ways in which the struggle for equality affects the subjectification process of the actors at Teater nonSTOP. With reference to three different performances we ask the questions: in what way was equality an issue, and what were the artistic consequences of choosing equality as a dramaturgical point of departure?
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Johansen, Oddbjørn, and Ellen Saur. "Being Actors with Learning Disabilities in a Democratic Perspective." Nordic Theatre Studies 25, no. 1 (2018): 46–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/nts.v25i1.110897.
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The Nordic welfare model is based upon the democratic value of the equal rights of all citizens to live a dignified life. In 1991, a decisive reform in Norway transferred the responsibility for people with learning disabilities from central state and county governments to the local municipality where they were born. The intention was to give them the same rights and obligations as other citizens, and the large segregated residential institutions, the asylums, were closed down. In this article we will share our experiences from working within Teater nonSTOP, a political theatre employing fifteen professional actors with learning disabilities.
 The theatre is now owned by the local municipality, following a three-year trial period during which we worked as project leaders responsible for conducting research and documenting the activities at the theatre. In this article we draw on the theories of Pierre Bourdieu and Jacques Rancière in a discussion of the ways in which the struggle for equality affects the subjectification process of the actors at Teater nonSTOP. With reference to three different performances we ask the questions: in what way was equality an issue, and what were the artistic consequences of choosing equality as a dramaturgical point of departure?
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Rai, Arjun, Prem Bahadur Budhathoki, and Chandra Kumar Rai. "Linkage between Job Satisfaction, Democratic Leadership Style and the Organizational Commitment of Employees of Privates of Bank in Nepal." Researcher: A Research Journal of Culture and Society 4, no. 1 (2020): 97–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/researcher.v4i1.33814.
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This study investigated the effect of job satisfaction and perceived democratic leadership style of the managers on the organizational commitment of the employees working in the private banks in Nepal. The population in this study was all employees working in the private banks in Nepal. A hybrid instrument, which comprised pre-tested instruments, was used to collect the data. The analytical method used to test the hypothesis of the research was multiple regression analysis. Statistical Package for Social Science (SPSS), version 25, was used for analyzing the data. The study's findings- job satisfaction of the employees and their perception of the democratic leadership style of their managers, had a significant positive impact on their organizational commitment. This study's originality is that this study shows how the employees' perception of their manager's democratic leadership style and their job satisfaction affect their organizational commitment to the Nepalese context.
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CİNNİOĞLU, Hasan, and H. Yağmur TURAN. "LEADERSHIP STYLE AND ITS RELATIONSHIP WITH EMPLOYEE’S ORGANIZATIONAL IDENTIFICATION: EVIDENCE FROM THE HOTEL BUSINESSES in TURKEY." Business & Management Studies: An International Journal 8, no. 4 (2020): 875–901. http://dx.doi.org/10.15295/bmij.v8i4.1603.
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This study aims to identify the relationships between democratic, autocratic, and laissez-faire leadership behaviours perceived by the five-star hotel employees for their managers and their organizational identification levels. In this context, data were obtained by using questionnaires from 464 employees working in five-star hotels operating in Antalya, Turkey. A simple random sampling method was used in the selection of individuals. Structural equation modelling (SEM) was used to test the research hypotheses. As a result of the analysis, it was found that the managers working in tourism enterprises show democratic leadership behaviour most, and the level of organizational identification of the employees is medium. Besides, it was concluded that the democratic leadership behaviour that employees perceive for their managers positively affects the level of organizational identification, while that of autocratic and laissez-faire leadership negatively. The theoretical and managerial implications of these findings are discussed.
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Piattoni, Simona. "The European Union between Intergovernmentalism and ‘Shared and Responsible Sovereignty’: The Haptic Potential of EMU’s Institutional Architecture (The Government and Opposition/Leonard Schapiro Lecture, 2016)." Government and Opposition 52, no. 3 (2016): 385–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2016.48.
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The article starts from a critique of the widespread assumption that intergovernmentalism is not only the more practical but also the more democratic way of handling the current European crises – and particularly the euro crisis – to argue for the need to rethink the working and the definition of democracy in the current heightened interconnectedness of political organization. It suggests that perceiving European citizens as being separated into distinct state communities stands in the way of a full appreciation of the externalities, hence of the reciprocal responsibilities, that they owe each other and turns apparently democratic decisions into potential acts of domination, as theorized by both Pettit (1997) and Bohman (2006). It suggests that we should embrace a more encompassing and dialogical notion of democracy which translates Pallasmaa’s (2012) notion of hapticity from the field of physical architecture to that of institutional architecture. It concludes by suggesting that there are already institutional architectures in the EU which lend themselves to a haptic declension, for example the European Semester.
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Golubeva, Irina, and Ivett Rita Guntersdorfer. "Preparing Professionals for Working in Multicultural and Democratic Europe: Two Pedagogical Programs – Their Assessment and Collaborations." Pedagogika 128, no. 4 (2017): 39–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.15823/p.2017.53.
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There has been continuous debate concerning policies and practices regarding intercultural education in the multicultural Europe and intercultural competence has become one of the crucial issues today. There is an urgent need to educate students about the limitations of using their own cultural frame to interpret and evaluate people belonging to a different cultural background. For quite long intercultural communication courses were typically offered for students in Education, International Relations, Business, and a like programs, while this subject was out of scope until the last few years in other disciplines. However, recent social and political changes are forcing program developers to work on a general intercultural preparation of professionals from all backgrounds.
 There is an educational need to focus on how to prepare interculturally competent students, to act in a drastically changing society as true global citizens, who have a motivation for civic engagement and contribute to their community. More than that, according to the new framework by the Council of Europe, there is a political need for the new generation of young people to get involved with the democratic society in an active way (Council of Europe, 2016).
 This paper presents two similar structures for a long-term intercultural program, where civic mindedness receives an important scope (Guntersdorfer and Golubeva, 2017). These programs can be offered to students from all disciplines in higher education. Both educational efforts aim to broaden knowledge of the meaning of culture by providing students with theories from linguistics, psychology, sociology, ethnology, and political science. Although pedagogical set-up slightly differ, there is a strong motivation for cooperation. The following article provides a description of the theoretical and pedagogical concepts of these two programs, draws on research plans and assessment methods, and lays down the groundwork for a collaboration.
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Filitov, A. M. "“Voroshilov ,s Commission” the leavning structure of soviet planning for Germany during the Great Patriotic war." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 2(5) (April 28, 2009): 37–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2009-2-5-37-44.
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The article deals with the planning activities of the “Armistice Commission” set up under the auspices of the Soviet Commissariat of the Foreign Affairs in September 1943. Headed by Marshal Voroshilov it played a crucial role in working-out the terms of unconditional surrender of Germany which aimed at the creation of a demilitarized, de-nazified democratic German state.
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Eley, Geoff, and Keith Nield. "Farewell to the Working Class?" International Labor and Working-Class History 57 (April 2000): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900002660.
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By the early 1980s, the class-centered politics of the socialist tradition was in crisis. In this situation, leading commentators took apocalyptic tones. By the end of the 1980s, the Left remained deeply divided between the advocates of change (“New Times” required new politics) and the defenders of the faith (class politics could be practiced, mutatis mutandis, much as before). By the mid-1990s the former had mainly carried the day. We wish to present this contemporary transformation not as the “death of class,” but as the passing of one particular type of class society, one marked by the process of working-class formation between the 1880s and 1940s and the resulting political alignment, reaching its apogee in the social democratic construction of the postwar settlement. As long-term changes in the economy combined with the attack on Keynesianism in the politics of recession from the mid-1970s, the unity of the working class ceased to be available in the old and well-tried way, as the natural ground of left-wing politics. While one dominant working-class collectivity went into decline (the classic male proletarians of mining, transportation, and manufacturing industry, with their associated forms of trade unionism and residential concentration), another slowly and unevenly materialized to take its place (predominantly female white-collar workers in services and all types of public employment). But the operative unity of this new working-class aggregation—its active agency as an organized political presence—is still very much in formation. To reclaim the political efficacy of the socialist tradition, some new vision of collective political agency will be needed, one imaginatively keyed to the emerging conditions of capitalist production and accumulation at the start of the twenty-first century. Class needs to be reshaped, reassembled, put back together again in political ways. To use a Gramscian adage: The old has been dying, but the new has yet to be born. Class decomposition is yet to be replaced by its opposite, the recomposition of class into a new and coherently shaped form.
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Brabant, Justine. "Producing Journalistic Discourse on War." Journal of Humanitarian Affairs 2, no. 2 (2020): 58–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/jha.044.
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Based on the author’s experience as both a journalist and an independent researcher working regularly in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), this article examines the many constraints that journalists face in areas of armed conflict. It considers two unusual aspects of journalistic practice observed in the DRC: first, the reporters’ lexical dependence – that is, how the language journalists typically use to describe war is borrowed, sometimes unconsciously, from the war-related rhetoric developed in other fields – and second, journalists’ practical dependence on humanitarian organisations and how this might influence the articles they produce.
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Faradillah, Aniek, Euis Salbiah, and Denny Hernawan. "PENGARUH GAYA KEMEPIMPINAN DEMOKRASI TERHADAP SEMANGAT KERJA PEGAWAI DI KECAMATAN CICURUG KABUPATEN SUKABUMI." JURNAL GOVERNANSI 1, no. 1 (2017): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.30997/jgs.v1i1.276.
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The employee work enthusiasm come up from the lack of leadership adopted a leader in an organization to achieve its objectives optimally, so that leaders were able to move their subordinates. For this reason, an organization was required to have a leader who was able to create a dynamic working atmosphere and be able to improve employee work enthusiasm. Based on the research results themselves were aware that the Cicurug District employee work enthusiasm declined, it was seen from the interests of employees who work less were: in completing the job was not timely, the lack of desire was achieved, the minimum salary factor especially permanent employees, were less conducive working atmosphere, sub-district in Cicurug District who tent to use a democratic leadership style was less effective and optimal running. Based on calculation result showed that leadership style democracy in the Cicurug District in the criteria very well shown in 4.24, and for employee work enthusiasm in the Cicurug District was good criteria shown in figure 3.89. Based on the testing hypothesis results through the spearman rank correlation formula showed that the Ha accepted and Ho rejected, it meant that there was no democratic leadership style influence on employee work enthusiasm with rho calculation values of 0.24 and the coefficient of determination of 5.76%. Thus 94.24% employee work enthusiasm influenced other variables such as: 1. influence of incentives 2. Organizational work climate.Key word: Leadership style, Democration.
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Laden, Anthony. "Taking the Distinction between Persons Seriously." Journal of Moral Philosophy 1, no. 3 (2004): 277–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/174046810400100304.
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AbstractRawls criticizes utilitarianism for not taking the distinction between persons seriously, and suggests that his own theory: justice as fairness, does. I argue that justice as fairness aims to take the distinction seriously at four levels, ranging from the content of its principles to its conception of political philosophy, and that doing so at each stage is of fundamental importance in working out the basis of a conception of justice for a democratic society. Understanding Rawls’s theory in this way points to a clearer understanding of how to go on doing political philosophy after Rawls.
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Lada, Krzysztof, and Czesław Partacz. "Working for Ukraine: Ukrainian Seasonal Labour in Germany, 1905-1914." Itinerario 37, no. 1 (2013): 87–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115313000272.
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Between 1905 and 1914, tens of thousands of Ukrainians from East Galicia worked legally as seasonal labourers in Germany each year. This channelling of labour was a reflection of both global trends and local East Galician national and socioeconomic relations. On the communal stage, this movement was a carefully organised operation led by the biggest Ukrainian political party before World War I, the National-Democratic Party (Natsionalno-Demokratychna Partiia, NDP). This article looks at the role of Ukrainian seasonal labour migration to Germany within the Ukrainian nationalist project in Austrian East Galicia. Specifically, it focuses on the information campaign run in the populist-conservative daily newspaper titled Dilo (Deed). Dilo was a primary source of advertisements offering the possibility of seasonal work in Germany. At the centre of this investigation is how this NDP daily reported on the progress of the migration and how it furnished an ideological justification for this shift of the labour force. Of particular interest are both the nationalist-moral and socioeconomic arguments used by Dilo to persuade Ukrainian peasants to go and seek seasonal jobs in Germany. It will be argued that the NDP's drive to send local Ukrainian peasants to Germany as seasonal labourers was presented to them as a way to further the Ukrainian cause, with the campaign itself being seen as a routine extension of nationalist concern and mobilisation. The article thus contributes to the analysis of Ukrainian nationalist economic agitation by drawing attention to the largely unexplored German imperial influence on the shaping of the Ukrainian identity before 1914.
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Meldolesi, Luca. "Una nota per la riforma dello Stato: quarta libertŕ e federalismo democratico." RIVISTA TRIMESTRALE DI SCIENZA DELL'AMMINISTRAZIONE, no. 1 (July 2009): 7–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/sa2009-001002.
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- As a comment (on "The Forth Freedom", 2007) and anticipation (of "Democratic Federalism", 2009), this article, drawing from those monographies by the Author, carves its hypothesis out of a comparison between the European and the "New World" administrative traditions. Italy was largely imbued by the franco-prussian étatisme of the 18th and 19th centuries; and even developed a peculiar variety of it, based on "assistenzialismo" and the "theft and police" game. Since the end of the 19th century, however, and, more recently, since the second world war, Italy experienced a strong and rising tendency toward "autonomism" and regionalism, which eventually brought to a constitutional reform in 2001. According to it, Local Institutions and the central State should be considered on the same footing: a central proposition that may open the way to the development of "democratic federalism". The article addresses numerous policy issues (on cultural, pedagogic, administrative, outcome, working, benchmarking etc grounds) that rapidly may induce that desirable transformation.Key words: Public Innovation; Freedom; Federalism; Administrative Tradition; Western Autonomy; Local Government. Parole chiave: Innovazione pubblica; Libertŕ; Federalismo; Tradizione amministrativa occidentale; Autonomia; Regionalismo
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Aydin, Umut. "Emerging middle powers and the liberal international order." International Affairs 97, no. 5 (2021): 1377–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiab090.
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Abstract In the post-Cold War era, a number of middle powers rose to prominence thanks to domestic reforms and a favourable international environment of economic and political globalization. These countries began to pursue middle power foreign policies, working actively in international organizations, engaging in areas such as conflict mediation, humanitarian assistance and the promotion of human rights, and helping to diffuse democracy and market reforms in their neighbourhoods. In this way, they contributed to the stability and expansion of the liberal international order in the post-Cold War period. Nonetheless, recent democratic and economic backsliding in these middle powers raises concerns. Focusing on the cases of Turkey and Mexico, this article explores how reversals in democratic and market reforms, exacerbated by recent trends towards deglobalization, influence emerging middle powers' foreign policies and their potential contributions to the liberal international order. I argue that whereas their rise had helped reinforce and expand the liberal international order, emerging middle powers' illiberal turn may have a destabilizing effect on this order.
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Yang, David D. "Classing Ethnicity. Class, Ethnicity, and the Mass Politics of Taiwan's Democratic Transition." World Politics 59, no. 4 (2007): 503–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2008.0006.
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Although Taiwan is widely regarded as one of the purest examples of middle-class-driven democratization, this article suggests that the conventional accent on the middle class is misplaced. Instead, the true heroes in the struggle for democracy were the island's working classes, although proper recognition of this fact requires an empirically derived understanding of class that looks beyond formal labor politics. Although the author does not dispute the importance of ethnicity in Taiwanese politics, the findings clearly indicate that ethnic identity was in itself a class issue, as the island's working classes were the most deeply attached to a nativist Taiwanese identity, while members of the middle classes were far more successfully assimilated into the elite “national” culture. The Taiwanese experience thus provides a reminder that many political phenomena apparently framed in ethnic, sectarian terms are in fact undergirded by essentially class-based grievances.
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Williams, Laron K., David J. Brulé, and Michael Koch. "War Voting." Conflict Management and Peace Science 27, no. 5 (2010): 442–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894210379328.
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This article explores the interactive effects of the economy and the use of force on incumbent parties’ electoral performance. Research on the diversionary use of force assumes that leaders (especially democratic leaders) use force abroad to bolster their domestic political fortunes during hard economic times. But other research suggests that crises either lead to removal from office or have no effect on incumbents’ political fortunes. Although a good deal of scholarship assesses the role of the economy on electoral outcomes, no research has explicitly examined the interactive effects between dispute involvement and the economy on leaders’ share of the vote. We argue that the salience of the economy conditions voters’ sensitivity to the costs of conflict, which reduces electoral support for incumbent parties engaging in dramatic foreign policy events. Moreover, we expect executives’ efforts to emphasize foreign policy during economic downturns to be met with electoral punishment as voters prefer to see leaders working on a remedial economic policy. To evaluate this argument, we examine incumbent parties’ vote shares in elections among nine advanced democracies from 1960 to 2000. Our results support the hypothesis that during economic downturns voters care more about domestic politics than foreign policy. Furthermore, our results have implications for the diversionary hypothesis, gambling for resurrection argument, the democratic peace, and economic voting research agendas.
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Güleç, Selma, and Nazlı Durmuş. "Examination of Classroom Management Approaches of Social Studies Teachers." International Education Studies 12, no. 11 (2019): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ies.v12n11p139.
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In this study, the v0iews of social studies teachers about the autocratic, democratic and irrelevant classroom management approaches were examined. For this purpose, it was investigated whether the opinions of the social studies teachers about the classroom management approaches differed according to their gender and seniority. This research employed a descriptive research model. The sample of the study consisted of 83 teachers working in various schools in Bursa. In this study, the “teachers’ understanding of classroom management survey” developed by Terzi and composed of two sections and a total of 38 items was used. The data of the study was analyzed in the SPSS program by using the significance level of .05. By using one-sample t-test in the pairwise comparisons, it was aimed to determine whether there was a difference between the teachers’ classroom management understandings and their personal characteristics. In the comparison of more than two sets, one-way analysis of variance was applied. As a result of the study, no significant difference was found between the social studies teachers’ classroom management approaches according to the variable of gender. The female and the male social studies teachers demonstrated their autocratic, democratic and irrelevant classroom management understandings at the same level. According to the variable of professional seniority, it was found out that the teachers with a professional seniority of between 16-20 years exhibited their democratic classroom management approaches at a higher level.
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FELDMAN, GLENN. "Southern Disillusionment with the Democratic Party: Cultural Conformity and “the Great Melding” of Racial and Economic Conservatism in Alabama during World War II." Journal of American Studies 43, no. 2 (2009): 199–230. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875809990028.
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This essay explores growing disillusionment with the national Democratic Party in the southern United States, disillusionment that led to third-party movements such as the Dixiecrats and George Wallacism, and eventually southern allegiance to the modern Republican Party. The essay focusses on Alabama during the first half of the 1940s, where a “Great Melding” between economic conservatism and racial conservatism came to maturity. The melding resulted in a cross-class and pan-white alliance in a state that had experienced periodic plain-white challenges to business and planter elite dominance. It also resulted in the use by economic conservatives of white supremacy and allied conservative norms on gender, class, religion, and militaristic hyper-patriotism to suppress future working-class insurgency, and set the stage for a more formal southern disassociation from the Democratic Party and eventual conversion to Republicanism.
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KIRKENDALL, ANDREW J. "Paulo Freire, Eduardo Frei, Literacy Training and the Politics of Consciousness Raising in Chile, 1964 to 1970." Journal of Latin American Studies 36, no. 4 (2004): 687–717. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x04008132.
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This article examines the politics of literacy during the administration of Chilean President Eduardo Frei. Literacy training was an essential part of Christian Democratic efforts to promote agrarian reform and rural unionisation and incorporate the peasantry into the Chilean political system. Paulo Freire, working for the ministries of agriculture and education, was able to employ his innovative ‘consciousness raising’ techniques throughout Chile. In practice, the campaign often blurred the line between creating a critical consciousness and creating a Christian Democratic consciousness, while Freire himself became caught up in political struggles within the administration over the extent and pace of reform.
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Solomon, M. Scott. "State-led Migration, Democratic Legitimacy, and Deterritorialization: The Philippines' labour export model." European Journal of East Asian Studies 8, no. 2 (2009): 275–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156805809x12553326569759.
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AbstractDeveloping countries are increasingly facilitating migration as a way of generating remittances for the home economy. The Philippines serves as a paradigmatic example, inaugurating a labour export scheme in 1973 that has grown each year and resulted in nearly 25 per cent of the labour force working abroad. The institutionalization of this labour export policy, along with changes in citizenship and voting laws, has led to the increasing deterritorialization of the Philippines state, with concomitant implications for democracy and democratization. This deterritorialization presents both opportunities and challenges for the state. Among them are the possibility of securing sustained remittances and the necessity of securing democratic legitimacy from a globalized polity. This paper traces the evolution of this labour export policy and analyzes the effects of state discursive strategies designed to secure democratic legitimacy. To further this analysis I present the results of a survey conducted among Filipina domestic workers in Hong Kong (n=691). The responses indicate the discursive strategy of 'national heroes' has been effective in that majorities of OFWs view themselves as 'heroes of the nation.' However, OFWs also view themselves as making sacrifices for the nation and have concerns about government commitments to protect the rights and interests of OFWs.
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Dolly C, Kalu, and Okpokwasili Nonyelum P. "IMPACT OF DEMOCRATIC LEADERSHIP STYLE ON JOB PERFORMANCE OF SUBORDINATES IN ACADEMIC LIBRARIES IN PORT HARCOURT, RIVERS STATE, NIGERIA." International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 6, no. 10 (2018): 232–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v6.i10.2018.1190.
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The study focused on the influence of democratic leadership style on job performance of subordinates in academic libraries in Port Harcourt, Rivers State, Nigeria. The research design adopted for the study was a survey, while the 74 professional and para-professional staff working in the libraries studied were the respondents. Data collection was through questionnaire instrument titled “Democratic Leadership Style on Job Performance of Subordinates in Academic Libraries (DLSJPSAL)” made up of of five (5) item statements. Research question was answered using frequency counts, total score and means. Findings of the study revealed that democratic leadership style in academic libraries studied has positive influence on subordinates’ job performance because it results in high employees’ productivity. This style of leadership tends to have work groups that were very productive and subordinates showed a high degree of satisfaction on the job. Among others, the researchers recommended that heads of academic libraries should be encouraged to adopt democratic leadership style since it yields higher result in job performance of subordinates and consequently to users’ satisfaction with library services.
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Foster, John. "Strike Action and Working-Class Politics on Clydeside 1914–1919." International Review of Social History 35, no. 1 (1990): 33–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000009718.
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SUMMARYThe record of strike activity on Clydeside is used to explore the interaction between workplace organisation and political attitudes in working-class communities, focussing in particular upon the shipyard labour force in the years immediately preceding the 1919 General Strike. The findings are used to question research by Iain McLean which minimised the political significance of industrial militancy during the period of the Red Clyde and that by Alastair Reid, which argued that the main consequences of wartime industrial experience were to strengthen social democratic perspectives. It is suggested that a limited but significant radicalisation did occur and that this was related to the specific labour relations practices of employers in the west of Scotland and the structural weakness of Clydeside's economy.
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Poto, Margherita. "The Principle of Proportionality in Comparative Perspective." German Law Journal 8, no. 9 (2007): 835–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200006003.
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This contribution will contain an analysis of important European dynamics, particularly at this moment when it seems to be necessary to restart the process of a unified European identity, which was, in a way, compromised after the failure of the EU Constitution and the difficulty of giving effectiveness to democracy:the EC professes democracy without being democratic. Thus the fragility of its political institutions, inherently perilous, necessarily reflects on the legitimacy of its legal order, while the constitutional balance intrinsic to the separation of powers ideal is dangerously absent. In other words, while in every Member State, the administrative law system forms part of a working system, this is not the case in the Community.
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Allsup, Randall Everett. "Mutual Learning and Democratic Action in Instrumental Music Education." Journal of Research in Music Education 51, no. 1 (2003): 24–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3345646.
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This ethnography is an investigation of the notion of democracy as community-in-the-making. The researcher and nine band students came together to create music that was meaningful and self-reflective. The participants elected to split into two distinct ensembles. Group 1 chose not to compose on their primary band instruments, opting for electric guitar, bass, synthesized piano, and drums. Group 2 chose to create music using traditional concert band instruments. Choosing a genre and working with the traditions governing its creative processes seemed to be the largest determinant of a groups culture. The group members and researcher saw classical music as unproductive for group composing or community-making. Composing in a jazz or popular style was conceived of as fun, nonobligatory, self-directed, and personally meaningful. In such settings, there was an emphasis on interpersonal relationships, peer learning and peer critique, as well as an expectation that members will take care of each other.
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King, Daniel, and Christopher Land. "The democratic rejection of democracy: Performative failure and the limits of critical performativity in an organizational change project." Human Relations 71, no. 11 (2018): 1535–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0018726717751841.
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‘How do we introduce democracy democratically to people who are not sure they want it?’ This question was posed to us at the outset of what became a three-year experiment in seeking to implement more democratic organizational practices within a small education charity, World Education (WE). WE were an organization with a history of anarchist organizing and recent negative experiences of hierarchical managerialism, who wanted to return to a more democratic organizational form. This was an ideal opportunity, we thought, for the type of critical performative intervention called for within Critical Management Studies. Using Participant Action Research, which itself has a democratic ethos, we aimed to democratically bring about workplace democracy, using a range of interventions from interviewing, whole organization visioning workshops through to participating in working groups to bring about democratic change. Yet we failed. WE members democratically rejected democracy. We reflect on this failure using Jacques Derrida’s idea of a constitutive aporia at the heart of democracy, and suggests the need to more carefully unpack the difficult relationship between power and equality when seeking to facilitate more democratic organizational practices. The article presents an original perspective on the potential for, and limits of, critical performativity inspired interventions in organizations.
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Struić, Gordan. "The Question of Public Participation in the Procedure for Authentic Interpretation of Laws." Review of European and Comparative Law 44, no. 1 (2021): 127–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/recl.11433.
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Authentic interpretation of laws is an interpretation of legal provisions that, due to their lack of clarity or misinterpretation in their application, is provided by the parliament. Unlike the legislative procedure, which is conducted, as a rule, in two (exceptionally three) readings, a proposal for giving an authentic interpretation is discussed in one reading. Starting from the understandings of some authors that the act of authentic interpretation of laws is contrary to the principle of democratic pluralism, and that it lacks the necessary level of democratic control and citizen participation, the author examines whether the Croatian parliamentary law enables public participation in the procedure for authentic interpretation of laws and, if so, what legal instruments can be used to implement it in parliamentary practice. To this end, the paper analyzes several relevant constitutional, legal, and procedural provisions of the Croatian parliamentary law, with reference to a parliamentary practice. Given the fact that the procedure for authentic interpretation in the Republic of Croatia, the Republic of Northern Macedonia, the Republic of Slovenia and the Republic of Serbia is regulated in a similar way by the rules of procedure of their respective parliaments, the relevant regulations of the latter three countries on the possibility of public participation in this procedure are analyzed as well. It was concluded that Croatian parliamentary law enables public participation in the procedure for authentic interpretation, through the instruments of petition, information and involvement in working groups and working bodies, and the same instruments, with certain specifics, are recognized in the parliamentary law of the latter three countries.
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Azizah, Suci Midsyahri. "Pengasuhan Demokratis dalam Pengembangan Sosial Emosional Anak Usia Dini di Tempat Penitipan Anak Ibunda Ponorogo." AL-MURABBI: Jurnal Studi Kependidikan dan Keislaman 6, no. 1 (2019): 13–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.53627/jam.v6i1.3631.
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Early childhood grows and develops so fast one of which is social development. Child Care Center (TPA) is one way for children to continue to get good education and care as long as parents are busy working. This study uses a research approach that is qualitative with the type of research that is a case study. This research was conducted in Ibunda Child Care Center Jln. Sumatra Banyudono Ponorogo, using data collection techniques namely by observation, interview, documentation and triangulation techniques. Based on the analysis of the data it can be concluded that, firstly, the parenting strategies carried out in the Ibunda's Day Care Center use democratic parenting by promoting children's social emotion based on children's enthusiasm, feeling happy and happy and not giving rules that curb children's expression. The rules that are made in TPA are to control the attitudes and traits for the purpose of forming a better character. Secondly, the implications of the pattern of democratic care in the Ibunda's Child Care Center have a significant positive effect. The children who are entrusted to the TPA, become more confident, independent, and can be more friendly and have good self-control.
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Alvi, Bushra, Aftab Haider, and Tauqeer Ahmed. "Leadership styles and Its Impact on Employee Performance with a mediating effect of Organizational Commitment, An empirical study of NHA, Pakistan." Global Management Sciences Review V, no. III (2020): 40–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gmsr.2020(v-iii).05.
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The study was conducted to investigate the relationship between autocratic and democratic leadership on employee performance through the mediation of organizational commitment in National Highway Authority Islamabad head office. The inquiry was conducted in a natural working environment of an organization where respondents are situated/located, that is a filed study. Simple random sampling technique was used to carry out the research using structured questionnaires which were adopted from other researcher's studies. The questionnaires were based on five-point Likert scale measuring autocratic leadership, democratic leadership, Organizational Commitment, and employee performance. 217 questionnaires were distributed among middle-level employees of National Highway Authority out of which all 217 were useable. The data was analyzed using SPSS. The descriptive statistics indicated that autocratic leadership has a negative impact on employee performance but does show the significant effect with that the other variable democratic leadership shows a significant positive impact on employee performance whereas organizational commitment does mediate the relationship between independent variables i-e Autocratic leadership, Democratic leadership and dependent variable i-e Employee Performance. Recommendations to improve employee performance under this study are provided to the organization.
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Hussain, Shabir. "Analyzing the war–media nexus in the conflict-ridden, semi-democratic milieu of Pakistan." Media, War & Conflict 10, no. 3 (2017): 273–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750635216682179.
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This study combined the key findings of a dozen empirical studies with an original qualitative investigation aimed at understanding the dynamics of conflict journalism in Pakistan. The author devised an original contextual model and tested its applicability in five different conflicts of varying intensity. The study found that conflict journalism is dependent on the interaction between two key factors: the journalistic assessment of a conflict in terms of its seriousness of threat to national security and the resultant flak that stems from various sources that significantly influence professional reporting. The article concludes that journalists working in the semi-democratic, conflict-marred settings of Pakistan adopt a more vigilant and independent stance if they perceive a conflict to be posing an enormous threat to national security, for example the Taliban conflict, and that their critical stance erodes to a more compromising position in the case of a medium-level threat in conflicts such as the one in Balochistan and the ethno-political conflict in Karachi; their reporting further diminishes to a more sensational stance in the case of a low-level threat conflict due to the preponderance of the commercial interests of media industries.
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Datta, Prabhat Kumar. "RURAL DECENTRALIZATION IN INDIA AT THE CROSS- ROADS: THE CONTEXT, CHALLENGES AND CONSEQUENCES." Journal of Asian Rural Studies 3, no. 1 (2019): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.20956/jars.v3i1.1716.
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This article attempts to make a critical evaluation of the working of the institutional system of democratic decentralization in rural India against the backdrop of its historical development. It has been argued that although it is not difficult to trace the roots of decentralized government in ancient India it hardly resembles the modern model of decentralization conceived and developed by a host of the Western scholars. The colonial rulers introduced decentralized governance in India to promote colonial objectives and to help perpetuate the British rule. The post- colonial state took steps to initiate the process of rural decentralization in 1950s but it went out of steam soon. In 1990s there was a paradigm shift in India’s policy. And in 1992 the Constitution was amended to pave the road for democratic decentralization but currently it seems to be in the cross-roads. This paper seeks to capture the historical development of the journey of decentralization and identify the roadblocks and the takeaways from the experience of working of the institutions of rural decentralization in India.
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HONIG, BONNIE. "Between Decision and Deliberation: Political Paradox in Democratic Theory." American Political Science Review 101, no. 1 (2007): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055407070098.
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Deliberative democratic theorists (in this essay, Seyla Benhabib and Jurgen Habermas) seek to resolve, manage, or transcend paradoxes of democratic legitimation or constitutional democracy. Other democratic theorists, such as Chantal Mouffe, embrace such paradoxes and affirm their irreducibility. Deliberativists call that position “decisionism.” This essay examines the promise and limits of these various efforts by way of a third paradox: Rousseau's paradox of politics, whose many workings are traced through Book II, Chapter 7 of theSocial Contract. This last paradox cannot be resolved, transcended, managed, or even affirmed as an irreducible binary conflict. The paradox of politics names not a clash between two logics or norms but a vicious circle of chicken-and-egg (which comes first—good people or good law?). It has the happy effect of reorienting democratic theory: toward the material conditions of political practice, the unavoidable will of the people who are also always a multitude, and the not only regulative but also productive powers of law.
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Marks, Gary, Heather A. D. Mbaye, and Hyung Min Kim. "Radicalism or Reformism? Socialist Parties before World War I." American Sociological Review 74, no. 4 (2009): 615–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000312240907400406.
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This article builds on social movement theory to explain ideological variation among socialist, social democratic, and labor parties across 18 countries in the early twentieth century. We propose a causal argument connecting (1) the political emergence of the bourgeoisie and its middle-class allies to (2) the political space for labor unions and working-class parties, which (3) provided a setting for internal pressures and external opportunities that shaped socialist party ideology. Combining quantitative analysis and case studies, we find that the timing of civil liberties and the strength of socialist links with labor unions were decisive for reformism or radicalism. Refining Lipset's prior analysis, we qualify his claim that male suffrage provides a key to socialist orientation.
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Safaringga, Miranie, Uliy Iffah, and Adinda Permata Sari. "The relationship between parenting and development of toddlers aged 1-5 years in the working area of Rawang public health center, Padang city." Journal of Midwifery 5, no. 1 (2021): 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.25077/jom.5.2.22-31.2020.
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Children under five years of age when the increase in body structure and function becomes more complex and the ability to move fine, fine motion, language, and independence. The number of children under five who do not develop according to their age is triggered by parental care, where this care aims to meet the basic needs of toddlers so that they can grow and develop more optimally. The purpose of this study was to determine the relationship between parenting and the development of children aged 1-5 years in the working area of Puskesmas Rawang, Padang City. This research uses quantitative design with a cross section. This research was conducted in the working area of Puskesmas Rawang, Padang City. Data collection was carried out in March 2020. The sample of this study is mothers who have children aged 1-5 years who are in the working area of Puskesmas Rawang, Padang City, amounting to 79 people. The technique used in this study is proportional random sampling, for data collection using a questionnaire. The results of this study obtained 79 respondents consisting of mothers and toddlers with an average age of 12-24 months. Descriptively democratic parenting has a proportion of under five development in accordance with the highest value, namely 95.6% while authoritarian is 11.5%. Democratic parenting style affects the optimal development of toddlers.
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Voss, Kim. "Disposition Is Not Action: The Rise and Demise of the Knights of Labor." Studies in American Political Development 6, no. 2 (1992): 272–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00000997.
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Recent theoretical and historical studies of working-class formation have raised important doubts about standard interpretations of the American working class. Nowhere is this more obvious than in the renewed debate over “American exceptionalism,” that unexpected combination of political conservatism and weak working-class institutions in the nation that underwent the modern world's first democratic revolution. Once it was popular to argue that American workers felt no need for collective action, either because of a classlessness that was firmly rooted in the psyche of the first new nation or because of an innate job consciousness that was able to attain full flowering only in the United States, that most bourgeois of countries. But two decades of social history have documented such a rich diversity of militant working-class activity that such explanations are now rarely invoked.
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Molero, Fernando, Isabel Cuadrado, Marisol Navas, and J. Francisco Morales. "Relations and Effects of Transformational Leadership: A Comparative Analysis with Traditional Leadership Styles." Spanish Journal of Psychology 10, no. 2 (2007): 358–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1138741600006624.
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This study has two main goals: (a) to compare the relationship between transformational leadership and other important leadership styles (i.e., democratic versus autocratic or relations- and task-oriented leadership) and (b) to compare the effects of transformational leadership and the other styles on some important organizational outcomes such as employees' satisfaction and performance. For this purpose, a sample of 147 participants, working in 35 various work-teams, was used. Results show high correlations between transformational leadership, relations-oriented, democratic, and task-oriented leadership. On the other hand, according to the literature, transformational leadership, especially high levels, significantly increases the percentage of variance accounted for by other leadership styles in relevant organizational outcome variables (subordinates' performance, satisfaction and extra effort).
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Talukdar., DR Subhash. "CHAPTER: ROLE OF ALL INDIA UNITED DEMOCRATIC FRONT (AIUDF) IN ASSAM." International Journal of Modern Agriculture 9, no. 3 (2020): 357–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.17762/ijma.v9i3.158.
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Party system is the important factor in the working of representative form of Government. India is a democratic state. In the democratic state, political parties are said to be the life – blood of democracies. Modern democracies are indirect in character. They can function with the help of political parties. In the absence of political parties democracy cannot deliver the goods. Well organized political parties constitute the best form of democracy. India has the largest democracy in the world. It introduced universal adult franchise as the basis of voting right in the country. Now the voting age has been lowered down to 18. Most of the Indian voters are not politically matured and they do not have the political education in the proper sense. Political parties in India are classified by the Election Commission of India. It was classified for the allocation of symbol. The Election Commission of India classified parties into three main heads: National parties, State parties and registered (unrecognized) parties.
 The Regional Political Parties are playing a very significant role in Indian political system, particularly in the post Congress era and in coalition politics. As far as the national level politics is concerned, the regional political parties play a ‘king maker’ role. Whereas, the politics at state level is concerned, the regional political parties have been playing an effective role for working of government machinery. The Assam has also not lagging behind this context. Although the state has produces some small political parties before 1985, but formation of the AGP, BPPF, BPF and the AIUDF playing a very significant role in the politics of Assam. The AGP and the AIUDF not only emerge as an alternative of the Congress party at the state politics but also could able to participate in the national politics. Following are the reasons for the growth of regional parties in Assam -
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Betge, David. "Land Governance in Post-Conflict Settings: Interrogating Decision-Making by International Actors." Land 8, no. 2 (2019): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/land8020031.
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Humanitarian and development organizations working in conflict-affected settings have a particular responsibility to do no harm and contribute to the wellbeing of the population without bias. The highly complex, politicized realities of work in conflict- and post-conflict settings often require quick, pragmatic and results-oriented decisions, the foundations of which remain frequently implicit. Such decisions might follow an intrinsic logic or situational pragmatism rather than intensive deliberation. This paper reflects on the realities of working on land governance in post-conflict settings shaped by migration, ethnic division, power struggles and limited statehood. Using case examples from the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Burundi, this paper reflects on the drivers of decisions around land governance in such contexts in a structured, theoretically informed way. Drawing on the author’s own experience with supporting land rights work and utilizing Giddens’ concept of the Duality of Structure, this article provides an analysis of actors and structures that sheds light on the factors that affect the decision-making of practitioners relating to land rights in post-conflict areas of limited statehood.
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Lu, Joyce. "Battle Battle: Engaging Diversity in the American Liberal Arts College." Arts and Humanities in Higher Education 19, no. 1 (2018): 101–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474022218757893.
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Battle Battle: Engaging Diversity in the American Liberal Arts College examines the production of an Asian American hip-hop musical, directed by the author, at a private liberal arts college in the US. This article demonstrates how the production process was determined by the complex history of racial formation and relations in America. Those who were extremely attached to standardized Eurocentric practices of control in education could only read this complexity as disorder and found the process to be out of control or anarchic. The author claims, however, that the process was necessarily anarchic insofar as the production was undertaken as a decolonizing project; an attempt to undermine structures of domination and employ an ethical and democratic way of working that directly conflicted with the violent constraints of White hegemony that are present in elite educational institutions.
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LeBlanc, Emma Findlen. "Reimagining Democracy through Syria’s Wartime Sharia Committees." Anthropology of the Middle East 15, no. 1 (2020): 64–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ame.2020.150106.
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This article examines Syrians’ narratives about the network of Sharia Committees (Hay’āt al-Sharia) that emerged as the most pervasive and popular legal project during the ongoing civil war. Many Syrians formerly excluded from political power, especially working-class Sunnis, envision the Sharia Committees as a revolutionary space for realising self-determination, where sharia is articulated as a democratic legal process embedded in its ostensibly inherent pluralism, flexibility, anti-authoritarianism and conception of justice as reconciliation and public good. By reviving a historically recurrent vision of sharia as radical democratic practice, Syrians attempt to extricate sharia from its entanglements with efforts to govern. The Sharia Committees thus represent a creative effort to reclaim democracy from state control while challenging rigid, rule-oriented understandings of sharia.
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RASMUSSEN, JOEL D. S. "DEMOCRATIC TENDENCIES: LIBERAL PROTESTANTISM AND THE GROWTH OF AMERICAN PLURALISM." Modern Intellectual History 15, no. 3 (2017): 893–908. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147924431700004x.
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In a recent collection of essays assessing the thought of William James in transatlantic perspective, Berkeley historian emeritus David Hollinger opened his contribution by recounting two memorable exchanges: The sermon at William James's funeral on 30 August 1910 was preached by the Reverend George A. Gordon, a name recognized today only by religious history specialists, but in 1910 a pulpiteer so prominent that he was sometimes described as “the Matterhorn of the Protestant Alps” . . . Gordon, a close friend of James, was the minister of Boston's Old South Congregational Church. When the great philosopher died on 26 August, his widow immediately selected Gordon to perform the service. Mrs. James made clear to Gordon why she wanted him. You are “a man of faith,” which “is what [William] was.” About this she was firm, apprising Gordon that she wanted at this funeral service “no hesitation or diluted utterance” in speaking about faith.Mrs. James had good reason to say these things. Her late husband had been candid about his feelings of spiritual solidarity with Gordon. “You and I seem to be working . . . towards the same end (the Kingdom of Heaven, namely),” James had written to his clergyman friend not long before, although [he claimed Gordon did] this “more openly and immediately” than [he did].
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Siegelman, Peter. "The Problems of Lustration: Prosecution of Wrongdoers by Democratic Successor Regimes." Law & Social Inquiry 20, no. 01 (1995): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1995.tb00680.x.
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This issue went to press almost exactly four years after the death of Charles Gillespie, in whose honor I wish to dedicate the lustration symposium. A political scientist at the University of Wisconsin with a broad range of comparative interests, Charlie's major work chronicled the reemergence of democracy in Uruguay. He would doubtless have been a contributor to this issue were he still alive, and there were many times during the course of working on it when I wished I could have asked for his advice. In addition to his passion for democracy, I remember Charlie for his learning and his humor, both of which he wore with an elegant English grace. Throughout his long illness, he never lost his appreciation for the silly; his life was proof that stoicism and courage need not be cold virtues, and the world is a much poorer place in his absence.