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Academic literature on the topic 'Demonstrations – europe, western'
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Journal articles on the topic "Demonstrations – europe, western"
1
Khokhlov, N., A. Vasiliev, A. Belichenko, P. Kirdyankina, and A. Korotayev. "Echo of Arab Spring in Western Europe." International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy 19, no. 2 (2021): 21–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.17994/it.2021.19.2.65.7.
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Our analysis allows us to talk about two waves of the echo of the Arab spring in Western Europe. The first wave was observed in 2011 and was expressed in the explosive growth of mainly peaceful protests. Taking into account the data on the direct impact of the events of the Arab Spring on the protest activity in Western Europe, the explosive increase in the number of anti-government demonstrations, riots and general strikes recorded in Western Europe in 2011 can be attributed to the influence of the Arab Spring up to a very considerable extent. In 2012–2014 the protest movement in Western Europe acquired its own logic and continued at a fairly high level, despite the disappearance of the "Arab impulse" – to a large extent under the influence of the second wave of the financial and economic crisis. The second wave of the echo of the Arab spring in Western Europe was observed with a noticeable time lag in 2014–2015. and manifested primarily in the form of rapid growth of terrorist (mainly Islamist) activities. One of the consequences of the Arab Spring was the collapse or sharp weakening of several sufficiently effective Arab authoritarian regimes, which led to a significant improvement in the possibility of the activities of terrorist organizations of various kinds, the rapid growth of their strength, influence and effectiveness of organizational forms – including, which is very important for Western Europe, in cyber space. Terrorist activities penetrated from Arab countries to Western Europe through various channels: refugees, quite effective Internet propaganda of ISIS, jihadists returning to Western Europe, and so on. The second wave was expressed in a certain increase in protest activity, but it radically differed from the protests in 2011, since in the latter case it was a matter of the protests organized mainly by the right-wing forces against the migrant wave, which was generated to a very high degree by the tsunami of the Arab Spring.
2
Behr, Timo, and Saskia van Genugten. "Europe in North Africa :." Jindal Journal of International Affairs 1, no. 1 (2011): 93–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v1i1.10.
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European geopolitics cast a long shadow in North Africa. Due to its political, economic and strategic interests in a ‘stable’ neighbourhood, Europe has for long discouraged a process of uncontrolled political change in North African countries. However, in the spring of 2011, mass demonstrations by Arab youths broke the prevailing deadlock in the region and swept away a number of long standing Arab dictators. The question that remains unanswered is to what extent the ‘Arab Spring’ will affect geo-political relations among Europeans and Europe’s standing as a whole in the global pecking order. Will Europe’s belated support for the Arab revolutions renew its geopolitical importance and international mission, or will it precipitate its interminable decline? In this article, this question is being scrutinised by looking at the historical development of European relations with North Africa and how Europe is trying to preserve some of its former influence despite domestic challenges and competition from new, non-Western actors.
3
Veenis, Milena. "Cola in the German Democratic Republic. East German Fantasies on Western Consumption." Enterprise & Society 12, no. 3 (2011): 489–524. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s146722270001020x.
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Coca Cola is frequently used to signal the large-scale transformation from socialism to capitalism in eastern and middle Europe, which began in East Germany in the autumn of 1989. In the famous German Wende-movie Goodbye Lenin, the caffeinated drink figures prominently. The main character in this movie is a middle-aged woman who has fallen into coma during one of the mass demonstrations in Berlin, in November 1989. When she finally wakes up, about one year later, her country no longer exists. Her children successfully hide this fact from her, surrounding her with the material remnants of the past. One day, when she gets out of bed, she sees people attaching a huge banner of Coca Cola to the large flat in front of her apartment bloc. The scene marks the beginning of her awareness that the world in which she used to live is definitively gone.
4
Szabó, Miloslav. "From Protests to the Ban: Demonstrations against the ‘Jewish’ Films in Interwar Vienna and Bratislava." Journal of Contemporary History 54, no. 1 (2017): 5–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009417712112.
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Taking the example of the protests against the films All Quiet on the Western Front (1930–1) and Le Golem (1936) in interwar Austria and Slovakia, this study addresses the links between antisemitism, nationalism and cinema in Central Europe that historical research has so far overlooked. Unlike other demonstrations against the talkies, campaigns against so-called ‘Jewish’ films were not an expression of linguistic nationalism, as they pointed to the ‘destructive’ impact of capitalism, socialism or modern art, which in the ideology of antisemitism were allegedly personified by ‘Jews’. The conservatives and radicals who called for a ban of those ‘Jewish’ films considered it a first step towards the creation of a national community without ‘Jews’. In Austria the moderate and radical opponents of A ll Quiet on the Western Front ultimately reached their goal through a joint effort. In Slovakia they only managed to get the film Le Golem completely banned when the geopolitical conditions changed after the mutilation of Czechoslovakia on the eve of the Second World War. The fact is that in both cases, moderate nationalists placed themselves in the ambivalent position of pioneers of antisemitism and ultimately facilitated fascist and Nazi radicals in the practical implementation of their postulates.
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Lee, Gregory. "The ‘East is red’ goes pop: commodification, hybridity and nationalism in Chinese popular song and its televisual performance." Popular Music 14, no. 1 (1995): 95–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143000007649.
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In 1989 the Western media left its consumers with the romantic impression that it was merely the students who were demonstrating for ‘democracy’, as if emulating the student demonstrations of twenty years before in Europe and America. But there were workers involved too, who had illegally organised unofficial labour unions, and beyond concerns about democratic rights, there was the impetus of a socio-economic crisis. Most of those killed by the tanks in Tiananmen were workers, not students. People from all walks of life had marched and demonstrated throughout China from Canton ti Lhasa. Nine months before the Tiananmen massacre of June 1989, reversals in official economic policy put a halt to investment and constructions, and the problem of unemployment of rural migrants who had come to the towns was exacerbated. This migration was illegal but had been tolerated since labour was needed for construction. In 1989 anywhere between 60 to 100 million unemployed and homeless people were moving around the country en masse. At one time 250,000 were camped at Canton railway station.
6
Kurniawan, Kevin Nobel. "Beyond towards The Stranger." Societas Dei: Jurnal Agama dan Masyarakat 10, no. 2 (2023): 125–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.33550/sd.v10i2.384.
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This article discusses the relevance of the Baumanian-Levinasian notion of religion within a concrete analysis of refugee reception. As various classical approaches and definitions of religion have described it as a social phenomenon of grouping or an ideological tool for maintaining social order, it is necessary to provide a relevant approach to discussing religion as an ethical drive to build social inclusion through transmigration. The previous 2015 Western Europe immigration crisis due to the Syrian civil war has invited xenophobic responses towards immigrants, inevitably resulting in the socio-political impact of Brexit in 2020. Demonstrations of refugee resettlement driven by religious causes have provided a practical and ethical critique of secular liberalism. Furthermore, this article also reflects on the church's role as a refuge for refugees and marginalised groups in Indonesia. In conclusion, the Baumanian-Levinasian thought on religion and ethics remains relevant to both Western and Indonesian contexts in fostering inclusion, particularly during political turmoil.
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Akgül, Ö., S. Ocak, S. B. Gündoğdu, M. Yalaza, C. E. Güldoğan, and M. Tez. "Comparison of East and West Survival Nomograms in Turkish Gastric Cancer Patients Who Underwent Radical Surgery." Scandinavian Journal of Surgery 107, no. 4 (2018): 308–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1457496918766724.
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Background and Aim: The clinicopathological demonstrations of gastric cancer vary widely between Eastern and Western countries. Turkey is situated in Europe and Middle East which acts as a bridge between east and west. We aimed to validate the two popular nomograms of east and west origin by means of patients who underwent curative surgery for gastric cancer in our country. Material and Methods: Of the 202 patients diagnosed with gastric cancer between the years 2006 and 2013, 145 of these patients whose data were sufficient were included in the study. For all patients, demographic, laboratory, operative, and pathologic findings were documented. For each patient, prognostic factors were incorporated into the nomograms for estimating 5-year survival probability. Results: For a Turkish cohort, the western nomogram showed a better discriminative capacity (AUC = 0.721, 95% confidence interval 0.637–0.806) and was better calibrated (the Hosmer–Lemeshow goodness-of-fit test p = 0.323), as compared to the eastern nomogram with AUC = 0.615, 95% confidence interval 0.522–0.708, and p = 0.077, respectively. Conclusion: Western nomogram was found to be more effective than eastern nomogram in prediction of estimating 5-year survival probability in patients with resectable gastric cancer in Turkish population.
8
Dee, E. T. C. "Institutionalization as Path to Autonomy: An Anarchist Social Center in Brighton." Space and Culture 21, no. 2 (2017): 192–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1206331217720077.
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A common view in social movement theory is that institutionalization signals the decline and possibly the end of a radical social movement. To put it in a nutshell, having arisen spontaneously as the result of a combination of factors, a movement gathers steam and puts people on the street in protests and demonstrations, before consolidating power and solidifying the raw energy into organizations which can better negotiate with established actors. In studying the Cowley Club, an anarchist social center in Brighton, England, which is cooperatively owned by its members, I interrogate the notion that institutionalization necessarily signifies decay and a shift into conformity. In doing so, I draw on a small but growing field of research analyzing squatters’ movements in Western Europe and also refer to the activist debate which occurred when the Cowley Club was set up.
9
Szymańska, Justyna Anna. "Popfeminizm w służbie rewolucji. Ruchy kobiece i praktyki protestu na przykładzie ukraińskiej grupy Femen." Adeptus, no. 4 (November 26, 2014): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/a.2014.011.
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Pop feminism in the service of revolution. Women’s movements and practices of protest: Ukrainian group Femen case studyIn my paper I take a close look at the protest group, Femen, the circumstances of its creation, development and recent activities - initially in Ukraine, latterly also in Western Europe. I analyse the character of the group which belongs to the category of new social movements, and I present and analyse those indications of the activity of demonstrations of the movement based on what took place at street level. The object of my interest is also the issue of the appearance of the representatives of Femen in the media (new and traditional) and the influence of the pop culture on different aspects of its activity. I also question the issue of the employment of nudity in the public domain, and its connection with the usage of the expression of nationality against the background of other feminist movements. Popfeminizm w służbie rewolucji. Ruchy kobiece i praktyki protestu na przykładzie ukraińskiej grupy FemenW pracy pochylam się nad ukraińskim ruchem protestu Femen, kontekstem jego powstania, rozwoju i działalności – początkowo w Ukrainie, a potem także w Europie Zachodniej. Analizuję charakter grupy jako należącej do kategorii nowych ruchów społecznych, a także przedstawiam i analizuję przejawy działań kontestacyjnych ruchu, opartych o konwencję performance’u i przedstawień ulicznych. Przedmiotem mojego zastanowienia jest także kwestia obecności oraz funkcjonowania przedstawicielek Femenu w mediach (nowych oraz tradycyjnych) oraz wpływów popkultury na różne przejawy jego aktywności. Rozważam także kwestię wykorzystania nagości w sferze publicznej, powiązaną z użyciem idiomu narodowościowego, w kontekście innych ruchów feministycznych.
10
Yudin, N. V. "Patriotic Enthusiasm at the Beginning of the First World War." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(37) (August 28, 2014): 17–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-4-37-17-25.
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In the present paper from the constructionist perspective is examined one of the most controversial issues of the modern western historiography of the First World War - the issue of patriotic enthusiasm of 1914, its scopes and nature. On the basis of a wide range of primary sources, including Russian and foreign archives, memoirs and letters of contemporaries the author carries out a comparative analysis of the response to the beginning of the war of urban and rural population of Great Britain, France and Russia. Against the backdrop of numerous patriotic demonstrations in large cities, the rural population's response looked much more constrained and passive. At the same time the latter attests rather to the peculiarities of rural culture than to the absence of patriotic upsurge. The author points out that besides apparent distinctions there was a lot of similarities in the urban and rural population's reaction to the beginning of the war. This refers to an immensely successful mobilization of continental armies, a rush of volunteers to the British army, and a drop of the labor movement in all European countries. The author comes to the conclusion that the patriotic upsurge in Europe in 1914 was not founded on a momentary outburst of chauvinism, but reflected a broad popular consensus on the war.