Academic literature on the topic 'Demokrasi Partisi (Turkey)'

ABSTRAK Penelitian ini menjelaskan pengaruh partai Adelete Ve Kalkinma Partisi (AKP) terhadap identitas negara (state identity) Turki pada tahun 2002-2018. Penelitian ini fokus kepada perubahan yang dilakukan AKP terhadap identitas negara Turki pada tahun 2002-2018. 2002 yang merupakan awal pemerintahan Turki dibawah AKP, serta dibatasi pada tahun 2018 yang merupakan batas penulis dalam meneliti dikarenakan keterbatasan waktu, mengingat AKP dan Erdogan masih memerintah sampai saat ini. Penelitian ini menggunakan konsep state identity oleh Maxym Alexandrov yang merekonseptualisasikan state identity agar lebih komprehensif. Penulis juga menggunakan teori peran (role theory) untuk melihat peran kelompok AKP dalam kebijakan luar negeri Turki. Jenis penelitian ini ialah penelitian kualitatif. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian, AKP berhasil membentuk state identity baru yang mendasarkan pada nilai-nilai sejarah, budaya dan sosialisasi masyarakat Turki. Namun, conservative democratic ini tidak sesuai dengan apa yang diharapkan sebelumnya. AKP menggunakan strategi politik populisme, yang mana ia memiliki ruang untuk ideologi lain dalam ideologi conservative democratic, yaitu Islamisme. Hal ini terlihat dari berbagai kebijakan dalam dan luar negerinya, rezim Erdogan menjadi pemerintahan yang otoriter ke dalam, namun Islamis ke luar. Turki mencoba untuk menjadi pemimpin regional dan mengambil peran dalam komunitas negara-negara Islam. Erdogan dianggap memanfaatkan demokrasi sebagai batu loncatan untuk membentuk negara Islam. Kata kunci: Adelete Ve Kalkinma Partisi, identitas negara, Erdogan, teori peran, Turki This study explains the influence of Adelete Ve Kalkinma Partition (AKP) party on Turkish state identity in 2002-2018. This research focuses on the changes made by the AKP to Turkish state identity in 2002-2018. 2002 which was the beginning of the Turkish government under the AKP, and was limited to 2017 which was the author's boundary in research due to time constraints, considering that the AKP and Erdogan still governed until now. This research uses the concept of the state identity approach by Maxym Alexandrov who reconceptualizes the state identity to be more comprehensive. The authors also use role theory to see the role of the AKP group in Turkish foreign policy. This type of research is qualitative research. Based on the results of the research, the AKP succeeded in forming a new state identity based on the historical, cultural and socialization values of Turkish society. However, conservative democratic is not in accordance with what was previously expected. The AKP uses a political strategy of populism, where it has room for other ideologies in conservative democratic ideology, there is Islamism in it. This can be seen from various internal and foreign policies, Erdogan's regime became an authoritarian government inward, but Islamists came out. Turkey tries to become a regional leader and take a role in the community of Islamic countries. Erdogan is considered to use democracy as a springboard to form an Islamic state. Keywords: Adelete Ve Kalkinma Partisi, Erdogan, role theory, state identity, Turkey

Political parties and political elites are the basic elements of the democratic system. These two political and social phenomena play a decisive role in shaping the political and social structure of the country as well as in the shaping of individual political attitudes and behaviour. The most common forms of social political organization in contemporary societies are political parties. In this respect, political parties can be shortly defined as political organizations organized around the ideal of playing a decisive role in political and social life and whose ultimate goals are to reach power. In democratic societies, political parties are the most important means of political socialization and participation in the political process.In the western societies, the elite word that has been used in daily life since the 17th century. Its sociological meaning is rather different than daily life meaning. In essence, the elite can be defined as individuals who have institutional power, are in a position to control social resources, have the ability to directly or indirectly influence the decision-making process, and can fulfill their wishes and objectives in spite of their opponents. There are many elite groups in society. Political elites also form one of the most active elite groups in the social structure. Deputies and political leaders are also the most basic components of this elite group.The Democratic Party is one of the most important political parties of Turkish political life. This party holds the privilege of being the most important representative of the right of center-right politics in Turkey; Adnan Menderes also has a privileged political identity in Turkey as being the most important leader of the center-right politics tradition. Even the Democratic Party is regarded as a representative of the transition to multi-party political life in Turkey. The Democratic Party, legendary leader Adnan Menderes and the Democratic Party MPs, identified with the name party, have not only remained the pioneers of multi-party democratic life in the country; With the transition to multi-party life, they have played a decisive role in Turkey's change process and in the social and political life of the country.The Democratic Party as a political institution and Adnan Menderes, a political elite-leader have to be well known in order to understand and explain the political-social change and transformation that Turkey has experienced since about three quarters of a century. It was aimed to sociologically examine Adnan Menderes as an important political leader and political elite, and the Democratic Party, one of the most important political institutions of Turkish political life, from a historical perspective. The research is mainly designed as a descriptive sociological study type. ÖzetSiyasi partiler ve siyasi elitler, demokratik sistemin en temel unsurlarındandır. Bu iki siyasal ve toplumsal olgu, bireylerin siyasi tutum ve davranışlarının şekillenmesinde de olduğu kadar ülkenin siyasi ve toplumsal yapısının şekillenmesinde de belirleyici rol oynar. Günümüz toplumlarında en yaygın toplumsal siyasal örgütlenme biçimi siyasi partilerdir. Bu yönüyle siyasi partiler kısaca, siyasal ve toplumsal hayatta belirleyici rol oynamak ideali etrafında örgütlenmiş ve nihai hedefleri iktidara ulaşmak olan siyasi örgütler olarak tanımlanabilir. Demokratik toplumlarda siyasi partiler, en önemli siyasi sosyalizasyon ve siyasal sürece katılım araçlarıdır.Batı toplumlarında, 17. yüzyıldan bu yana günlük dilde kullanılmaya başlanan elit sözcüğü ise sosyolojik olarak günlük dilde kullanıldığında daha farklı anlam ifade eder. Çok öz olarak elit, kurumsal iktidara sahip, toplumsal kaynakları kontrol edebilecek konumda bulunan, karar verme sürecini doğrudan veya dolayı olarak ciddi bir şekilde etkileme yeteneğine sahip, karşıtlarına rağmen istek ve amaçlarını gerçekleştirebilen birey(ler) olarak tanımlanabilir. Toplumda çok sayıda elit grubu vardır. Siyasi elitler de toplumsal yapı içindeki, en etkin elit gruplarından birini oluştururlar. Milletvekilleri ve siyasi liderler de bu elit grubunun en temel bileşenlerini oluştururlar.Demokrat Parti (DP), Türk siyasal hayatının en önemli siyasi partilerinden biri konumundadır. Bu parti Türkiye’de merkez sağ siyaset geleneğinin, Cumhuriyet döneminde ilk ve önemli temsilcisi olma ayrıcalığını elinden tutarken; lideri Türkiye’de merkez sağ siyaset geleneğini temsil eden önemli bir siyasal elittir. Dahası Demokrat Parti, Türkiye’de çok partili siyasi yaşama geçişin temsilcisi olarak da kabul edilir. Demokrat Parti, ismi partisi ile özdeşleşmiş efsanevi lideri Adnan Menderes ve Demokrat Parti milletvekilleri, yalnızca ülkede çok partili demokratik hayatın öncü isimleri olmakla kalmamışlar; çok partili yaşama geçişle birlikte Türkiye’nin değişim sürecine yön vermiş ve ülkenin toplumsal-siyasal hayatında belirleyici rol oynamışlardır.Bir siyasal kurum olarak Demokrat Parti’yi ve bir siyasi elit-lider olarak Adnan Menderes’i iyi anlamadan, Türkiye’nin yaklaşık üççeyrek asırdan beridir yaşadığı siyasal - toplumsal değişim ve dönüşümü anlamlandırmak ve açıklamak mümkün değildir. Bu realiteden yola çıkarak çalışmada, önemli bir siyasi lider ve bir siyasi elit olarak Adnan Menderes ile Türk siyasal yaşamının önemli siyasi kurumlarından biri olan Demokrat Parti’nin, tarihsel bir perspektiften, sosyolojik olarak incelenmesi hedeflenmiştir. Araştırma ağırlıklı olarak betimleyici - deskriptif bir sosyolojik çalışma türünde tasarlanmıştır.

This study aims at analyzing the impact of the European integration process on Kurdish nationalism in Turkey by focusing on the Democratic Society Party (Demokratik Toplum Partisi, DTP) as the major pro-Kurdish political party in Turkey between 2005 and 2009. It argues that the Europeanization process in Turkey, which accelerated in the post-Helsinki period, has brought about some important consequences concerning the recognition and expression of Kurdish identity. The study examines Europe's impact on the DTP through analysis of party documents and interviews with party representatives, in order to investigate the meaning and use of the European integration process in the DTP's sub-state nationalist ideology. This analysis shows that, although the Europeanization process in Turkey has somewhat broadened opportunity structures for Kurdish sub-state nationalist politics, overall the EU's impact on the DTP's nationalist politics has remained indirect and limited.

AbstractFollowing the victory of the Kurdish party DTP (Demokratik Toplum Partisi, Democratic Society Party) in Turkey's southeastern provinces in the local elections of March 2009, Turkey witnessed the AKP (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, Justice and Development Party) government's Kurdish initiative, the closure of the victorious Kurdish party, and waves of arrests of Kurdish activists and politicians. This rush of action constituted a renewed effort to contain and roll back the political and societal influence of the Kurdish movement. But what is it exactly that the government and the state were attempting to contain, and why? This article considers the recent moves of the ruling AKP, the judiciary, and the Turkish Armed Forces in regard to the “Kurdish problem” in Turkey's southeast, interpreting them as different responses to the regional success of the Kurdish movement.

In this study, sociological analysis of public profiles of Democrat Party deputies who served years between 1950 and 1960 as a ruling party deputy by using elite theory has been planned. Before sociological analysis of deputies clarifying the complex structure of first event is needed. To achieve this firstly some basic concepts explained by using general fictions. We will set our work foundation over basic ideas of political sociology on Politics, democracy, powers, the political elite and the intellectual foundation concepts. After creating the conceptual and fictional background of the subject the historical background of the period before Adnan Menderes and his Democrat Party's ruling time has been analyzed.As a sample Group Democratic Party Deputies have been selected who served years between 1950 and1960 under Grand National Assembly umbrella from research universe consist of Turkish political elite. A set of data has been created by using "Spatial Analysis Technique" on the basis of background of the political elite has been used. Parliament's institutional records, publications and websites, especially by examining the parliament albums, since 1950, the year he took over the ruling period have been evaluated and used. These data sets were analyzed by using SPSS. Analysis of 1323 deputies have been planned from the perspective of social indicators like education level, age, foreign language they know, gender and place of birth under the light of generated data in the period of three course term.When the political elite as a result of the study evaluated the required properties for the Democratic Party deputies to be born in Istanbul, he should be more educated university graduates. In other sociological characteristics, to be young and middle-aged, gender and family status in the context of male, married, with three children to outweigh. If the analyzed period, as Turkey that lack of a college education is considered the country's first university graduate of Istanbul University attorneys are frequent. Law graduate to be, people who manage to know at least one foreign language and civilian bureaucrats seem to be dominant in parliament as in the DP. ÖzetBu çalışmada, Demokrat Partinin iktidar yılları olan 1950-1960 yılları arasında görev yapmış Demokrat Parti milletvekillerinin, toplumsal profillerinin elit teorisi üzerinden sosyolojik analizinin yapılması hedeflenmiştir. Milletvekillerinin sosyolojik analizinden önce incelediğimiz olayın ilk başta karmaşık yapısını belirginleştirmek gerekmektedir. Bu doğrultuda ilk başta genel bir kurgulama yapılarak bazı temel kavramlar açıklanmıştır. Siyaset, demokrasi, erk, parti, elit, siyasi elit kavramları üzerinden siyaset sosyolojisinin fikri temelleri üzerine çalışma oturtulmuştur. Konunun kavramsal ve kurgusal alt yapısı oluşturulduktan sonra dönemin tarihsel arka planı da göz önüne alınarak Adnan Menderes ve Demokrat Parti iktidar yılları, öncesi ve dönemi ile birlikte ele alınmıştır.Türk siyasi elitlerinin oluşturduğu araştırma evreninden, örneklem kümesi olarak 1950–1960 yılları arasında, Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi çatısı altında görev yapmış Demokrat Parti milletvekilleri seçilmiştir. “Konumsal Analiz Tekniği” kullanılarak, TBMM’nin kurumsal kayıtları, yayınları ve web sitesi özellikle de TBMM albümleri incelenerek, Demokrat Parti’nin iktidarı devraldığı yıl olan 1950’den itibaren Demokrat Parti milletvekilliği yapmış siyasi elitlerin toplumsal özgeçmişleri temelinde bir veri seti oluşturulmuştur. Bu veri setleri SPSS kullanılarak analiz edildi. Oluşturulan veri seti ışığında, üç dönemlik bir süreçte toplam 1323 Demokrat Partili milletvekilinin mesleki dağılımları, eğitim durumları, yaş, bildikleri yabancı dil, cinsiyet ve doğum yeri gibi sosyal indikatörler açısından incelemesi planlanmıştır.Yapılan çalışma neticesinde bir siyasal elit olarak Demokrat Parti milletvekilli için aranan özellikler değerlendirildiğinde İstanbul doğumlu olmak, eğitimli dahası üniversite mezunu olmak gerekmektedir. Aranan diğer nitelikler: genç-orta yaşlı, cinsiyet ve aile durumu bağlamında erkek, evli, üç çocuklu olmak ağır basmaktadır. İncelenen dönemler itibariyle Türkiye’de üniversite eğitimi veren kurumların azlığı göz önünde bulundurulursa ülkenin ilk üniversitesi olan İstanbul Üniversitesi mezunu vekiller yoğunluktadır. Hukuk bölümü mezunu olmak, en az bir yabancı dil bilmek ve sivil-bürokrat yönetici olan kişiler DP sıralarında parlamentoda baskın olarak gözükmektedir.

The National Socialist German Workers’ Party (Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei) came into power with democratic procedures between the years of 1933-1945, shaped the educational system in the framework of fascist ideology. In that period, because the schools were regarded as the main venues of creating a German Nationalist Society, the physical structure of schools, curricula, teachers’ education, management and supervision of educational tools and equipment were designed pursuant to the Nazi ideology. Germany has prominently separated from the countries of France, England and Turkey which shape their education system with democratic ideals with coming Hitler into power. The purpose of this study is to investigate the educational system during National Socialism in Germany. In the light of the literature survey conducted for this purpose, it has been revealed how National Socialist German Workers’ Party, primarily Hitler as the leader of the party and the Nazi ideologues, organize pre-school education, primary education and secondary schools according to the Nazi ideology to establish a German Nationalist Society. This period could be a stunning example to show how the education system is structured in the framework of a definite ideology. This study, which examines the education system without anachronism, is thought to provide important contributions to the educational sciences literature.Extended English summary is in the end of Full Text PDF (TURKISH) file. Özet1933-1945 yılları arasında, demokratik yollarda iktidara gelen Nasyonal Sosyalist Alman İşçi Partisi, eğitim sistemini faşist ideoloji çerçevesinde biçimlendirmiştir. Bu dönemde eğitim kurumları, nasyonalist Alman toplumu oluşturmanın ana mekânları olarak kabul edilerek okulların fiziksel yapısı, müfredat programları, öğretmen eğitimi, eğitim araç-gereçleri, yönetimi ve denetimi Nazi ideolojisine göre dizayn edilmiştir. Almanya, Hitler’in iktidara gelmesi ile beraber Fransa, İngiltere ve Türkiye gibi eğitim-öğretimini demokratik idealler doğrultusunda şekillendiren devletlerden belirgin bir şekilde ayrılmaya başlamıştır. Bu çalışmanın amacı, Almanya’da Nasyonal sosyalizm döneminde eğitim sisteminin incelenmesidir. Bu amaçla yapılan literatür taraması ışığında Nasyonal Sosyalist İşçi Partisi ve başta bu partinin lideri Hitler ile Nazi ideologlarının, nasyonal sosyalist Alman toplumunun inşa edilmesinde okul öncesi eğitim, ilköğretim, ortaöğretim ve yükseköğretim kademelerinin Nazi ideolojisi çerçevesinde nasıl biçimlendirildiği ortaya konulmuştur. Okulların belli bir ideoloji etrafında yapılandırılmasına çarpıcı bir örnek oluşturan bu dönemde eğitim sisteminin anakronizme düşülmeden irdelendiği bu çalışmanın, eğitim bilimleri literatürüne önemli katkılar sağlayacağı düşünülmektedir.

Ce travail propose une sociologie historique du Parti démocrate turc, qui est fondé en 1946, arrive au pouvoir en 1950, et y reste jusqu’à un coup d’Etat de l’armée, en 1960. La sociologie de ce parti permet d’éclairer la compréhension du passage d’un régime de parti unique à un système de compétition partisane en Turquie. Pour cela, nous avons choisi une séquence chronologique longue, qui va de la fondation du parti en 1946 à sa chute en 1960. En effet, observer la création, puis la structuration du Parti démocrate nous permet de voir le rôle qu’il joue dans l’acculturation à la civilisation électorale, la promotion de nouvelles élites, mais aussi les continuités avec le parti unique, et le verrouillage progressif du champ politique, pour retourner à une situation autoritaire vers la fin des années 1950. Une sociologie fine du parti nous permettra ainsi de comprendre comment il se constitue en parti dominant. Pour ce faire, nous étudions le parti à travers ses implantations locales dans quatre départements de Turquie, Adana, Diyarbakır, Erzurum et Izmir, en portant une attention aux aspects informels de son fonctionnement. A partir de sources variées, archives de la presse locale, mémoires d’hommes politiques locaux, rapports diplomatiques, et divers témoignages, nous montrons que le Parti démocrate s’est imposé comme parti dominant sur la scène politique, en s’appuyant sur divers groupes sociaux, dont les hommes d’affaires et les petits commerçants conservateurs (esnaf). Dans ce processus, la capacité du parti à recruter des hommes politiques locaux, qui pouvaient mobiliser une large clientèle, a joué un rôle essentiel
The aim of this study is to make a social history of the Turkish Democrat Party from 1946 to 1950. There are many essays about the Turkish Democrat Party in political history. Mainly, these works are based on macro and state-centered sources: state archives, national press, and parliamentary debates. Very few studies attempt to assess the social dynamics that led to the Democrat Party coming to power and holding it for a 10-year period. My claim is that to understand the social dynamics that led to the Democrat Party’s rise, we must look at its grassroots organizations and local recruitment. Therefore, I examine four different areas of Turkey—Izmir, Erzurum, Diyarbakir, and Adana—in order to better understand the Democrat Party’s social base. I use sources like the local press and memoirs of local politicians, as well as diplomatic reports, sociological works, and oral interviews with eyewitnesses from the period. This work aims to paint a comprehensive picture of the Democrat Party’s social base by revealing the important role that rural elite, artisans, and small-town shop-keepers played in shaping the party's conservative character

Chapter 4 analyses the possible legal recognition of insurgent justice by other actors, using the judicial practice of three independent Kurdish non-state armed groups in the Middle East as a case study. The Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan (PKK, Kurdistan Workers’ Party) has been engaged in a bitter armed struggle with Turkey since 1984, with rear bases in northern Iraq and Syria. The Partiya Yekîtiya Demokrat (PYD, Democratic Union Party) is a Kurdish insurgent group that joined the anti-Assad uprising of 2011 and now controls parts of the north-east part of Syria, in a precarious coexistence with the Syrian government. Finally, the Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) has operated independently since 1991 and remain in a military standoff with the central Iraqi government. All three Kurdish groups operate courts at trial and appeal levels, for civil and criminal matters. The chapter considers the possible application of the principle of complementarity under the Rome Statute in relation to a prosecution before the courts of a non-state armed groups. Likewise, the right or duty of third states under international law to give recognition to the operation of insurgent courts is examined. More radically perhaps, there is a possibility that even the territorial state might in some cases give legal effect to rebel court decisions. Finally, the Kurdish courts offer examples in which one non-state armed group is confronted with the need to determine the validity of the decisions of courts of other armed insurgents.