To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Deportations from Germany.
Journal articles on the topic 'Deportations from Germany'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Deportations from Germany.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Grams, Grant W. "The Story of Josef Lainck: From German Emigrant to Alien Convict and Deported Criminal to Sachsenhausen Concentration Camp Inmate." Border Crossing 10, no. 2 (2020): 175–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/bc.v10i2.1129.
Full textAbstract:
Josef Lainck, a German national emigrated to Canada in July 1927. He arrived in Quebec City and travelled west to Edmonton, Alberta where he became a burglar and shot a police officer. Lainck was arrested in November 1927 and deported to Germany in 1938, upon arrival he was arrested and interned in the Sachsenhausen concentration camp until April 1945. This article will examine Lainck’s emigration to Canada, arrest and deportation to Nazi Germany. Lainck’s case is illuminating as it reveals information on deportations from Canada and the Third Reich’s return migration program and how undesirables were treated within Germany. The Third Reich’s return migration plan encouraged returnees to seek their deportations as a method of return. Canadian extradition procedures cared little for the fate of foreign nationals expatriated to the country of their birth regardless of the form of government or the turmoil that plagued the nation. This work will compare Canadian to American deportation rates as an illustration of Canada’s harsh deportation criterion. In this article, the policies and practices of immigration and deportation are discussed within a framework of insecurity as a key driver for human mobility in the first half of the 20th century.
2
Lebedeva, Nataliia. "Deportations from Poland and the Baltic States to the Ussr in 1939–1941: Common Features and Specific Traits." Lithuanian Historical Studies 7, no. 1 (2002): 95–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25386565-00701005.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of this article is to compare repression policies of the Stalinist regime on the territories annexed by the Soviet Union in September 1939 and June–August 1940. The planning and implementation of deportations from the west of Ukraine and Belorussia, Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia had much in common. All the deportations were prepared and carried out on the basis of decisions carefully worked out by the Politburo of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist (Bolshevik) Party and was an important element of the sovietization policy on these territories. Deportation was a part of measures designed to destroy political, judicial, social, economic, national, cultural and moral fundamentals and to impose the Soviet order in the annexed territories. Methods of their organization and implementation were absolutely identical. All these deportations were crimes against humanity. At the same time there were certain differences. The planned capture of armies did not take place at the time of the Soviet invasion of the Baltic states. There were no such mass shootings of officers, policemen and jail inmates as in case of Poland. The scale of deportation was not as large as on territories of eastern Poland. This could be explained by the fact that the peoples of the Baltic states considered Sovietization as national humiliation to much larger extent than the peoples who had suffered under Polish or Romanian yoke. It forced the Stalinist ruling elite of the USSR at first to demonstrate a certain respect towards local customs, carry out nationalization of industry and banking slowly and more cautiously, to refrain from collectivization and not carry out mass deportation until the very eve of war between the Soviet Union and Hitler’s Germany.
3
Martynenko, Volodymyr. "German Immigrants from the USSR in the Rural Sector of the Economy of the Third Reich at the Final Stage of the Second World War." Ethnic History of European Nations, no. 63 (2021): 112–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2518-1270.2021.63.14.
Full textAbstract:
Based on the involvement of a wide range of archival sources, the article reveals the peculiarities of German immigrants’ situation from the USSR involved in the rural sector of the economy of Nazi Germany at the final stage of the Second World War. Throughout the fall of 1943 – spring 1944, from the occupied Ukrainian regions by the authorities of Nazi Germany, about 350,000 ethnic Germans were evacuated. The bulk of the refugees were resettled on the territory of the imperial region of Warthegau, which included most of the annexed western Polish lands. This decision was not due to the region’s labor force’s objective needs but by the geopolitical plans of the Nazi leadership. In the foreseeable future, German colonists from the USSR were assigned the role of local settlers, contributing to the further Germanization of the conquered territories. As part of an extensive propaganda campaign, the local Nazi administration tried to present their arrival as a natural return to their historical homeland. Due to the lack of free land resources, most of the settlers were prepared for farm laborers’ role in the rural sector during the war. However, it was almost impossible to fully employ the new German contingent even as rural workers without large-scale deportations of the Polish population (this scenario threatened to turn into too serious not only economic but also political consequences). Another obstacle was the harsh pragmatism of many employers (primarily managers of large estates), who often sabotaged the Warthegau administration’s instructions regarding the recruitment and preferences of Soviet Germans. As a result, most migrants’ social and economic situation, despite the declared privileges, did not undergo any significant changes.
4
Schippmann, Sophie-Charlotte. "“Höchst unerwünschte Ausländer”: The Fate of Ethnic German Expellees in Post-War Austria." Sprawy Narodowościowe, no. 41 (February 13, 2022): 7–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sn.2012.017.
Full textAbstract:
“Höchst unerwünschte Ausländer”: The Fate of Ethnic German Expellees in Post-War AustriaThe large influx of ethnic Germans from the East into Germany at the end of the Second World War is a well-known and researched fact. However, there were also about 300,000–632,000 expellees that ended up in post-war Austria. In contrast to Germany, Austria was not required by the Potsdam Agreement to take them in and consequently advocated their deportation. It was not only the financial burden associated with the expellees but also Austria’s aim to convince the Allies of the “victim myth” that motivated Austria to favour deportation over integration. Taking in ethnic German expellees would highlight Austria’s close past with Germany and could even be perceived as an acceptance of legal succession of the Third Reich. The Allies initially supported Austria’s decision but except for a large number of deportations in 1946 the plan was not carried to its conclusion. Around 350,000 expellees were able to remain in Austria. However, the fact that they were not granted equal rights in all areas until 1971 shows they were not welcome in Austria for a long time. „Höchst unerwünschte Ausländer”: Los przesiedlonej ludności niemieckiej w powojennej AustriiFakt, że pod koniec drugiej wojny światowej do Niemiec licznie napływali ze wschodu etniczni Niemcy, jest dobrze znany i zbadany. Jednak od około 300 000 do 632 000 przesiedlonych trafiło także do powojennej Austrii. Na Austrii, inaczej niż na Niemczech, nie ciążył nałożony w tzw. deklaracji poczdamskiej obowiązek ich przyjęcia, wobec czego Austria opowiedziała się za ich deportacją. Z przyjęciem przesiedleńców wiązały się dla niej ciężary finansowe, ale nie tylko: Austria chciała też przekonać aliantów do swego „mitu ofiary”. Austriacy przychylali się raczej do deportacji, a nie do integracji. Przyjęcie niemieckich przesiedlonych rzucałoby nowe światło na ścisłe związki Austrii z Niemcami w przeszłości, a nawet mogłoby być postrzegane jako akceptacja sukcesji prawnej po Trzeciej Rzeszy. Alianci początkowo popierali stanowisko Austrii w tej sprawie. Jednak pominąwszy liczniejsze deportacje, jakie miały miejsce w roku 1946, plany nie zostały urzeczywistnione. Około 350 000 przesiedlonym pozwolono pozostać w Austrii. Niemniej fakt, że nie przyznawano im równych praw we wszystkich sferach życia aż do roku 1971, świadczy o tym, iż przez długi czas nie byli oni w tym kraju dobrze widziani.
5
Lehman, Brittany. "West German-Moroccan Relations and Politics of Labour Migration, 1958–1972." Journal of Migration History 5, no. 1 (2019): 103–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-00501001.
Full textAbstract:
In 1962, the Federal Republic of Germany (frg) agreed to negotiate a guestworker agreement with Morocco in order to create guidelines for handling 4,000 so-called illegal Moroccan migrants, most of whom lived in North Rhine-Westphalia. Unlike other guestworker agreements, this one was not about recruitment, but rather it was designed to restrict migration from Morocco, legalise the stay of Moroccans already in the country, and establish guidelines for future deportations. Looking at the history of the West German-Moroccan Agreement from its start until its termination in 1973, this article provides a discussion of Moroccan labourers access to and legal status in West Germany, demonstrating how international and economic interests as well as cultural stereotypes of both Moroccans and Arabs shaped West German migration policies. In so doing, the article emphasises the West German federal and the North Rhine-Westphalian state governments’ different goals, revealing that the West German government was not a monolithic entity; it was in fact defined by multiple, sometimes contradictory, viewpoints and pressures.
6
Dorothée Lange, Carolin. "After They Left: Looted Jewish Apartments and the Private Perception of the Holocaust." Holocaust and Genocide Studies 34, no. 3 (2020): 431–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/dcaa042.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This study of the afterlife of “abandoned” Jewish property in National Socialist Germany analyzes the emotional impact on Jewish families of the loss of personal belongings, and those belongings’ emotional impact on the Gentile families that acquired them. This property could be movable and intimate: jewelry, furniture, porcelain, and the like; as well as immovable: apartments and houses illegitimately wrested from their residents or owners. The author asks how Gentiles’ behavior changed in relation to the escalating Holocaust of the Jews. She argues that the reactions of both ordinary Germans and government authorities changed when the mass deportations started, indicating that non-Jewish Germans were very much aware of the experience of their Jewish neighbors.
7
Bechtel, Delphine. "Remembrance tourism in former multicultural Galicia: The revival of the Polish–Ukrainian borderlands." Tourism and Hospitality Research 16, no. 3 (2016): 206–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1467358415620464.
Full textAbstract:
The historical region of Galicia was appropriated successively by the Habsburg Imperium, Independent Poland, the USSR, Hitler Germany, and Communist Poland and the USSR. It is presently divided in to two by the border between Poland and Ukraine, the EU and the belt of post-Soviet states. Its multicultural past has been eradicated through genocide, ethnic cleansing, and deportations by Hitler and Stalin as well as various interethnic conflicts between Polish and Ukrainian nationalists. From 1989 on, pilgrims, survivors, root tourists, and also religious, political, and community activists have started to rediscover it. Poles, Ukrainians, Jews, as well as Russian and Western travelers cross the borders to remember their childhood places, the locus of their deportation or survival, or the cradle of the family history, or just a province lost. Their expectations are partly met, or sometimes ignored, by municipal and regional authorities, travel agencies, private businesses, and locals, who all contribute to form a network of touristic infrastructures. The memory of WW2 and of the subsequent deportations looms large in the personal agendas of tourists and community activists. However, Poland and Ukraine envision local, historical, and identity tourism in the region variously. While Western Ukraine tries to convey a strongly nationalistic and monoethnic image of the region, Poland, under the influence of EU guidelines and subsidies, has opened to a more multicultural and postmodern concept. Transnational tourism across the border participates in the reassertion of conflicting national identities.
8
Levin, Dov. "Arrests and Deportations of Latvian Jews by the USSR During the Second World WAR." Nationalities Papers 16, no. 1 (1988): 50–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905998808408068.
Full textAbstract:
Mass deportations of native populations (Jews included) from territories annexed by the USSR in 1939–40 in amicable division of spoils with Nazi Germany and its allies had everywhere the same historical background and followed roughly the same procedure. Territories in question included the states of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania in their entirety, parts of Finland, nearly one-half of pre-1939 Poland, and the formerly Romanian regions of Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina.
9
Kuzovova, Natalia. "SOVIET REPRESSION AGAINST REFUGEE JEWS FROM THE TERRITORY OF POLAND AND CZECH-SLOVAKIA BEFORE AND AT THE BEGINNING OF WORLD WAR II." Intermarum history policy culture, no. 9 (December 25, 2021): 105–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/history.112018.
Full textAbstract:
Purpose: to analyze a set of documents stored in the funds of the State Archives of Kherson region – cases of repressed refugees from Poland and Czechoslovakia in 1938-1941. Based on historiographical and source studies on this topic, to outline the general grounds for arrest and persecution of refugees by Soviet authorities and to find out why Jews – former citizens of Poland and Czechoslovakia – found themselves in the focus of repression. Research methodology. The main research methods were general and special-historical, as well as methods of archival heuristics and scientific criticism of sources. Scientific novelty. Previously unpublished documents are introduced into scientific circulation: cases of repressed refugees from Poland and Czechoslovakia, analysis of the Soviet government's policy towards Jews who tried to escape from the Nazis in the USSR and the Union Republics in southern Ukraine, including Kherson. The forms of repression applied by the NKVD to refugee Jews are analyzed, and the consequences of such a policy for the German government's policy of genocide in the occupied territories are examined. Conclusions. The study found that the formal reason for the persecution of Jewish refugees was the illegal crossing of the border with the USSR, since the Soviet Union, like many countries in the world, refused to accept Jews fleeing the Nazi persecution. The Soviet government motivated this by the fact that refugee Jews spread mood of defeat and panic, spied for Germany, Britain, and Poland, had anti-Soviet views, and conducted anti-Soviet campaigning. As a result of the arrests and deportations of Jewish refugees, the Jewish population, particularly in southern Ukraine, was unaware of the persecution of Jews in lands occupied by Nazi Germany. In fact, the Jewish refugees sent to the concentration camps, along with the Germans of Ukraine and the Volga region, were the only groups of people thus "evacuated" by the Soviet authorities on ethnic grounds. However, due to the enemy's rapid offensive, refugees who did not fall into the hands of the NKVD shared the tragic fate of Ukrainian Jews during the Holocaust.
10
Pastor, Peter. "A New Historical Myth from Hungary: The Legend of Colonel Ferenc Koszorús as the Wartime Savior of the Jews of Budapest. Review Article of Jeszenszky, Géza, ed. July 1944: Deportation of the Jews of Budapest Foiled. Reno, Nevada: Helena History Press, 2018, pp. 317. Distributed by CEU Press." Hungarian Cultural Studies 12 (August 1, 2019): 132–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ahea.2019.355.
Full textAbstract:
This book is a compilation of essays by authors who were previously published elsewhere. Its main focus is on Ferenc Koszorús, a wartime colonel of the Hungarian army fighting as an ally of Germany who ostensibly was responsible for saving the Jews of Budapest with the so-called Koszorús Action during the German occupation of Hungary. Some of the articles also examine the roles of Regent Miklós Horthy and the Hungarian government in the destruction of close to one half million of its Jewish citizens, mostly in German death camps. The reviewer marshals facts, documentation, and works by prominent historians to demonstrate that Koszorús had little to do with the survival of the Budapest Jews in July 1944. The myth of Koszorús as a wartime champion of the Jews was invented by the colonel himself in his postwar memoirs. In the volume, the editor Géza Jeszenszky points out that most non-Jewish Hungarians were either active supporters of the deportations or were passive bystanders. It may be this sad fact that prompted him to mythologize and create a hero who allegedly saved the life of three hundred-thousand Jews.
11
Wichert, Wojciech. "„Exerzierplatz des Nationalsozialismus“ — der Reichsgau Wartheland in den Jahren 1939–1945." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 40, no. 2 (2018): 79–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.40.2.4.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of the article is the analysis of German policy in Reichsgau Wartheland, an area of western Poland annexed to Germany in the years 1939–1945. In scientific literature German rule in Warthegau with its capital in Poznań is often defined as ,,experimental training area of National Socialism”, where the regime could test its genocidal and racial practices, which were an emanation of the German occupation of Poland. The Nazi authorities wanted to accomplish its ideological goals in Wartheland in a variety of cruel ways, including the ethnic cleansing, annihilation of Polish intelligentsia, destruction of cultural institutions, forced resettlement and expulsion, segregation Germans from Poles combined with wide-ranging racial discrimination against the Polish population, mass incarceration in prisons and concentration camps, systematic roundups of prisoners, as well as genocide of Poles and Jews within the scope of radical Germanization policy and Holocaust. The aim of Arthur Greiser, the territorial leader of the Wartheland Gauleiter and at the same time one of the most powerful local Nazi administrators in Hitler‘s empire, was to change the demographic structure and colonisation of the area by the hundreds of thousands of ethnic Germans Volksdeutschen from the Baltic and other regions in order to make it a ,,blond province” and a racial laboratory for the breeding of the ,,German master race”. The largest forced labour program, the first and longest standing ghetto in Łódź, which the Nazis renamed later Litzmannstadt and the first experimental mass gassings of Jews in Nazi-occupied Europe carried out from autumn 1941 in gas vans in Chełmno extermination camp were all initiated in Warthegau, even before the implementation of the Final Solution. Furthermore, some of the first major deportations of the Jewish population took place here. Therefore in the genesis of the of the Nazi extermination policy of European Jewry Wartheland plays a pivotal role, as well as an important part of ruthless German occupation of Polish territories.
12
Ageeva, Valentina A., Marina I. Zhbannikova та Nikolay A. Trapsh. "Насильственное перемещение этнических калмыков г. Таганрога на принудительные работы в Третий рейх: опыт микроисторической эвристики". Oriental studies 16, № 6 (2023): 1513–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2619-0990-2023-70-6-1513-1522.
Full textAbstract:
Introduction. The article deals with one interesting pattern of research heuristics tackled to create a unified empirical database on forced labor relocations of Rostov Oblast-based Soviet citizens to Nazi Germany. Goals. The source study primarily attempts a consistent reconstruction of individual elements to the ethnic stratification among the O starbeiter (‘Eastern workers’) from the selected region, the former to be facilitated by the current identification of ethnic Kalmyks among such displaced individuals. This specific epistemological perspective has never been addressed by the preceding historiographic tradition, which makes the research practice relevant enough. Materials and methods. The integrated use of traditional archival search methods at the Taganrog Office of Rostov Oblast Archive (Russia) and the City Archive of Lüdenscheid (Germany) made it possible to identify an approximate circle of Kalmyk Soviet citizens forcibly displaced from Taganrog. Results. The paper contributes to a consistent understanding of how Nazi Germany’s forced labor civilian deportations from occupied territories took place, and outlines the phenomenon’s dynamics. The undertaken reconstruction of the ethnic stratification among forcibly displaced Soviet citizens clearly illustrates the rigid universalism of the occupation authorities that were seeking to gain ‘living space’ for ‘true Aryans’. The integrated object for Nazi repressive actions was civilian populations of occupied regions viewed as inferior communities, with no special privileges for any certain ethnic group. A particularly valuable result is that the study has yielded preliminary verifications for a number of ethnic Kalmyks that experienced such forced labor relocations to Nazi Germany.
13
Dadrian, Vahakn N. "THE ARMENIAN QUESTION AND THE WARTIME FATE OF THE ARMENIANS AS DOCUMENTED BY THE OFFICIALS OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE'S WORLD WAR I ALLIES: GERMANY AND AUSTRIA–HUNGARY." International Journal of Middle East Studies 34, no. 1 (2002): 59–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743802001034.
Full textAbstract:
The wartime fate of the Ottoman Empire's Armenian minority continues to be controversial. The debate in the main revolves around the causes and nature of that fate. Some historians have alleged that what is involved is centrally organized mass murder—or, to use contemporary terminology, genocide. This school of thought maintains that the Ottoman authorities were waiting for a suitable opportunity to undertake the wholesale liquidation of the empire's Armenian population, and the outbreak of World War I provided that opportunity. The Committee of Union and Progress (CUP, or Unionists), who controlled the Ottoman government, they argue further, did in fact undertake this liquidation under cover of the war.1 Others, however, dispute these assertions, especially that of genocidal intent. This group maintains that Armenian acts of disloyalty, subversion, and insurrection in wartime forced the central government to order, for purposes of relocation, the deportation of large sections of the Armenian population. According to this argument, apart from those who were killed in “intercommunal” clashes—that is, a “civil war”—the bulk of the Armenian losses resulted from the severe hardships associated with poorly administered measures of deportations, including exhaustion, sickness, starvation, and epidemics. In other words, this school of thought holds that the Ottoman Empire, in the throes of an existential war, had no choice but to protect itself by resorting to drastic methods; therefore, the tragic fate of the Armenians must be understood in the context of the dire conditions of World War I.2 These views are encapsulated in the formula that the noted Middle East historian Bernard Lewis has used—namely, the desperate conditions of “an embattled empire.”3
14
Aydin Mammadli, Balamirza. "II Dünya müharibəsi dövründə SSRİ-də çeçenlərin və inquşların kütləvi deportasiyası". SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH 11, № 7 (2022): 27–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2789-6919/11/27-34.
Full textAbstract:
The problem of the deportation of North Caucasian peoples to Central Asia in the USSR during World War II has not yet been fully studied and therefore is the subject of research by many historians. A scientific-objective approach to the study of the problem of deportation became possible only after the collapse of the USSR due to the disclosure of secret archival funds. Chechens and Ingush are among the peoples who were massively deported in the USSR during the war with Nazi Germany. The forced resettlement of the Chechens and Ingush people from their historical lands and their placement in the “special settlement” regime was accompanied by the death of hundreds of thousands people. During the deportation, Chechens and Ingush people were subjected to social and moral pressure, many restrictions, their property rights and security were not ensured, despite the fact that they were listed in official documents. The article discusses the reasons for the deportation of the Chechen-Ingush population, the preparation and conduct of the deportation operation during the years of the German- Soviet war, as well as the gradual restoration of the rights of the deported Chechen-Ingush population in the post-war years. Keywords: World War II, USSR, Chechens, Ingush people, deportation, “special settlement”, rehabilitation Balamirzə Aydın oğlu Məmmədli II Dünya müharibəsi dövründə SSRİ-də çeçenlərin və inquşların kütləvi deportasiyası Xülasə II Dünya müharibəsi illərində SSRİ-də Şimali Qafqaz xalqlarının Orta Asiyaya deportasiyası problemi hələ tam araşdırılmayıb və buna görə də bir çox tarixçilərin tədqiqat obyektidir. Deportasiya probleminin tədqiqinə elmi-obyektiv yanaşma yalnız SSRİ-nin süqutundan sonra məxfi arxiv fondlarının açılması sayəsində mümkün olmuşdur. Nasist Almaniyası ilə müharibə zamanı SSRİ-də deportasiya edilən xalqlar arasında çeçenlər və inquşlar diqqəti cəlb edir. Çeçen-inquş xalqlarının öz tarixi torpaqlarından məcburi köçürülməsi və “xüsusi məskunlaşma” rejiminə salınması yüz minlərlə insanın ölümü ilə müşayiət olunmuşdur. Deportasiya zamanı çeçenlər və inquşlar sosial, mənəvi təzyiqlərə, bir çox məhdudiyyətlərə məruz qalmış, rəsmi sənədlərdə qeyd olunmasına baxmayaraq onların mülkiyyət hüquqları və təhlükəsizliyi təmin olunmamışdır. Məqalədə Çeçen-İnquş əhalisinin deportasiyasının səbəbləri, Almaniya-SSRİ müharibəsi illərində deportasiya əməliyyatının hazırlanması və həyata keçirilməsi, habelə deportasiya edilmiş çeçen-inquş əhalisinin hüquqlarının müharibədən sonra tədricən bərpası məsələlərindən bəhs edilir. Açar sözlər: II Dünya müharibəsi, SSRİ, çeçenlər, inquşlar, deportasiya, xüsusi məskunlaşma, bəraət
15
Mishchanyn, Vasyl. "DEPORTATIONS OF GERMAN POPULATION FROM TRANSCARPATHIA IN 1944 – 1946 YEARS: CAUSES, COURSE, CONSEQUENCES." Scientific Herald of Uzhhorod University. Series: History, no. 1 (46) (June 27, 2022): 54–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2523-4498.1(46).2022.256790.
Full textAbstract:
The first German colonists in Transcarpathia appear in the twelfth and fifteenth centuries and the largest number of German settlers settled in various parts of the region in the XVIII – XIX centuries. They were mostly farmers, specialists for timber, timber industries, mining and salt deposits, representatives of the construction trades. It is estimated that before the Second World War there lived about 17 – 18 thousand of German colonists. But the fate of the German population of Transcarpathia changed dramatically on the final stage of World War II. Serious demographic changes begin in the country with the liberation of the Transcarpathia Red Army (on October 28, 1944) and by the adoption of the Manifesto on reunification of the Transcarpathian Ukraine SSR (on November 26, 1944). Already on November 24, 1944 arrived in the Transcarpathian Ukraine special representatives of the NKVD had a task to complete account of the entire German population aged 16 to 50 years. This contributed to the ruling People's Council of Transcarpathian Ukraine the confiscation of all property evicted Germans. The first wave of deportations continued in 1944 – 1945 years in terms of Transcarpathian Ukraine, which before signing the agreement on June 29, 1945 was legally a part of Czechoslovakia. Then 215 people were deported. The second wave of deportations took place in conditions of Zakarpattya Oblast (established on January 22, 1946) – component of the administrative unit of the USSR. According to the Resolution of the NKVD on January 15, 1946 about the mass deportation of Transcarpathia of German nationality, the subject to eviction were those, who "the most compromised themselves during the German occupation of Hungary." During 1946 two thousand Transcarpathian Germans were taken to Siberia.
16
Kanstroom, Daniel. "The “Right to Remain Here” as an Evolving Component of Global Refugee Protection: Current Initiatives and Critical Questions." Journal on Migration and Human Security 5, no. 3 (2017): 614–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/233150241700500304.
Full textAbstract:
This article considers the relationship between two human rights discourses (and two specific legal regimes): refugee and asylum protection and the evolving body of international law that regulates expulsions and deportations. Legal protections for refugees and asylum seekers are, of course, venerable, well-known, and in many respects still cherished, if challenged and perhaps a bit frail. Anti-deportation discourse is much newer, multifaceted, and evolving. It is in many respects a young work in progress. It has arisen in response to a rising tide of deportations, and the worrisome development of massive, harsh deportation machinery in the United States, Germany, the United Kingdom, France, Mexico, Australia, and South Africa, among others. This article's main goal is to consider how these two discourses do and might relate to each other. More specifically, it suggests that the development of procedural and substantive rights against removal — as well as rights during and after removal — aids our understanding of the current state and possible future of the refugee protection regime. The article's basic thesis is this: The global refugee regime, though challenged both theoretically and in practice, must be maintained and strengthened. Its historical focus on developing criteria for admission into safe states, on protections against expulsion (i.e., non-refoulement), and on regimes of temporary protection all remain critically important. However, a focus on other protections for all noncitizens facing deportation is equally important. Deportation has become a major international system that transcends the power of any single nation-state. Its methods have migrated from one regime to another; its size and scope are substantial and expanding; its costs are enormous; and its effects frequently constitute major human rights violations against millions who do not qualify as refugees. In recent years there has been increasing reliance by states on generally applicable deportation systems, led in large measure by the United States' radical 25 year-plus experiment with large-scale deportation. Europe has also witnessed a rising tide of deportation, some of which has developed in reaction to European asylum practices. Deportation has been facilitated globally (e.g., in Australia) by well-funded, efficient (but relatively little known) intergovernmental idea sharing, training, and cooperation. This global expansion, standardization, and increasing intergovernmental cooperation on deportation has been met by powerful — if in some respects still nascent — human rights responses by activists, courts, some political actors, and scholars. It might seem counterintuitive to think that emerging ideas about deportation protections could help refugees and asylum seekers, as those people by definition often have greater rights protections both in admission and expulsion. However, the emerging anti-deportation discourses should be systematically studied by those interested in the global refugee regime for three basic reasons. First, what Matthew Gibney has described as “the deportation turn” has historically been deeply connected to anxiety about asylum seekers. Although we lack exact figures of the number of asylum seekers who have been subsequently expelled worldwide, there seems little doubt that it has been a significant phenomenon and will be an increasingly important challenge in the future. The two phenomena of refugee/asylum protections and deportation, in short, are now and have long been linked. What has sometimes been gained through the front door, so to speak, may be lost through the back door. Second, current deportation human rights discourses embody creative framing models that might aid constructive critique and reform of the existing refugee protection regime. They tend to be more functionally oriented, less definitional in terms of who warrants protection, and more fluid and transnational. Third, these discourses offer important specific rights protections that could strengthen the refugee and asylum regime, even as we continue to see weakening state support for the basic 1951/1967 protection regime. This is especially true in regard to the extraterritorial scope of the (deporting) state's obligations post-deportation. This article particularly examines two initiatives in this emerging field: The International Law Commission's Draft Articles on the Expulsion of Aliens and the draft Declaration on the Rights of Expelled and Deported Persons developed through the Boston College Post-Deportation Human Rights Project (of which the author is a co-director). It compares their provisions to the existing corpus of substantive and procedural protections for refugees relating to expulsion and removal. It concludes with consideration of how these discourses may strengthen protections for refugees while also helping to develop more capacious and protective systems in the future. “Those guarantees of liberty and livelihood are the essence of the freedom which this country from the beginning has offered the people of all lands. If those rights, great as they are, have constitutional protection, I think the more important one — the right to remain here — has a like dignity.” Supreme Court Justice William O. Douglas, 19522 “We need a national effort to return those who have been rejected … and we are working on that at the moment with great vigor.” Angela Merkel, October 15, 20163
17
Rakhmonov, A. Kh. "Refugees as a new emigration channel from Tajikistan to Western and Eastern Europe." UPRAVLENIE / MANAGEMENT (Russia) 10, no. 2 (2022): 88–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/2309-3633-2022-10-2-88-94.
Full textAbstract:
The article examines the situation with refugees during the civil war in Tajikistan after the collapse of the USSR. The factors and scale of refugees and features of asylum seekers from Tajikistan are considered. The scale and prospects for the development of the flow of refugees and asylum seekers from Tajikistan to Western and Eastern Europe are investigated. Every year, a huge number of people leave their homes due to armed conflicts, wars, poverty, and persecution on various grounds. One of the reasons for the refugees influx from Tajikistan to other countries is the civil war in the republic. After the collapse of the USSR, a power struggle between nationalists and Islamists began in Tajikistan that led to a civil war. The emergence of the refugees flow from Tajikistan to other countries is related with the civil war in the republic. Another reason is the ban by the Tajik authorities of two major opposition organisations – the Group of 24 and the Islamic Renaissance Party of Tajikistan (IRPT). Among the Tajik political refugees who received asylum in European countries, there are also former migrant workers who worked in Russia. Deportations, decline in earnings after the 2015 currency crisis, and tightening of Russia’s migration policy towards migrants from Tajikistan forced some migrants to reorient themselves in other countries, primarily in European countries, the United States and Canada. There are cases of deliberate destruction of their passports by Tajik migrants when moving to Germany, followed by an appeal to the authorities under the guise of refugees from Afghanistan (since both Tajiks and Afghans speak Farsi (Dari)) to obtain refugee status and corresponding benefits in Germany. Among asylum seekers from Tajikistan in European countries, political asylum is the most popular. The purpose of the article is to identify trends and prospects for the development of asylum as a new emigration channel from Tajikistan to the countries of Western and Eastern Europe.
18
Goldman, Natasha. "From Ravensbrück to Berlin: Will Lammert’s Monument to the Deported Jews 1957/1985." Images 9, no. 1 (2016): 140–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18718000-12340056.
Full textAbstract:
In 1985 one of the earliest memorials dedicated to the Jewish victims of the Holocaust was installed in East Berlin. The Monument to the Deported Jews was an arrangement of thirteen bronze figures in expressionist style. Will Lammert, the artist, originally designed the figures for the base of his monument for Ravensbrück in 1957. The artist died in 1957, however, before finalizing his design for the monument. Only two figures on a pylon were installed at the concentration camp in 1959. The figures meant for the base of the Ravensbrück memorial were unfinished, but were nonetheless cast in bronze by the artist’s family. Thirteen of those figures were installed on the Große Hamburger Straße in 1985 by the artist’s grandson, Mark Lammert. This essay analyzes the Große Hamburger Straße monument in three ways: first, it returns to the literature on the Ravensbrück memorial in order to better understand the role that the unfinished figures would have played, had they been installed. I argue that they originally were most likely meant to depict “Strafestehen”—or torture by standing—at Ravensbrück. Secondly, it aims to explain why and how Lammert’s seemingly expressionist memorial would have been acceptable to East Germany in 1959. While Western art historical attitudes toward East Germany up until the 1990s assumed that Soviet socialist realism was the de facto art style of the Deutsche Demokratische Republik (DDR), some elements of expressionism were being theorized in the late 1950s, at precisely the time when Lammert designed the Ravensbrück monument. Finally, I analyze the role that a monument for Ravensbrück plays in this particular neighborhood of Mitte, Berlin: standing silently, they are no longer legible as women being tortured by standing. Instead, the sculptures signify, at the same time, the deported Jews of Berlin and the harrowing aftermath of their deportations, the improbable return of the deported Jews, and the changing attitudes toward the history of the neighborhood in which the sculptural group is located.
19
Busyreva, Elena V. "Remembers of the descendants of the Russian Germans about the years of War." Transaction Kola Science Centre 11, no. 1-2020 (2020): 173–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.37614/2307-5252.2020.1.18.012.
Full textAbstract:
The article is devoted to the recollections of the descendants of Russian Germans about the World WarII. The basis was the interviews received from nine informants, as well as materialsfrom their family archives. The article tells about the fate of German families during the war years. Particular emphasis is placed on deportation on a national basis and the stay in a labor army by representatives of these families. The article introduces new factual material of private origin into science. Interviews and materials of family archives of informants expand the circle of knowledge about events in the mid-twentieth century, including ethnic deportations, and allow clarifying many facts of the “official” history.
20
Murádin, János Kristóf. "The Deportation of Germans from Romania to the Soviet Union in 1944–1945." Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, European and Regional Studies 7, no. 1 (2015): 41–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/auseur-2015-0004.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The study outlines the capturing of prisoners by the Red Army taking control over Transylvania in the fall of 1944. It presents the second wave of capturing: the deportations in January-February 1945, pronouncedly oriented toward the German community (Transylvanian Saxons and Swabians) primarily living in the Banat. There are described the circumstances of capturing the prisoners, the number of those taken away, the routes of their deportation, the locations and lengths of their captivity, the number of the victims, and the return of the survivors. Finally, the remembrance of the 1945 Soviet deportations, their present social embeddedness is expounded. The source material of the study consists of specialist books, essays, published recollections, and interviews with survivors made by the author and other researchers
21
Silberklang, David. "In the Eyes of the Beholder: The Complexion of the Shoah in the Lublin District." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 34, no. 1 (2019): 143–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325419844826.
Full textAbstract:
This article is part of the special cluster titled Conceptualizations of the Holocaust in Germany, Lithuania, Poland, and Ukraine since the 1990s, guest edited by Grzegorz Rossoliński-Liebe. The article addresses sources for understanding the complexion of the Shoah in Poland, through a focus on the Lublin District and Jewish forced labor there. From the opening story of the wedding of Shamai Grajer and Mina Fiszman in Lublin on April 17, 1942, the article extrapolates several central themes: two constants in Nazi policies and Jewish experience—forced population movements and forced labor, the behavior of the various actors involved in the story, and sources. The main individuals involved in the opening story highlight these subjects. Fiszman was a refugee deported in February 1940 from Stettin. Grajer, Fiszman, and Rabbi Zvi Elimelech Talmud, who performed the wedding, had all been selected as forced laborers when the majority of the Jewish community was murdered during the previous month, and they hoped that their labor would help them survive. The behavior of the main German actors in the story, Harry Sturm and Hermann Worthoff, was not uniformly evil, and the behavior of the Jewish actors was not uniformly “heroic.” The Bełżec forced labor complex in 1940 highlights the brutality and murderousness of much of the early forced labor in Poland. Yet, during the deportations to death in 1942 the Jews needed to “unlearn” the lessons of avoiding such labor if they were now to have a hope of surviving. Among the varied sources for this and the subsequent subjects addressed in the article, the Jewish sources provide a sense of what actually happened in these camps and situations.
22
Saryaeva, Rayma G. "Немцы Калмыкии: вехи истории — вехи судьбы". Oriental studies 15, № 4 (2022): 708–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2619-0990-2022-61-4-708-730.
Full textAbstract:
Introduction. The 260-year history of Russia Germans is still of interest to researchers. The Germans of Kalmykia, their history, life and culture remain somewhat understudied. Goals. The work aims at revealing circumstances to have surrouned the arrival and strengthening of Germans in Kalmykia, analyzes available sources for an overview of historical milestones experienced by the ethnic group in the Republic. To facilitate this, the paper shall consider reasons of the German immigration to Russia, provide a comprehensive description of the latter, reveal causes of the subsequent deportation and problems of rehabilitation and emigration. Materials. The study investigates archival sources, publications dealing with the history of Russia Germans, periodicals and author’s field data. Results. The analysis of sources yields a history of Kalmykia Germans from their arrival in nomadic territories of Bolshederbetovsky Ulus to the modern era. The perestroika witnessed mass migrations of Kalmykia Germans back to Germany to have resulted from the loss of mother tongue, and harsh economic conditions.
23
Saryaeva, Rayma G. "Немцы Калмыкии: вехи истории — вехи судьбы". Oriental studies 15, № 4 (2022): 708–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2619-0990-2022-62-4-708-730.
Full textAbstract:
Introduction. The 260-year history of Russia Germans is still of interest to researchers. The Germans of Kalmykia, their history, life and culture remain somewhat understudied. Goals. The work aims at revealing circumstances to have surrouned the arrival and strengthening of Germans in Kalmykia, analyzes available sources for an overview of historical milestones experienced by the ethnic group in the Republic. To facilitate this, the paper shall consider reasons of the German immigration to Russia, provide a comprehensive description of the latter, reveal causes of the subsequent deportation and problems of rehabilitation and emigration. Materials. The study investigates archival sources, publications dealing with the history of Russia Germans, periodicals and author’s field data. Results. The analysis of sources yields a history of Kalmykia Germans from their arrival in nomadic territories of Bolshederbetovsky Ulus to the modern era. The perestroika witnessed mass migrations of Kalmykia Germans back to Germany to have resulted from the loss of mother tongue, and harsh economic conditions.
24
Haliv, M. D., and A. O. Ohar. "The documentary evidence of the deportation of Germans from the territory of Stanislav region of Ukraine (1946)." SUMY HISTORICAL AND ARCHIVAL JOURNAL, no. 35 (2020): 31–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/shaj.2020.i35.p.31.
Full textAbstract:
The article publishes and analyzes the documents of the Soviet special services on the deportation of the group of Germans from Stanislav region (October–December 1946). Eight documents presented in this article demonstrate the circumstances of the deportation of a large group of Germans from the territory of Stanislav region of Ukrainian SSR in late 1946. These documents are stored in the State Archives of the Security Service of Ukraine. These are official correspondence between the heads of institutions of the Ministry of Internal Affairs (MIA) at various levels. The first of these documents is the report of one of the executives of the Department of the MIA in Stanislav region, Hrytsenko, on the case of the registration of Germans in Stanislav region who are subject to resettlement. It was reported that 38 German families (34 men, 51 women, 70 children under the age of 16) live in the Dolyna district of Stanislav region – a total of 155 people. They allegedly fled with the German Army as early as 1944, but were intercepted by Red Army and sent home. The Soviet authorities planned to send them to a special settlement in Aktubinsk region of Russia, but temporarily used this group of Germans to build a railway station. The Document № 3 is very important. The telegram was sent from Moscow to Kyiv on November 14, 1946, ordering the German families from Stanislav region of the USSR to be sent to a special settlement in the Mary Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic in Russia. They were to be handed over to the Suslonger Forestry, which was a structural part of the “Marybumles” Trust. Personal farms and cattle were allowed to be sold. Employees of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR were obliged to find the required number of vans for the deportation of Germans. The conditions for organizing the deportation of these German families are disclosed in other documents. In the end, according to L. Pastelnyak, the Deputy Head of the Anti-Banditry Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs in Stanislav region (document № 8), the echelon with the Germans was sent from the Dolyna station on December 29, 1946. Unfortunately, we do not know the circumstances of transporting the group of Germans to Suslonger railway station, as well as the circumstances of their stay at the special settlements and the subsequent fate after the liquidation of the special settlement system in the 1950-ies. Thus, the published documents reveal some circumstances of the deportation of one and a half hundred people of German nationality from the territory of Dolyna of Stanislav region to Russia at the end of 1946. Of course, the operation carried out by the Soviet repressive authorities should be called deportation, i.e. “forced eviction from the place of permanent residence of a person, group of persons or people”. Documents are published in the original language (Russian) in compliance with the necessary archaeographic requirements.
25
Shlegel, Elena A. "Dialects of the Germans of Russia and Kazakhstan." Journal of Frontier Studies 8, no. 1 (2023): 61–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.46539/jfs.v8i1.496.
Full textAbstract:
The linguistic diversity of the Germans in Russia and Kazakhstan is due to the migration of ethnic groups to the territory of the Russian Empire from the lands of Germany and subsequent migrations within the country. Some ethnic Germans use the dialect in speech, for them it is their native language, the rest of the Germans speak literary German to varying degrees, and Russian is considered their native language. Today, it is impossible to uniquely identify one native language for an ethnic group, as Germans speak different dialects of German. The purpose of the study is to determine the states of the modern dialect language of the Germans of Russia and Kazakhstan, to consider how dialects were historically spread throughout the country, and how dialects are preserved now. The article considers the territorial distribution of dialects in Russia, primarily Siberia, where the majority of Germans live, as well as the circulation of German dialects in Kazakhstan after the deportation of Germans. The central part of the article is devoted to the modern state of dialects, which are preserved primarily in places of compact settlement of Germans. The article makes use of the results of ethno-sociological surveys of Germans in Russia and Kazakhstan on the issues of dialects, and analyzes contemporary methods of preserving and translating the language. Conclusions: dialects are preserved where Germans live compactly. The author notes that there are negative trends in the process of preserving dialects, but German public organizations today solve many problems concerning dialects.
26
Atantayeva, B., A. Karibayeva, and M. Karibayev. "Deportation of Germans: adaptation and life according to oral historical sources (based on materials from the Eastern Region)." Bulletin of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. Historical Sciences. Philosophy. Religion Series 144, no. 3 (2023): 8–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-7255-2023-144-3-8-22.
Full textAbstract:
The article is devoted to the memory of the German people about the deportation of 1941, their oral memories of the resettlement and its consequences. The purpose of this article is to reveal the process of deportation and stay on the Kazakh land of one of the numerous ethnic groups - Germans who were moved from their native places. The main source was interviews with the descendants of the deportees who live in the territory of the Abai region. The information received from them is most valuable because they were directly involved in the deportation process, and the materials also make it possible to form an idea of the fate of the German people, to evaluate history not from the point of view of figures and official reports, but from the point of view ofpeople who were in a difficult life situation. There are many common plots in the narratives about the deportation and its consequences. These stories are filled with pain, representatives of the older generation try to push tragic memories out of their memory. It is concluded that, despite all the hardships, the German people, together with representatives of other ethnic groups, were able to adapt and contribute to the economic development of the region.
27
Chirko, B. "Ethnic Germans of Ukraine in the Context of Soviet-German Relations (1920-1950s)." Problems of World History, no. 3 (May 16, 2017): 166–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2017-3-9.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of the publication is the study of ethno-political, socio-economic, demographic and other processes taking place in the environment of the German ethnic group of Ukraine in the context of the Soviet-German inter-state relations during 1920-1950s. The author analyzes the attitude of governmental bodies to the German ethnic community, causes, mechanisms of realization, demographic, social and political consequences of political repressions of the Stalinist regime against ethnic Germans, mass deportation of the German population from the regions of traditional accommodation in the interwar period.
 The author emphasizes that the repressive actions were caused by and closely related to administrative-imperative methods of implementation of domestic policies, the militarization of the economy, collectivization of village, violent grain procurements, antireligious campaigns etc. Repressions of the “nationalists” (German, Polish, etc.) were linked with the international factor - the aggravation of the situation in the world. The deterioration of relations between the USSR and Germany and Poland as well as the corresponding strengthening of anti-German and anti-Polish propaganda campaign led in particular to a special bias of Soviet authorities towards the German and Polish population, which was considered as a potential base for “Nazi” activities in the country.
 This publication analyzes the social and legal status of “volksdeutsche” during World War II, the attitude towards “ethnic Germans” of Ukraine from Nazi occupation regime. The status and nature of ethnic Germans staying in the mode of special settlements, repatriation and problems of separated families in the postwar years have been considered.
 The author has paid special attention to the problems of lifting restrictions in the legal status of the majority of the German population of the USSR as a result of the German-Soviet negotiations in Moscow in 1955, the attempts of ethnic Germans and the government of Ukraine to ensure ethnic, social, cultural, religious and spiritual needs of the German ethnic community under conditions of modern Ukrainian state – building and deepening of democratic processes in Ukrainian society.
28
Kiepe, Jan. "Nationalism as a Heavy Mortgage: SED Cadres Actions between Demand and Reality*." Nationalities Papers 37, no. 4 (2009): 467–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990902985694.
Full textAbstract:
In May 1951, students at the District Party School of the Socialist Union Party of Germany (SED) in the southern Thuringian city of Suhl evaluated the agitation and propaganda assignments that they had recently completed. Such assignments were a regular exercise in the instruction of future cadres. From these discussions, the difficulties that traditional German nationalism posed to the SED become clear. One student cited words of a party comrade he had talked to on the question of befriending the Polish and the Czechoslovak peoples. Instead of sticking to the official ideological line that rejected chauvinist ideas, this comrade had responded: “[…] I will never make friends with the Czech people. To me they are not human beings.” This anger directed against the Czechs by a German communist may have arisen from the frequently brutal deportation of Germans from Czechoslovakia after 1945: the Czechs had not made exceptions for German anti-fascists. It could also be explained by continued anti-Slav sentiment dating from the Nazi years. The file does not elaborate how the incident was resolved. Nevertheless, it demonstrates that nationalist sentiments had survived the collapse of Nazism even with members of the SED. How did the SED counter this heavy national mortgage?
29
Kisser, Tatiana S. "Negative Identity of Russian Germans." Herald of Omsk University. Series: Historical Studies 7, no. 3 (27) (2020): 112–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.24147/2312-1300.2020.7(3).112-122.
Full textAbstract:
The article is devoted to one of the aspects of the complex ethnic identity of Russian Germans, namely, its negative inversion. Events of the second half of the 20th century. in the ethnic history of the German community (deportation, labor army, special settlement) became factors in the formation of negative identity. It was expressed in public contempt, insults and humiliation towards the Russian Germans. In this regard, the Germans renounced their ethnicity, changed their personal names and surnames, and rewrote their nationality. The Germans turned out to be the only people who were not fully rehabilitated among those who were subject to repression and deportation, since the territorial autonomy, lost in 1941, was not restored. The negative identity of Russian Germans is a situational phenomenon that is associated with the influence on it, firstly, of historical events, secondly, the political actions of the authorities, and thirdly, public mood and opinion. The article is based on materials from field ethnographic expeditions, archival data and sources of personal origin.
30
Yarbou, Foday. "THE GERMAN GOVERNMENT POLICY ON THE INTEGRATION AND DEPORTATION OF AFRICAN MIGRANTS." POLITICO 22, no. 2 (2022): 71–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.32528/politico.v22i2.7482.
Full textAbstract:
Migration from Africa to Europe and Germany is a complex and controversial phenomenon with major socioeconomic impacts on countries. The phenomenon reached an unprecedented level at the dawn of the 21st century hitting records globally. Migration in Africa has been preoccupied and shaped by pre-colonial, colonial, and post-colonial eras. The Trans-Atlantic slave trade is a typical example of this which shows the movement of millions of Africans to America and Europe in particular. To migrate means to move from one settlement to the other and this movement is always guided by policies and regulations. The stay of African migrants in Germany has both advantages and disadvantages. German policy on the integration and deportation of African migrants is well outlined and discussed in the work. Evidence shows that the country’s migrant policy comprises a set of rules and regulations that respect humanity and order. The author discussed the key main policies on integration and deportation and propose some recommendations to the German policymakers. This work used a qualitative research method to build a convincing chain of evidence, which entails the exploration of scholarly works such as books, journal articles, newspapers, magazines, etc. However, in this paper, only field notes and secondary data are utilized. Furthermore, theoretical analysis and approaches are also used.
31
Fitzpatrick, Matthew. "New South Wales in Africa? The Convict Colonialism Debate in Imperial Germany." Itinerario 37, no. 1 (2013): 59–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115313000260.
Full textAbstract:
In 1852, the naturalist and writer Louisa Meredith observed in her book My Home in Tasmania: “I know of no place where greater order and decorum is observed by the motley crowds assembled on any public occasion than in this most shamefully slandered country: not even in an English country village can a lady walk alone with less fear of harm or insult than in this capital of Van Diemen's Land, commonly believed at home to be a pest-house, where every crime that can disgrace and degrade humanity stalks abroad with unblushing front.”Meredith's paean to life in the notorious Australian penal colony of Hobart was in stark contrast to her earlier, highly unfavourable account of colonial Sydney. It papered over the years of personal hardship she had endured in Australia, as well as avoiding mention of the racial warfare against Tasmania's Aborigines that had afforded her such a genteel European existence.Such intra-Australian complexities, however, were lost when Meredith's account was superimposed onto German debates about the desirability of penal colonies for Germany. Instead, Meredith's portrait of a cultivated city emerging from the most notorious penal colony in Australia was presented as proof that the deportation of criminals was an important dimension of the civilising mission of Europe in the extra-European world. It was also presented as a vindication of those in Germany who wished to rid Germany of its lumpen criminal class through deportation. The exact paragraph of Meredith's account cited above was quoted in German debates on deportation for almost half a century; first in 1859 by the jurist Franz von Holtzendorff, and thereafter by Friedrich Freund when advocating the establishment of a penal colony in the Preußische Jahrbücher in September 1895.
32
KARIBAYEVA, A. S. "DEPORTATION BASED ON ORAL RECOLLECTIONS OF SPECIAL SETTLERS’ CHILDREN." Ethnography of Altai and Adjacent Territories 11 (2023): 342–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.37386/2687-0592-2023-11-342-348.
Full textAbstract:
The article is devoted to the memory of the German people about the deportation of 1941, their oral memories of the resettlement and its consequences. The purpose of this article is to reveal the process of deportation and stay on the Kazakh land of one of the numerous ethnic groups - Germans who were moved from their native places. The main source was interviews with the descendants of the deportees who live in the territory of the Abai region. These stories are flled with pain, representatives of the older generation try to push tragic memories out of their memory. It is concluded that, despite all the hardships, the German people, together with representatives of other ethnic groups, were able to adapt and contribute to the economic development of the region.
33
Bakhturina, Alexandra Yu. "Documents from the Latvian State Historical Archive on the Situation of German Citizens in Riga at the Beginning of the First World War." Herald of an archivist, no. 2 (2020): 368–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2020-2-368-379.
Full textAbstract:
The article discusses the information potential of the documents from the Latvian Historical Archive for studying policy of the Russian government towards subjects of adversary states in the First World War. Citizens of Germany and Austria-Hungary who were in Russian regions, where at the beginning of the First World War the martial law was imposed, were subject to administrative deportation to the Central and Eastern gubernias of the Russian Empire as prisoners of war. This problem is being studied mainly on the basis of documents from the central archives, which does not permit to reconstruct the complete picture of what had happened. The article analyses the lists, petitions of deported German citizens, correspondence of police officials, statistical data, and orders of the administration of the governorate of Livonia. Drawing on these documents, it studies social and age composition of the deportees, reconstructs courses of action of the gubernia government. It is noted that petitions of deportees have a strong emotional impact, as they draw pictures of difficult life circumstances of those forced to leave their place of residence and travel far into Russian lands. The emotional intensity of these documents needs to be balanced by using record keeping documents. Lists of deportees have notations on canceling of deportation for various reasons; they permit to introduce into scientific use statistics on the number of deportees. The archival documents suggest that the practice of deportation of adversary state subjects was not a standard procedure. At request, many of them were given a brief reprieve, some received permission to return to Riga later. By the winter of 1914-15, within German and Austrian subjects there were exuded categories of persons not to be subject to deportation (Czechs, Slovaks, French, widows who had previously been Russian subjects, their minor children, persons of over 60 and the sick).
34
ROOS, JULIA. "Racist Hysteria to Pragmatic Rapprochement? The German Debate about Rhenish ‘Occupation Children’, 1920–30." Contemporary European History 22, no. 2 (2013): 155–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777313000039.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis essay revisits 1920s German debates over the illegitimate children of the Rhineland occupation to examine hitherto neglected fluctuations in the relationship between nationalism and racism in Weimar Germany. During the early 1920s, nationalist anxieties focused on the alleged racial ‘threats’ emanating from the mixed-race children of colonial French soldiers. After 1927, plans for the forced sterilisation and deportation of the mixed-race children were dropped; simultaneously, officials began to support German mothers’ paternity suits against French soldiers. This hitherto neglected shift in German attitudes towards the ‘Rhineland bastards’ sheds new light on the role of debates over gender and the family in the process of Franco–German rapprochement. It also enhances our understanding of the contradictory political potentials of popularised foreign policy discourses about women's and children's victimisation emerging from World War I.
35
Komar, Volodymyr, and Adam Szymanowicz. "COSSACK MILITARY FORMATIONS IN OTHER STATES POLICY (1918–1945)." Kyiv Historical Studies, no. 1 (2019): 17–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2524-0757.2019.1.2.
Full textAbstract:
During the civil war in Russia in 1918–1921, the liberation efforts of the Cossacks of Don, Kuban, and Terek were unsuccessful, and their lands were incorporated into the USSR. Their representatives emigrating from their homeland found themselves in difficult material conditions. While in exile, many of them cooperated with Polish and German authorities. Interwar Poland was interested in the use of the Cossacks in the fight against the USSR. The General Staff of the Polish Armed Forces showed particular interest in the Free Cossack movement, as Don, Kuban, and Terek areas were the main places where the Red Army cavalry was formed.The Cossacks who stayed in their homeland experienced tragic times. The introduction of Soviet power also brought with it the elimination of the Cossacks through hunger, repressions, and deportations. However, at the end of the 1930s, the Soviet authorities introduced a new course of policy towards the Cossacks, thereby recognizing the advantages of Cossack military formations in the Red Army. At the beginning of the German-Soviet War in August 1941, the Soviet authorities formed sixteen Cossack cavalry divisions, six of which were immediately sent to the front.During World War II tens of thousands of the Cossacks also fought in German formations on the territory of the USSR. They were used mainly for anti-partisan actions. Due to the support of the Germans, the so-called Cossack State consisting of tens of thousands of Cossacks was created for the refugees from Don. They fought against partisans in Belarus, Poland, Yugoslavia, and Italy. After the capitulation of the Third Reich, the Cossack State, as well as other Cossack formations, found itself on the territory of Austria, and the Cossacks were taken into British captivity. As a result of the British-Soviet agreement, they were turned over to the Soviet authorities, from whose hands death or at best deportation to the camps awaited them.In addition, Cossack military formations were formed in the Far East with the support of Japan, which used them to fight against the USSR.
36
Ermakov, A. M. "Желтая звезда: нацистская верхушка, немцы и стигматизация евреев в сентябре 1941 г." Вестник гуманитарного образования, № 3(23) (9 грудня 2021): 64–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.25730/vsu.2070.21.036.
Full textAbstract:
The article, based on official documents and sources of personal origin, identifies the reasons for the introduction of a special identification mark for German Jews, shows the role of individual Nazi hierarchs in deciding to wear a yellow star, characterizes the main propaganda cliches that accompanied the stigmatization of German Jews, shows the reaction of the "Aryan" population to the visualization of Jews. It has been established that the introduction of the yellow star was a continuation of a series of measures by the Nazi leadership aimed at stigmatizing Jews, inciting hatred towards them by the Germans and thereby facilitating their deportation to the East for the purpose of physical extermination. It is shown that one of the ways to isolate Jews from German society was their visualization, the apogee of which was the wearing of an identification mark on clothes. It is stated that the incentive to discuss the introduction of the sign for Jews was the all German Jewish pogrom of November 1938, accompanied by the "Aryanization" of property, and a positive decision was made by Hitler in the conditions of a racial and ideological war against the Soviet Union. The initiators of the introduction of the yellow star were radical anti-Semites Heydrich, Goering and Goebbels. They successfully overcame the weak resistance of the ministerial bureaucracy and persuaded Hitler to their side. For Goeb bels, visualizing German Jews was a palliative measure caused by the impossibility of their immediate deportation outside Germany. The results obtained can be applied in the study of anti-Semitic ideology, policies and propaganda of Hitler's Germany, Nazi crimes, the mood of the Germans in the first months of the aggression of the Third Reich against the Soviet Union. В статье на основании официальных документов и источников личного происхождения выявлены причины введения специального опознавательного знака для немецких евреев, показана роль отдельных нацистских иерархов в принятии решения о ношении желтой звезды, дана характеристика основных пропагандистских клише, сопровождавших стигматизацию немецких евреев, показана реакция «арийского» населения на визуализацию евреев. Установлено, что введение желтой звезды было продолжением серии мероприятий нацистского руководства, направленных на стигматизацию евреев, разжигание ненависти к ним немцев и тем самым облегчило депортацию их на Восток с целью физического истребления. Показано, что одним из способов изоляции евреев от немецкого общества являлась их визуализация, апогеем которой стало ношение опознавательного знака на одежде. Констатируется, что стимулом к обсуждению введения знака для евреев стал общегерманский еврейский погром ноября 1938 г., сопровождавшийся «ариизацией» собственности, а положительное решение было принято Гитлером в условиях расовой и мировоззренческой войны против Советского Союза. Инициаторами введения желтой звезды были радикальные антисемиты Гейдрих, Геринг и Геббельс. Они успешно преодолели слабое сопротивление министерской бюрократии и склонили Гитлера на свою сторону. Для Геббельса визуализация немецких евреев была паллиативной мерой, вызванной невозможностью их немедленной депортации за пределы Германии. Полученные результаты могут быть применены при изучении антисемитской идеологии, политики и пропаганды гитлеровской Германии, нацистских преступлений, настроений немцев в первые месяцы агрессии Третьего рейха против Советского Союза.
37
Vashkau, Nina, Dmitriy Legkiy, and Assel Berkimbayeva. "“Do Not Count German Resettlers Among the Evacuated Population”. The Position of the German Intelligentsia, During the Great Patriotic War (On the Example of Kustanay Region of the Kazakh SSR)." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 1 (February 2022): 105–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.1.9.
Full textAbstract:
Introduction. The history of the deportation of the German population to the USSR up to the present time is estimated ambiguously. The issue of the situation of the German intelligentsia deported to the territory of the Kazakh SSR, including members of the AUCP(b) during the Great Patriotic War, remains problematic and has not been thoroughly studied by scholars. The war created a difficult situation: two different streams of people of German nationality merged on the territory of the Kazakh SSR. On the one hand, there were local Germans living in Kazakhstan since pre-revolutionary times, and on the other hand, there were Germans deported during the period of the Great Patriotic War, which requires a separate study. Methods and materials. Based on declassified documents of state and party bodies of regional and republican levels marked “Classified”, on the example of the Kustanay regional party organization, the features of the “privileged position” of Germans, members of the AUCP(b) in the conditions of deportation are considered. At the same time, in the regional aspect, detailed lists of teachers, medical workers – “German immigrants who arrived in Kustanay region in 1941” – are being introduced into scholarly discourse, which made it possible to find out the composition of the deported German intelligentsia. The archive file “List of teachers evacuated to districts of Kustanay region in 1941–1942” was analyzed separately, which was not reflected in the historical literature. Analysis. The analysis of the documents shows that, with rare exceptions, all the German intelligentsia deported to Kazakhstan (teachers, philologists, librarians, medical workers) turned out to be collective farm labor in 1941. Proof of discrimination against people of German nationality was the complete absence of data on German teachers (both local and resettled) in the lists of teachers and documents of local authorities. The extremely difficult situation of the deported German intelligentsia (the Volga German ASSR, the Crimean ASSR, the Ukrainian SSR) at the beginning of the Great Patriotic War on the territory of the Kazakh SSR is revealed in the regional aspect (on the example of Kostanay region). This is evidenced by the fate of German teachers, including the German party intelligentsia during the deportation to Kazakhstan at the beginning of the Great Patriotic War. Along with this, declassified party documents directly indicate that persons of German nationality continued to be accepted in the primary party cells into the ranks of the Communist Party (Bolsheviks) of Kazakhstan even after the beginning of the Great Patriotic War. Among them were deported German Communists as well. Results. As a result of the collective research work of historians of Russia and Kazakhstan, the situation of the German intelligentsia (including members of the Bolshevik Party) deported at the beginning of the Great Patriotic War from the Volga German ASSR, the Crimean ASSR, and the Ukrainian SSR to the territory of the Kazakh SSR (on the example of Kustanay region) was studied and subjected to scientific analysis for the first time. The article materials will help to facilitate the work of scholars, local historians, and descendants of deported Germans to establish the fate of the loved ones, find the confirmation of their being in forced settlements, and at the same time, broaden scientific topics of papers on the history of Germans in Kazakhstan.
38
Słodkowski, Piotr. "Do zobaczenia za rok w Jerozolimie. Deportacje polskich Żydów w 1938 roku z Niemiec do Zbąszynia / See You next Year in Jerusalem. Deportations of Polish Jews from Germany to Zbąszyń in 1938, red. Izabela Skórzyńska, Wojciech Olejniczak, Zbąszyń 2012, Fun." Wrocławski Rocznik Historii Mówionej 2 (October 30, 2012): 271–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.26774/wrhm.35.
Full text
39
Zhankadamova, G., B. Atantayeva, R. Akhmetova, and A. Karibayeva. "The history of the deportation of Germans to Kazakhstan in the memoirs of descendants." Bulletin of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. Historical Sciences. Philosophy. Religion Series 141, no. 4 (2022): 37–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-7255-2022-141-4-37-49.
Full textAbstract:
This article is concerned with the oral memories of the descendants of Kazakhstani Germans living in the East Kazakhstan, about the deportation of 1941 and its consequences. The study analyzes the policy of the Soviet state towards the German population within the framework of the deportation policy. The content of the article is based on interviews of three descendants of the deportees, as well as materials from their family archives. The article introduces into science new factual material from sources of personal origin. The information obtained during the interview, as well as sources from the family archives of the interviewee, systematize and enrich knowledge about the tragic events of the mid-twentieth century, including the forced resettlement of entire peoples, and detail many facts of national history. In the study the problem of the dynamics of self-identification of Germans is studied in the context of historical memory, which includes ideas about the lifestyle and standard of living in various periods of the existence of an ethnic group, confessional memory in ethnic consciousness, and memory of interethnic communication culture, using historical and anthropological methods.
40
Wylie, Braden Michael. "Fair Warning." General: Brock University Undergraduate Journal of History 4 (May 6, 2019): 143–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/tg.v4i0.2132.
Full textAbstract:
The present text explores the persistently popular 20thcentury narrative regarding the heroic rescue of 7,742 (97%) Danish Jews from deportation by German Nazis to death camps during WWII. This text challenges the narrative, uncovering certain circumstances and issues that suggest Nazi Germany allowed the Jews to escape across the Oresund River in light of various political and economic conditions. This text compiles new research and first-hand accounts of events that suggest the escape of the Jews from Denmark should be understood as an equally balanced result evolving from certain action of the Danes and inaction of Nazi officials, even those part of Adolf Hitler’s inner circle.
41
Hallama, Eva. "Between the Projection of Danger, Objectification, and Exploitation. Medical Examination of Polish Civilian Forced Laborers before their Deportation into the German Reich." Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Philosophica. Ethica-Aesthetica-Practica, no. 37 (December 30, 2020): 35–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/0208-6107.37.04.
Full textAbstract:
Before crossing the German border, Polish civilian forced laborers who had been recruited for work in Nazi Germany had to undergo medical examination and delousing. The German authorities wanted to ensure that they deported only able-bodied persons to Germany who had been examined for being free from infectious diseases and vermin. In this paper, I explore to what extent the medical examinations may be regarded as strategies for the objectification and dehumanization of the forced laborers. Focus is put on the question of how the Nazi authorities defined “work ability” because the medical assessment was decisive for the choice and selection of foreign manpower. As it turns out, the definition of work ability was essentially determined by factors such as the need for manpower, force, and oppression. Thus, I put the medical assessment of the forced laborers’ work ability into the context of Nazi ideology and economic policy.
42
Schrover, Marlou. "The Deportation of Germans from the Netherlands 1946–1952." Immigrants & Minorities 33, no. 3 (2015): 250–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02619288.2015.1006522.
Full text
43
Toma, M. G. "Crimes against humanity: concepts and signs." Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law 2, no. 81 (2024): 341–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2024.81.2.53.
Full textAbstract:
The relevance of the article is obvious because the terrible crimes committed by the Russian Federation on the territory of Ukraine shook not only Ukrainian society but also the whole world. Russian military personnel and their command commit large-scale and systematic attacks on the civilian population - brutal murders, torture, torture, rape, enslavement, extermination, deportations, imprisonment, the crime of apartheid and other illegal acts of a cruel nature directed against the people of Ukraine.
 The relevance of the study is also related to the fact that the Criminal Code of Ukraine (hereinafter - the Criminal Code of Ukraine) does not contain a definition of crimes against humanity, unlike other crimes such as military or war crimes. We will try to figure out how the actions of criminals will be qualified by Ukrainian courts and who will be held criminally responsible at the international level in the event that crimes against humanity are committed in Ukraine.
 «Crimes against humanity» as a separate group of crimes in international law was first reflected in the joint declaration of the governments of France, Great Britain and Russia on May 28, 1915 as a protest against the genocide committed by Turkey against the Armenian population. The result of the criminal events was the killing of more than a million people, prompting the international community to label this shameful act as a «crime against civilization and humanity» for which the leaders of the Turkish government should be held accountable.
 Crimes against humanity are crimes designed to destroy the very nature of man. These crimes are considered the most heinous crimes, because they mean deliberate mass killings either by the fact of the very existence of people (crimes against humanity) or by the fact of belonging to an ethnic or national group (genocide).
 In a number of international documents, such as: the Statute of the Nuremberg International Military Tribunal, article 6c; Charter of the International Military Tribunal in Tokyo, Article 5c; Law No. 10, adopted by the Control Council of the Allied Powers in Germany in 1945, Article II, 1c; UN Convention of December 9, 1948 on the Prevention of the Crime of Genocide and its Punishment; Statutes of international criminal tribunals for Yugoslavia, Art. 3-5 and Rwanda Art. 2-3; Statute of the International Criminal Court, Art. 7, such international crimes as crimes against humanity are reflected, from this it follows that universal jurisdiction extends to crimes against humanity.
44
Мосора, Володимир. "THE POLICY OF TRANSPORTING THE ABLE-BODIED POPULATION OF GALICIA FOR FORCED LABOR TO GERMANY DURING THE GERMAN OCCUPATION OF THE REGION IN 1941–1944 IN THE PUBLISHED MEMOIRS OF EYEWITNESSES." КОНСЕНСУС, no. 4 (2023): 26–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31110/consensus/2023-04/026-042.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of the article is to analyze, based on memories, information about the policy of the occupation authorities regarding the deportation of the able-bodied population of the Galicia district to forced labor in Germany. Particular attention is paid to the Ukrainian National Union (UNU), which operated on the territory of Germany, and information is provided about their activities in relation to Galician workers in forced labor in the Third Reich. In addition to the UNO, attention is also paid to the Ukrainian Central Committee (UCC). Information is given on the main directions of the UCC related to Galician workers in Germany and the care of their families in the territory of the Galician district. Also, attention is focused on the main methods of agitation of Galician workers and their subsequent involvement in works in Germany. Attention is paid to the peculiarities of life and daily life of Galician workers at mills, plants and factories in Germany. With the help of memoirs, the main methods of avoiding deportation by Galician workers to work in Germany are highlighted (escaping from moving and stationary trains, enlisting in the ranks of the fourteenth grenadier division of the Waffen-SS "Halychyna", bribing doctors, inflicting physical harm on one's own body, etc.). In addition, the work, based on the published memories of eyewitnesses, highlights the peculiarities and methods of transportation of Galician workers to Germany. Also, attention is paid to mass roundups of the local population (as a result of non-fulfillment of labor obligations before the Nazi authorities in certain settlements) with subsequent deportation to Germany. The work provides a thorough review of the given written memories of eyewitnesses of the period of occupation of Galicia (1941–1944), which are related to the labor mobilization of the Galician population for forced labor in Nazi Germany.
45
Szczepański, Andrzej. "German Population in the Ethnic Policy of “People’s Poland”." Zeszyty Naukowe Państwowej Wyższej Szkoły Zawodowej im. Witelona w Legnicy 3, no. 40 (2021): 9–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0015.4451.
Full textAbstract:
After the Second World War, according to various sources, there were between 3.5 and 4.5 million citizens of the former German Third Reich within the borders of Poland. According to the agreements of the so-called Big Three, made during the Yalta and Potsdam conferences, this population was to be resettled within the borders of post-war Germany. The mass deportation actions lasted from 1946 to 1949 and covered the vast majority of the population, but still about 200,000 people remained in their previous places of residence. In the following years of the existence of "People's Poland", they also gradually left the country, emigrating to the West. The primary objective of this paper was to attempt to characterize ethnic policy towards the German population in the post-war Poland. Over the years, the attitude of the state towards this group has fluctuated considerably, being characterized both by repressive measures and by the possibility of enjoying a relatively undisturbed existence.
46
Kisser, T. S. "Social movement of Ural Germans in 1989–2019 (ethnic projects and leaders)." VESTNIK ARHEOLOGII, ANTROPOLOGII I ETNOGRAFII, no. 1(48) (March 2, 2020): 146–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.20874/2071-0437-2020-48-1-13.
Full textAbstract:
The present article considers the history of the social movement of Russian Germans in the Urals, as well as the factors in its formation, on the basis of previously unknown sources (archival and field materials obtained by the author). The Germans of the Urals formed as a single community in the second half of the 20th century, as a result of deportation, labour mobilisation (1942–1946) and a special settlement regime (1948–1955). The author concludes that the modern social movement contributes to the ethnocultural development of the German popula-tion in Russia through various projects aimed at the preservation of history, memory, language and culture. As a result of the activists' activities in the Urals, a network of German associations has formed: centres of German culture, meeting centres, national-cultural autonomies, «Rebirth» society, Russian-German houses, etc. The so-cial movement of Ural Germans plays a key role in ethnocultural development. It emerged in the setting of the mass emigration of Germans to their homeland, both ‘from below’ at the initiative of Germans themselves aiming to preserve the history and culture of their people, and ‘from above’ with the aim of unifying and controlling the mood of the German population. Currently, German organisations initiate their ethnocultural projects directed at the preservation of historical memory, culture, language, as well as other foundations for ethnocultural heritage. For example, creative groups have become a place where ethnicity is updated, where Germans feel like Ger-mans, using their native language and preserving folk traditions. In all projects, a significant, if not decisive, role is played by the personal position of leaders. To some extent, ethnic leaders devote themselves to their people and find self-fulfilment in the field of ethnicity, complementing and revitalising it with their initiatives. Our studies show that the ethnocultural potential of Ural Germans is most effectively realised if ethnic leaders, both socio-political and in the cultural sphere, are active, which helps preserve the cultural heritage of the community. The socio-political leaders of Ural Germans represented by E.A. Grib and O.F. Shtraler emerged at the height of the ethnic movement and the establishment of self-organisation of Russian Germans in the late 1990s — early 2000s. The areas and motives of their activities, on the one hand, were associated with personal self-realisation and, on the other, were explained by the desire to preserve the ethnocultural heritage of Germans whose number reduced sharply due to mass emigration. Their activities are reflected in numerous projects whose success contributes to the formation of the regional identity of the Germans in the Urals through a system of self-organisation.
47
Busyreva, Elena V. "Stories about moving in the 1930s–1940s based on the memories of families with Finnish and German roots (from field materials)." Transaction Kola Science Centre 13, no. 2-2022 (2022): 49–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.37614/2307-5252.2022.2.13.22.004.
Full textAbstract:
The article is devoted to the memories about moving in the 1930s–1940s of families with Finnish and German roots, whose representatives live in the Murmansk region. The oral history materials, as well as memoirs of relatives were used in the article. The stories contain interesting historical information. As a result of the analysis, common features were identified in stories about moving. It was revealed that for Finns and Germans the most significant event in the stories about moving was deportation on a national basis. The details in the description of the road also coincided. The bombings were most often mentioned. Although the memoirs are subjective in assessing events, they are valuable in that they not only contain historical details of everyday life that are not reflected in official sources, but also help to immerse into the atmosphere of a certain era.
48
Mladenova, Marinela. ""Romanian Siberia" in the Traumatic Memories of Bulgarian Catholics from Banat." Balkanistic Forum 31, no. 2 (2022): 11–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v31i2.1.
Full textAbstract:
The article presents some personal experiences and memories related to the deportation of Banat Bulgarian Catholics (1951-1956) in the open labor camp Baragan, Romania. These processes are related to the plans of the communist regime in Romania to deport, following the Soviet model of deportation, people living within a radius of 25 km along the border with Yugoslavia. This area is inhabited by different ethnic groups – Germans, Serbs, Bulgarians, Jews, Vlachs from Macedonia, Romanians, etc., considered "high risk factors". The publication is based on the memories of Rafael Mirchov, deported with his family when he was only 10 years old from the Banat Bulgarian village Star Beshenov to Baragan.
49
Grams, Grant W. "The Deportation of German Nationals from Canada, 1919 to 1939." Journal of International Migration and Integration / Revue de l'integration et de la migration internationale 11, no. 2 (2010): 219–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12134-010-0131-y.
Full text
50
Hrabovec, Emilia. "The catholic church and deportations of ethnic Germans from the Czech lands." Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics 16, no. 1-2 (2000): 64–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523270008415430.
Full text