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1

Guth, Dina. "The king's speech: Philip's rhetoric and democratic leadership in the debate over the Peace of Philocrates." Rhetorica 33, no. 4 (2015): 333–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2015.33.4.333.

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I argue that Philip's speech was a central point of contention in the debate over the Peace of Philocrates and in the legal struggle between Demosthenes and Aeschines that followed it. The ambassadors supportive of the peace praised Philip's speaking ability as part of his philhellenism; in his defense speech as well Aeschines emphasized Philip's rhetorical knowledge in order to show the openness of the contest between the king and the ambassadors. Demosthenes, on the other hand, rejected the king's ability to speak. In so doing, he elevated his own role as the only orator capable of penetrati
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2

Trevett, Jeremy. "History in [Demosthenes] 59." Classical Quarterly 40, no. 2 (1990): 407–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800042981.

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It is well known that Athenian orators, when they made reference to the historical past, usually eschewed prolonged narrative in favour of brief allusions to familiar episodes from Athenian history. Perhaps the most striking exception to this custom is the long and detailed account of fifth-century Plataean history in the pseudo-Demosthenic speech Against Neaera (Dem. 59.94–103). The main interest of this passage, however, lies not in its divergence from contemporary rhetorical practice, but in its clear reliance on Thucydides for its account of the siege of Plataea during the Peloponnesian Wa
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3

Heath, Malcolm. "Greek Literature." Greece and Rome 68, no. 1 (2021): 114–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383520000285.

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I begin with a warm welcome for Evangelos Alexiou's Greek Rhetoric of the 4th Century bc, a ‘revised and slightly abbreviated’ version of the modern Greek edition published in 2016 (ix). Though the volume's title points to a primary focus on the fourth century, sufficient attention is given to the late fifth and early third centuries to provide context. As ‘rhetoric’ in the title indicates, the book's scope is not limited to oratory: Chapter 1 outlines the development of a rhetorical culture; Chapter 2 introduces theoretical debates about rhetoric (Plato, Isocrates, Alcidamas); and Chapter 3 d
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4

Wooten, Cecil W. "Cicero and Quintilian on the Style of Demosthenes." Rhetorica 15, no. 2 (1997): 177–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.1997.15.2.177.

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Abstract: Cicero and Quintilian were critics of oratory who knew Greek well. They both have much to say about Demosthenes and are important figures in the history of Demosthenic scholarship. Cicero discusses Demosthenes mainly in the Orator, which he wrote primarily as an answer to the Atticists and as a defence of his own oratory. His comments, therefore, tend to be tendentious and to reflect Ciceronian praetiee more than that of Demosthenes. Quintilian, on the other hand, who was a critic rather than a practicing orator and who does not have an “axe to grind,” makes many perceptive comments
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5

Sing, Robert. "THE AUTHENTICITY OF DEMOSTHENES 13, AGAIN." Classical Quarterly 67, no. 1 (2017): 106–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838817000337.

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The deliberative speech known by us asOn Organization(Περὶ συντάξεως) focusses on financial organization and political economy more than any other speech in the Demosthenic corpus. The assembly is to decide the fate of an unspecified sum of money (1). The speaker, who later identifies himself as Demosthenes (12), proposes that, instead of distributing the money as theoric subsidies, all citizens can instead be satisfied by embarking upon a scheme of τοῦ συνταχθῆναι καὶ παρασκευασθῆναι τὰ πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον ‘organization and equipment for war’ (3). This scheme will distribute revenues amongst all
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6

Serafim, Andreas. "MAKING THE AUDIENCE:EKPHRASISAND RHETORICAL STRATEGY IN DEMOSTHENES 18 AND 19." Classical Quarterly 65, no. 1 (2015): 96–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838814000901.

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In this paper, I intend to explore three examples ofekphrasis– narrative scene painting – in Demosthenes 18 and 19: the first is Demosthenes' depiction of the announcement in Athens of the capture of Elatea by Philip (18.169–73), while the second and third are descriptions of Aeschines' (allegedly) failed theatrical performances (18.262 and 19.337–8). Scholars have paid insufficient attention to these descriptive accounts: there have been a few limited discussions of 18.169 in commentaries but, otherwise, the use and purpose of these accounts as part of Demosthenes' rhetorical strategy have no
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7

Hansen, Mogens Herman. "The Inserted Document at Dem. 24.20–23. Response to Mirko Canevaro." Klio 101, no. 2 (2019): 452–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/klio-2019-0038.

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Summary At the beginning of this century most scholars believed that the document inserted in Dem. 24.20–23 was authentic. It regulated the legislative procedure practiced by the Athenians in the fourth century B.C. which was introduced shortly after the restoration of the democracy in 404/403 B.C. But in his monograph “The Documents in the Attic Orators” (Oxford 2013), 80–102, Mirko Canevaro rejected the document at Dem. 24.20–23 as a late forgery. I responded with the article “The Authenticity of the Law about nomothesia Inserted in Demosthenes Against Timokrates 20–23”, Greek Roman and Byza
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8

MacDowell, Douglas M. "Demosthenes, on the Crown - S. Usher: Greek Orators, V: Demosthenes, On the Crown (De Corona). Pp. vi + 282. Warminster: Aris & Phillips, 1993. Cased, £35 (Paper, £14.95)." Classical Review 45, no. 2 (1995): 248–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00293566.

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9

La Bua, Giuseppe. "CICERO'S PRO MILONE AND THE ‘DEMOSTHENIC’ STYLE: DE OPTIMO GENERE ORATORUM 10." Greece and Rome 61, no. 1 (2014): 29–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383513000223.

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In a passage from the late rhetorical treatise generally known as De optimo genere oratorum, Cicero defends his past forensic competence in the face of Atticist critique by praising his Pro Milone as an example of grand style (9–10):quod qui ita faciet, ut, si cupiat uberior esse, non possit, habeatur sane orator, sed de minoribus; magno autem oratori etiam illo modo saepe dicendum est in tali genere causarum. (10) ita fit ut Demosthenes certe possit summisse dicere, elate Lysias fortasse non possit. sed si eodem modo putant, exercitu in foro et in omnibus templis, quae circum forum sunt, conl
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10

Canevaro, Mirko. "The Authenticity of the Document at Demosth. or. 24.20–3, the Procedures of nomothesia and the so-called ἐπιχɛιροτονία τῶν νόμων". Klio 100, № 1 (2018): 70–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/klio-2018-0003.

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Summary This article is a response to Hansen's recent defence of the authenticity of the document at Demosth. or. 24.20–3. It discusses the methodology for assessing the authenticity of the documents in the orators, in particular the role(s) of the stichometry and the importance of the epigraphic evidence. It provides an in-depth analysis of the evidence about the nomothesia procedure provided in Demosthenes' „Against Timocrates“, showing, first, that this procedure was one centred on the enactment of new laws, and not, as the document describes, a general review of the laws of Athens; second,
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11

Brock, Roger. "The labour of women in classical Athens." Classical Quarterly 44, no. 2 (1994): 336–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800043809.

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Demosthenes' client Euxitheos is attempting to defend his claim to citizenship, and finds himself obliged to counteract the prejudice raised by his opponent Euboulides from the fact that his mother works, and has worked, in menial wage labour. The implication is that no citizen woman would sink so low; therefore, she is no citizen, and so neither is he. His response is defensive: he acknowledges that such labour is a source of prejudice (42), but argues that people often find themselves obliged to undertake such demeaning work through poverty, which is deserving of the jury's sympathy, and in
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12

Harris, Edward M. "How often did the Athenian Assembly Meet?" Classical Quarterly 36, no. 2 (1986): 363–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800012131.

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According to the Aristotelian Constitution of the Athenians (Ath. Pol. 43.4), the Assembly in Athens met four times every prytany. At each one of these meetings certain topics had to be discussed or voted on. For instance, a vote concerning the conduct of magistrates presently in office was to be taken at the κυρ⋯α ⋯κκλησ⋯α. At another meeting anyone who wished to could request a discussion of any matter, be it private or public. Nothing is said in this passage or anywhere else in the Constitution of the Athenians about the possibility of holding additional meetings of the Assembly in times of
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13

Fisher, Nick. "Apollodoros, Against Neaira [Demosthenes] 59. Greek Orators Volume VI. Edited and translated by Christopher Carey. Aris & Phillips, Warminster, 1992. Pp. ix + 164. Paper, price not stated." Greece and Rome 40, no. 2 (1993): 218–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500022816.

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14

Huffman, Carl. "PYTHAGORAS AND ISIS." Classical Quarterly 69, no. 2 (2019): 880–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838819000727.

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In this article I want to clarify the text of one of the short maxims assigned to Pythagoras in the ancient tradition, which are known as symbola or acusmata. Before I turn to the acusma in question, it is important to understand the context in which it appears. It occurs in Chapter 17 of Book 4 of Aelian's Historical Miscellany (ποικίλη ἱστορία). Aelian's work was written in the early third century a.d. in Rome, and is a ‘miscellaneous collection of anecdotes and historical material’. It consists of short chapters, usually a page or less long, that are for the most part independent of one ano
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15

Usher, Stephen. "Sententiae in Cicero Orator 137–9 and Demosthenes De corona." Rhetorica 26, no. 2 (2008): 99–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2008.26.2.99.

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Abstract This paper argues that Cicero's reading of Demosthenes' De corona and his preoccupation with Demosthenes at the time he was composing the Brutus and in particular the Orator are evident in the list of thirty-four sententiae (“figures of thought”) given at Orator 137–9. Examples of all of these may be found in the De corona and they are listed here. It is also argued that the De corona was by far the most influential of Demosthenes' speeches on Cicero's Philippics.
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16

Kamen, Deborah. "KINA[I]DOS: A PUN IN DEMOSTHENES’ ON THE CROWN?" Classical Quarterly 64, no. 1 (2014): 405–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838813000827.

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In his speech On the Crown (330 b.c.e.), the orator Demosthenes twice refers to his opponent Aeschines as a kinados (‘fox’), both times in the context of accusing him of flattery and slandering in the service of Philip of Macedon (18.162, 242). Although a number of scholars have studied the use of invective in the speeches of Demosthenes and Aeschines, very little attention has been paid to the significance of this peculiar epithet. In this note, I investigate why Demosthenes calls Aeschines a kinados, suggesting that, in addition to painting Aeschines as devious, the word may also have served
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17

MERROW, KATHLEEN. "““The Meaning of Every Style””: Nietzsche, Demosthenes, Rhetoric." Rhetorica 21, no. 4 (2003): 285–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2003.21.4.285.

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Abstract: This essay interprets Nietzsche's statement in Ecce Homo that his is a ““most multifarious art of style”” as an allusion to Demosthenes' reputation as the perfect orator. Nietzsche does so as a way of signaling that his own ““art of style”” positions him as the modern heir to this ideal. Nietzsche's account of his style has to be read as a polemical and radical intervention in the old battle between philosophy and rhetoric, one that aims to deconstruct the opposition between them rather than to assert the legitimacy of one over the other.
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18

Chrysanthou, Chrysanthos S. "Orator-politician vs. Philosopher: Plutarch's Demosthenes 1–3 and Plato's Theaetetus." Classical World 112, no. 2 (2019): 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/clw.2019.0002.

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19

Guo, Zilong. "The Ostensible Author of PS.-Aeschines Letter 10 Reconsidered." Journal of Hellenic Studies 139 (September 20, 2019): 210–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426919000703.

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AbstractThis article examines the alleged author, or first-person narrator, of the tenth pseudonymous letter in the Corpus Aeschineum. It argues that the forger, in a short epistolary novel that describes the seduction of a certain Callirhoe in Troy, uses puns (αἰσχύνειν, ἀναισχυντία, etc.) on the name of the fourth-century BC orator Aeschines. It notes that αἰσχρός-words recur in ancient works and, as a rhetorical device, are attested in Demosthenes. The forger’s aims are, first, to serialize the ‘Aeschinean’ letters as a whole by relating them to the same author and, second, to create an ‘ai
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20

Bers, Victor. "Demosthenes - (D.M.) MacDowell Demosthenes the Orator. Pp. xii + 457. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009. Cased, £75. ISBN: 978-0-19-928719-2." Classical Review 61, no. 1 (2011): 52–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x1000185x.

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21

Mader, Gottfried. "᾽Εναργὲς καὶ σαφές: Demosthenes and the Rhetoric of Disclosure in the Philippic Orations". American Journal of Philology 139, № 2 (2018): 177–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ajp.2018.0011.

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22

Dyck, Andrew R. "The Function and Persuasive Power of Demosthenes‘ Portrait of Aeschines in the Speech on The Crown." Greece and Rome 32, no. 1 (1985): 42–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500030126.

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The contrasts could hardly be drawn more boldly than in the speech On the Crown: from the majestic tone of the prayers that articulate the opening, the conclusion, and some transitions (18.1, 8, 141, 324) to the scurrility of the portrait of Aeschines' parents (18.129–30), from the noble conception of Athens' historical mission as leader in the fight for freedom (18.66ff., 199ff.) to the reading off of the names of the traitors of all the Greek states, a veritable muster-roll of infamy (18.295), from the portrait of the orator's own work in building a resistance to Philip (18.79–94,169ff.) to
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23

Heath, Malcolm. "John Chrysostom, Rhetoric and Galatians." Biblical Interpretation 12, no. 4 (2004): 369–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568515042418578.

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AbstractThis paper examines the influence of contemporary rhetoric on John Chrysostom's commentary on Galatians (with some reference to other exegetical works). Because ancient rhetoric developed over time, the primary points of reference are works on rhetorical theory, commentaries on Demosthenes and rhetorical exercises dating to the second century ce and later. It is argued that modern attempts to classify the letter under the three standard classes of oratory are misconceived in terms of ancient theory, but that this is not an obstacle to rhetorical analysis. John's use of rhetorical conce
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24

Tangri, Daniel. "Demosthenes in the Renaissance: A Case Study on the Origins and Development of Scholarship on Athenian Oratory." Viator 37 (January 2006): 545–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.viator.2.3017499.

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25

worthington, Ian. "The Orator Demosthenes - Raphael Sealey: Demosthenes and His Time: A Study in Defeat. Pp. xiii+340; 1 map. New York, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993. Cased, £40." Classical Review 44, no. 2 (1994): 339–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00289221.

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26

Caroline Bishop. "How to Make a Roman Demosthenes: Self-Fashioning in Cicero's Brutus and Orator." Classical Journal 111, no. 2 (2016): 167. http://dx.doi.org/10.5184/classicalj.111.2.0167.

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27

Barbato, Matteo. "The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens, written by Guy Westwood." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek and Roman Political Thought 38, no. 2 (2021): 355–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340334.

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Lape, Susan. "(D.M.) Macdowell Demosthenes the Orator. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009. Pp. x + 457. £75. 9780199287192. - (G.) Martin Divine Talk: Religious Argumentation in Demosthenes (Oxford Classical Monographs). Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2009. Pp. ix + 345. £60. 9780199560226." Journal of Hellenic Studies 131 (November 2011): 215–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426911000528.

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29

Pinto, Massimo. "DEMOSTHENES - A.C. Scafuro (trans.) Demosthenes, Speeches 39–49. (The Oratory of Classical Greece 13.) Pp. xxxii + 400. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2011. Paper, US$24.95 (Cased, US$55). ISBN: 978-0-292-72641-3 (978-0-292-72556-0 hbk)." Classical Review 63, no. 1 (2013): 50–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x12002302.

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30

Kostopoulos, Katharina. "Guy Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines. Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens. (Oxford Classical Monographs.) Oxford, Oxford University Press 2020." Historische Zeitschrift 312, no. 2 (2021): 479–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/hzhz-2021-1098.

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31

Liddel, Peter. "(M.) Canevaro The Documents in the Attic Orators. Laws and Decrees in the Public Speeches of the Demosthenic Corpus. Oxford: University Press, 2013. Pp. 389. £75. 9780199668908." Journal of Hellenic Studies 135 (2015): 223–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426915000518.

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32

Sickinger, James. "The Documents in the Attic Orators. Laws & Decrees in the Public Speeches of the Demosthenic Corpus. With a Chapter by E.M. Harris, written by Canevaro, M." Mnemosyne 69, no. 5 (2016): 873–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12342210.

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33

Kapparis, Konstantinos A. "Mirko Canevaro: The Documents in the Attic Orators. Laws and Decrees in the Public Speeches of the Demosthenic Corpus. With a chapter by E. M. Harris. Oxford: Oxford UP 2013. XVIII, 389 S. 75 £." Gnomon 87, no. 1 (2015): 40–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/0017-1417_2015_1_40.

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34

Christ, Matthew R. "V. Bers (trans.): Demosthenes, Speeches 50–59. (The Oratory of Classical Greece 6.) Pp. xxxii + 205. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2003. Paper, US$22.95 (Cased, US$45). ISBN: 0-292-70922-6 (0-292-70921-8 hbk)." Classical Review 55, no. 1 (2005): 356. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/clrevj/bni197.

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35

Westwood, Guy. "(E.M.) Harris (trans.) Demosthenes, Speeches 23–26. (The Oratory of Classical Greece 15.) Pp. xxxiv + 265. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2018. Paper, US$24.95 (Cased, US$55). ISBN: 978-1-4773-1352-7 (978-1-4773-1351-0 hbk)." Classical Review 69, no. 1 (2018): 331. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x1800197x.

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36

Giaquinta, Irene. "DEM. IN ARISTOG. I 40: UNA METAFORA PLATONICA?" Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, August 6, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/068.2020.00002.

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SummaryIn or. 25 Demosthenes compares Aristogeiton to a watchdog who, instead of defending the sheeps, attacks and tears them to pieces. This picture seems not to be common in Attic rhetoric, but is occurs in Plat. Rep. 416a, where Socrates warns about the danger that the most popular orators, in betrayal of their former task, assault the demos and eventually become tyrants. This platonic passage confers a new meaning to the Demosthenic statement and suggests the possibility that Aristogeiton aimed at tyranny. Hence the nomos, which only can control physis, protects society from the worst huma
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37

Ryan, Francis X. "A.3. Zweihundertundvierzig Jahre nach Solon." Studia Humaniora Tartuensia 4 (December 26, 2010). http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/sht.2003.4.a.3.

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A passage of Demosthenes clearly implies a much higher date for the death of Solon than those recorded by Plutarch; since the tendency of the passage is reinforced by this higher date, one may readily believe that the figure transmitted to us is the one intended by the orator.
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38

"III. Thucydides." New Surveys in the Classics 31 (2001): 61–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0533245100030650.

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Throughout antiquity, Thucydides was considered the greatest historian and the one most worthy of emulation. In the opinion of the ancients he had managed to compose a work that for technical virtuosity, moral point, and emotional impact rivalled the greatest monuments of poetry and prose: what Homer was to epic, Demosthenes to oratory, Plato to philosophy, Thucydides was to history. Such was the power of his spell that when Dionysius of Halicarnassus comes to treat Thucydides’ work as a literary effort, he has to apologize even for suggesting that certain elements in the work could be improve
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39

"III. Rhetoric: The Authority of Self-Presentation." New Surveys in the Classics 32 (2002): 46–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0533245100031011.

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‘Democracy is a constitution of speech-making’, wrote Demosthenes, the great orator of the fourth century. The Assembly is the arena where policy decisions of the state were publicly debated and decided – and where political careers were made and lost. The law courts were a forum not just for conflict resolution but for competition in status between elite males. The theatre staged debate for an audience’s reflection. Even in the more private sphere of the symposium amid the wine, women and song we see the party game of speeches on a particular topic. In the agora, the market place, and, more f
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40

Masemola, Michael Kgomotso. "Enter the jargon: the intertextual rhetoric of Radical Economic Transformation following the logic of Demosthenes’s oratory." African Identities, July 29, 2020, 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14725843.2020.1796589.

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41

Gagarin, Michael. "Mirko Canevaro, The Documents in the Attic Orators. Laws and Decrees in the Public Speeches of the Demosthenic Corpus." Klio 98, no. 1 (2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/klio-2016-0018.

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42

"THE RHETORIC OF THE PAST IN DEMOSTHENES AND AESCHINES: ORATORY, HISTORY, AND POLITICS IN CLASSICAL ATHENS. By GuyWestwood. Oxford Classical Monographs. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2020. Pp. x + 413. $115.00." Religious Studies Review 47, no. 2 (2021): 225. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/rsr.15236.

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