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Journal articles on the topic 'Desecuritization'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 3 February 2022

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1

Jackson-Preece, Jennifer. "Rearticulating the Friend–Enemy Distinction within States: The HCNM’s ‘New Diplomacy’ of Desecuritization." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 13, no. 4 (November 12, 2018): 523–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-13030027.

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Summary This article’s premise is that the practice of representatives of international organizations has something important to tell us about what it means to ‘do desecuritization’. The analysis provides a qualitative process-tracing of diplomacy by the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe’s (OSCE’s) High Commissioner on National Minorities (HCNM). It finds that ‘new diplomats’ can ‘do desecuritization’ differently. By rearticulating norms, as well as negotiating interests, the HCNM is able to escape the constraints imposed by security grammar and begin to transform the friend–enemy distinction within states. ‘New diplomats’ like the HCNM are capable of initiating such fundamental changes within states because their non-state platforms and institutional cultures transcend traditional international dichotomies of ‘us’ and ‘them’. These findings add nuance to our understanding of desecuritization as practice and suggest a novel methodological approach for studying desecuritization empirically.

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Zayzda, Nurul Azizah, Maiza Hazrina Ash-Shafikh, and Ayusia Sabhita Kusuma. "Securitization and Desecuritization of Migration in Indonesia." Journal of Southeast Asian Human Rights 3, no. 1 (June 26, 2019): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.19184/jseahr.v3i1.8394.

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This paper seeks to explain through an analysis using securitization theory, the dynamics of securitization and desecuritization of migration in Indonesia with a particular emphasize on the forced migration issues in the Southeast Asian region. This paper provides an analysis on the speech act represented in the legal documents or policy papers and the non-discursive practices demonstrated by the authorities in the security-related migration regulation and refugees protection. Both the occurrence of securitization and desecuritization is elaborated. The securitization is understood to take place when policy or legal documents as well current practices construct assumptions that migrants, including irregular or forced migrants pose certain threats to society. The desecuritization, meanwhile, is found in legal documents and practices that weaken the security claims regarding the migrants. It is argued here that desecuritization takes place in the midst of securitization and shifts the language of security of forced migration in regional level. The extent to which the perception of security threats imposed by the migratory process has been shifted can be reviewed in the policy changes by other individual states in the region and the international institutions working within regarding to refugees protection.

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Walschot, Maureen. "Desalination, transboundary water desecuritization and cooperation." DESALINATION AND WATER TREATMENT 104 (2018): 38–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5004/dwt.2018.21913.

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4

Akgul Acikmese, Sinem. "EU conditionality and desecuritization nexus in Turkey." Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 13, no. 3 (September 2013): 303–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2013.812772.

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5

Roe, Paul. "Securitization and Minority Rights: Conditions of Desecuritization." Security Dialogue 35, no. 3 (September 2004): 279–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010604047527.

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6

Snetkov, Aglaya. "Theories, methods and practices – a longitudinal spatial analysis of the (de)securitization of the insurgency threat in Russia." Security Dialogue 48, no. 3 (April 7, 2017): 259–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010617701676.

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How do securitizing actors go about desecuritizing policy issues that have been securitized across multiple spatially bounded referent objects? Do such desecuritizations develop as a single or manifold process and with what political effect? And critically, how do we methodologically approach the study of such processes? These are pertinent questions that have been left underexamined in the (de)securitization literature. In seeking to fill this gap, this article makes two main points. First, it calls for a greater focus on the study of (de)securitizations that are constructed according to multiple spatially bounded referent objects, and on how these diverging strands of discourse and practice shape the overarching process. Second, it argues for a greater use of longitudinal methods of analysis as a better way to capture the evolutionary dynamics of desecuritization processes, which (re)constitute security policies and agendas. To illustrate these claims, the article considers the empirical case of Russia’s (de)securitization of insurgent threats since 2000 by tracing this process over a longitudinal period and across three spatial-referent objects, namely the local level: Chechnya; the sub-federal level: North Caucasus; and the national level: Russia.

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7

Aradau, Claudia. "Security and the democratic scene: desecuritization and emancipation." Journal of International Relations and Development 7, no. 4 (December 2004): 388–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.jird.1800030.

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8

Bourbeau, Philippe, and Juha A. Vuori. "Security, resilience and desecuritization: multidirectional moves and dynamics." Critical Studies on Security 3, no. 3 (September 2, 2015): 253–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21624887.2015.1111095.

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9

Lacy. "China and discourses of desecuritization: a reply to Vuori." Global Discourse 8, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 137–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23269995.2017.1420858.

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10

Bilgin, Pınar. "Making Turkey’s Transformation Possible: Claiming ‘Security‐ speak’—not Desecuritization!" Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 7, no. 4 (December 2007): 555–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683850701726039.

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11

van Willigen, Niels. "From nation-building to desecuritization in Bosnia and Herzegovina." Security and Human Rights 21, no. 2 (2010): 127–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187502310791305864.

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AbstractThis article analyzes the value and impact of the nation building policy of the international community in Bosnia and Herzegovina (Bosnia). The analysis shows that the nation building effort has failed in the sense that the ethnic nationalist political culture persisted and that a collective Bosnian identity is absent. Bosnian politics continued to be dominated by ethnic nationalist political parties and ethnic group interests. The author argues that this can be explained by the continued securitization of ethnic identity. In other words, each ethnic group regards its vital interests to be existentially threatened by the other ethnic group(s). Therefore, the author concludes that when it comes to inter-ethnic cooperation, achieving good and effective government in Bosnia is not so much about nationbuilding, but about de-securitizing ethnic relations.

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12

Christou, Odysseas, and Constantinos Adamides. "Energy securitization and desecuritization in the New Middle East." Security Dialogue 44, no. 5-6 (October 2013): 507–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010613499786.

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This article uses the theoretical framework of securitization in order to analyse the concurrent developments of, on the one hand, the Arab Spring and the resulting ascendance of a New Middle East and North Africa and, on the other, the discovery of natural gas resources by a number of states in the region. Furthermore, we use these developments as tests of the theory, in the process highlighting a number of criticisms that have been levelled against securitization and that are exemplified by these recent empirical events. We examine the outcomes of the Arab Spring as a process of contestation and as an avenue for the promotion of alternative discourses through the emergence of new political actors, institutions and state relations in the region. At the same time, we identify the underexploration of energy securitization in the literature and the need for a cross-sectoral approach for the referent object of energy in the widened security agenda. Ultimately, the article presents the argument that each of the two sets of developments affects the other, thereby transforming the environment within which securitization and desecuritization may result.

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13

Kemp, Walter. "Politics and National Minorities: a trade-off between security and justice?" Security and Human Rights 24, no. 3-4 (April 30, 2014): 298–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750230-02404016.

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For twenty years, the OSCE High Commissioner on National Minorities has worked to prevent inter-ethnic conflict. While there are those that have argued that the High Commissioner has ‘securitized’ minority issues by putting too much emphasis on security rather than justice, the past 20 years of the High Commissioner have shown a track record characterised by conflict prevention and “desecuritization”.

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14

Dadabaev, Timur. "Afghanistan in 2018." Asian Survey 59, no. 1 (January 2019): 114–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2019.59.1.114.

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Three aspects symbolize the state of affairs in and around Afghanistan in 2018: the fragmentation of domestic political actors, the increasing desecuritization of rhetoric with respect to Afghanistan by neighboring countries, and the diversification of Afghanistan’s global partners. While the US strategy showed signs of stalling amid increasing violence and the fragmentation of local actors, there are changes in the attitude of neighboring states.

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15

Abu-Zahra, Nadia, Philip Leech, and Leah MacNeil. "Emancipation versus Desecuritization: Resistance and the Israeli Wall in Palestine." Journal of Borderlands Studies 31, no. 3 (July 2, 2016): 381–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08865655.2016.1188668.

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16

Kurowska, Xymena, and Anatoly Reshetnikov. "Neutrollization: Industrialized trolling as a pro-Kremlin strategy of desecuritization." Security Dialogue 49, no. 5 (August 8, 2018): 345–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010618785102.

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This article considers the significance of trolling for security processes through a contextual analysis of industrialized pro-Kremlin trolling in the Russian blogosphere. The publicity surrounding Russia’s hacking activities in international politics conceals the significance of the domestic trolling culture in Russia and its role in the ‘trolling turn’ in Russia’s foreign policy. We contextually identify the practice of ‘neutrollization’ – a type of localized desecuritization where the regime adopts trolling to prevent being cast as a societal security threat by civil society. Neutrollization relies on counterfeit internet activism, ostensibly originating from the citizenry, that produces political disengagement by breeding radical doubt in a manner that is non-securitizing. Rather than advocating a distinct political agenda, and in contrast to conventional understandings of the operations of propaganda, neutrollization precludes the very possibility of meaning, obviating the need to block the internet in an openly authoritarian manner. It operates by preventing perlocution – that is, the social consequences of the security speech act. This prevention is achieved through the breaking or disrupting of the context in which acts of securitization could possibly materialize, and is made possible by a condition of ‘politics without telos’ that is different from the varieties of depoliticization more familiar in Western societies.

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17

Howell, Alison, and Melanie Richter-Montpetit. "Is securitization theory racist? Civilizationism, methodological whiteness, and antiblack thought in the Copenhagen School." Security Dialogue 51, no. 1 (August 7, 2019): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010619862921.

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This article provides the first excavation of the foundational role of racist thought in securitization theory. We demonstrate that Copenhagen School securitization theory is structured not only by Eurocentrism but also by civilizationism, methodological whiteness, and antiblack racism. Classic securitization theory advances a conceptualization of ‘normal politics’ as reasoned, civilized dialogue, and securitization as a potential regression into a racially coded uncivilized ‘state of nature’. It justifies this through a civilizationist history of the world that privileges Europe as the apex of civilized ‘desecuritization’, sanitizing its violent (settler-) colonial projects and the racial violence of normal liberal politics. It then constructs a methodologically and normatively white framework that uses speech act theory to locate ‘progress’ towards normal politics and desecuritization in Europe, making becoming like Europe a moral imperative. Using ostensibly neutral terms, securitization theory prioritizes order over justice, positioning the securitization theorist as the defender of (white) ‘civilized politics’ against (racialized) ‘primal anarchy’. Antiblackness is a crucial building-block in this conceptual edifice: securitization theory finds ‘primal anarchy’ especially in ‘Africa’, casting it as an irrationally oversecuritized foil to ‘civilized politics’. We conclude by discussing whether the theory, or even just the concept of securitization, can be recuperated from these racist foundations.

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18

Lawson, Fred H. "Desecuritization, Domestic Struggles, and Egypt’s Conflict with Ethiopia over the Nile River." Democracy and Security 12, no. 1 (January 2, 2016): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2015.1133305.

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Aras, Bülent, and Rabia Karakaya Polat. "From Conflict to Cooperation: Desecuritization of Turkey's Relations with Syria and Iran." Security Dialogue 39, no. 5 (October 2008): 495–515. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010608096150.

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20

Salter, Mark B. "Securitization and desecuritization: a dramaturgical analysis of the Canadian Air Transport Security Authority." Journal of International Relations and Development 11, no. 4 (December 2008): 321–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/jird.2008.20.

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21

Åtland, Kristian. "Mikhail Gorbachev, the Murmansk Initiative, and the Desecuritization of Interstate Relations in the Arctic." Cooperation and Conflict 43, no. 3 (September 2008): 289–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836708092838.

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22

Zimmermann, Hubert. "Exporting Security: Success and Failure in the Securitization and Desecuritization of Foreign Military Interventions." Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding 11, no. 2 (April 3, 2017): 225–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17502977.2017.1310174.

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23

Pusane, Özlem Kayhan. "The role of context in desecuritization: Turkish foreign policy towards Northern Iraq (2008–2017)." Turkish Studies 21, no. 3 (October 9, 2019): 392–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2019.1675047.

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24

Shinta, Fardha Dewi. "DESEKURITISASI ISU PERUBAHAN IKLIM AMERIKA SERIKAT MELALUI KEBIJAKAN PENARIKAN DIRI DARI PARIS AGREEMENT 2015." Padjadjaran Journal of International Relations 2, no. 1 (May 31, 2020): 84. http://dx.doi.org/10.24198/padjir.v2i1.24010.

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Masalah perubahan iklim dalam kebijakan luar negeri A.S. telah mengalami proses yang panjang. Mulai dari tahun 1980 Amerika Serikat melakukan sekuritisasi selama masa pemerintahan Ronald Reagan, George H. W Bush, Bill Clinton dan Barack Obama. Tetapi pada masa pemerintahan George W. Bush dan Donald Trump, Amerika Serikat menghapuskan masalah perubahan iklim. Penelitian ini menganalisis upaya desecuritisasi isu perubahan iklim yang dilakukan oleh pemerintah Donald Trump dari 2017 hingga 2020. Teknik analisis data dalam penelitian ini berupa pengelompokan dan pengumpulan data terkait dan kemudian diklarifikasi setelah proses pengeditan data. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa upaya desecuritization dilakukan oleh pemerintah Donald Trump, melalui pernyataan untuk menstabilkan masalah perubahan iklim, dan masalah itu digantikan dengan masalah lain yang lebih mengancam seperti masalah ekonomi, imigran, dan teroris.

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25

Nathan, Daniel, and Itay Fischhendler. "Triggers for securitization: a discursive examination of Israeli–Palestinian water negotiations." Water Policy 18, no. 1 (June 24, 2015): 19–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wp.2015.027.

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Discursive studies on natural resources often fail to examine how the language of existential threats is constructed, while the probable contextual factors for triggering securitization and its implications are also left unexamined. Applied to the Israeli–Palestinian water conflict, this study utilizes negotiation protocols from the Annapolis peace process to quantitatively examine how securitized discourses are triggered and constructed. The study determines that asymmetric actor ratio and negative background events trigger securitizing moves that in this case perpetuate enmity and division. Securitization under conflict scenarios is found to be mostly detrimental to the resolution of water issues as the resource becomes secondary to other high-profile concerns. A more favorable securitized discourse is identified, but this discourse is infrequent and characteristically aligned with the literature that espouses desecuritization.

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Fariborz, A. P., J. S. Seyed, and A. Hossein. "Developing Sino- Israeli Relations in the Post-Cold War Era: Analyzing Desecuritization Scenarios for Iran." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 3 (July 8, 2020): 205–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-3-72-205-224.

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An important feature of Israel's foreign policy in the post-Cold War era has been development of relations with emerging powers, including China. The importance of the economic component in the foreign policy of both countries, China's efforts to achieve the status of a great power, and Israel's strategies to improve its global image and regional position have brought the two countries' relations into a form of comprehensive cooperation in the post-Cold War era. Describing the relations between the two countries in the political, military and economic spheres and acknowledging the impact of China and Israel's behavior patterns on national and regional security of Iran the article seeks to answer the following questions : What are the indicators of the development of China-Israel relations in the post-Cold War era? What are the consequences of these relations for Iran? From this article's point of view, the development of China-Israel relations in all areas has been on an upward trajectory and hence have substantial implications at the national (threatening China-Iran relations in the field of energy and weakening Iran-China military relations and enfeebling Iran's position in the Silk Road project), regional (changing the balance to the detriment of Iran, Iran's containment and normalization of Arab-Israeli relations) and international levels (China's accompanying pressures on Iran, Israel's use of China's capacity in international institutions and efforts to legitimizing and reinforcing the notion of Iran's threat and continuing Iranophobia) for Iran's security.

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27

MacKenzie, Megan. "Securitization and Desecuritization: Female Soldiers and the Reconstruction of Women in Post-Conflict Sierra Leone." Security Studies 18, no. 2 (June 12, 2009): 241–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09636410902900061.

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28

Browning, Christopher S., and Pertti Joenniemi. "Ontological security, self-articulation and the securitization of identity." Cooperation and Conflict 52, no. 1 (July 11, 2016): 31–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836716653161.

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The concept of ontological security has made increasing headway within International Relations, in particular through its ability to offer alternative explanations of the forces underpinning security dilemmas and conflict in world politics. While welcoming the insights already provided by its application, this article argues that the concept’s use to date has been too much geared to questions of identity-related stability, with change viewed as disturbing and anxiety-inducing. In contrast, the article calls for a more open understanding that: (i) links ontological security to reflexivity and avoids collapsing together the concepts of self, identity and ontological security; (ii) avoids privileging securitization over desecuritization as a means for generating ontological security; and (iii) opens out the concept beyond a narrow concern with questions of conflict and the conduct of violence more towards the theorization of positive change.

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Moffette, David. "Muslim Ceutíes, Migrants, and Porteadores: Race, Security, and Tolerance at the Spanish-Moroccan Border." Canadian Journal of Sociology 38, no. 4 (December 31, 2013): 601–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/cjs21198.

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Abstract. This article analyzes the differential problematizations of “Muslim Ceutíes,” “migrants,” and “porteadores” (carriers) in the Spanish border town of Ceuta located on the south shore of the Gibraltar Strait in North Africa. I argue that convivencia, a local discourse and practice of tolerance meaning “living together,” can be analyzed as a regime for governing differences premised on tolerance, and nevertheless contributing to the reproduction of a racialized and unequal social order. I also discuss the securitization of the border and argue against considering desecuritization and depoliticization as antidotes to securitization. I suggest that these strategies are complementary components of a flexible regime for managing the supposed threat posed by migrants in Ceuta. I further substantiate the thesis of a flexible regime for governing risks at the border by showing how various border crossers are framed and governed in Ceuta.

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Kim, Sung-han, and Geun Lee. "When security met politics: desecuritization of North Korean threats by South Korea's Kim Dae-jung government." International Relations of the Asia-Pacific 11, no. 1 (October 18, 2010): 25–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcq015.

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31

Behnke, Andreas. "No way out: desecuritization, emancipation and the eternal return of the political — a reply to Aradau." Journal of International Relations and Development 9, no. 1 (March 2006): 62–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.jird.1800070.

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Andžāns, Māris, and Andris Sprūds. "Securitization and desecuritization of Russia in the national security and defence concepts of Latvia (1995-2020)." Journal of International Studies 14, no. 1 (March 2021): 190–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.14254/2071-8330.2021/14-1/13.

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Rosenow-Williams, Kerstin. "Lobbying for Civil and Religious Rights of Immigrants and Muslims: Desecuritization Strategies of Islamic Umbrella Organizations in Germany." Journal of International Migration and Integration 15, no. 3 (July 23, 2013): 411–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12134-013-0291-7.

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34

Biba, Sebastian. "Desecuritization in China's Behavior towards Its Transboundary Rivers: the Mekong River, the Brahmaputra River, and the Irtysh and Ili Rivers." Journal of Contemporary China 23, no. 85 (June 27, 2013): 21–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10670564.2013.809975.

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Kabacaoğlu, Selin, and Fulya Memişoğlu. "Political Leaders’ Discourses and Securitization of Migration: A Comparison of Turkey and the United States." Journal of Humanity and Society (insan & toplum) 11, no. 3 (September 15, 2021): 1–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.12658/m0623.

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With the growing importance of human mobility in the global agenda since the early 1990s, international migration has increasingly evolved into a securitized phenomenon. This has also made international migrantsa prominent target group of security speech acts. The main objective of this study is to explore migration-security nexus in the context of political discourses. The paper brings a comparative perspective to the role of political leader discourses in the securitization of migration by examining the cases of the United States (USA), hosting the largest number of international migrants, and Turkey, the world’s top refugee hosting country. Through the analytical lens of critical discourse analysis (CDA) and securitization theory, the study unpacks the rhetoric used by Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and American President Donald John Trump towards migrants/ asylum seekers. As the key findings demonstrate, the way the two leaders reflect the migration-security relationship to their speech acts significantly varies. President Trump associates migrants with security issues in multiple ways including social, political and economic spheres, while President Erdoğan’s discourse links migrants with security issues inthe economic realm, but his general discourse reflects a desecuritization approach. In both countries, it is observed that the discourses of political leaders concerning migrants and asylum seekers exert influence on public opinion.

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Vuori. "Let’s just say we’d like to avoid any great power entanglements: desecuritization in post-Mao Chinese foreign policy towards major powers." Global Discourse 8, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 118–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23269995.2017.1408279.

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Ágh, Attila. "The Long Road from Neoliberalism to Neopopulism in ECE: The social paradox of neopopulism and decline of the Left." Baltic Journal of Political Science, no. 7-8 (December 28, 2018): 6–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/bjps.2018.7-8.1.

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[full article and abstract in English] We live in a “post-neoliberal world”, as it has been discussed in the mainstream literature, but the vital link between neoliberalism and neopopulism has been rarely discussed. Nowadays in international political science it is very fashionable to criticise the long neoliberal period of the last decades, still its effect on the rise of neopopulism has not yet been properly elaborated. To dig deeper into social background of neopopulism, this paper describes the system of neoliberalism in its three major social subsystems, in the socio-economic, legal-political and cultural-civilizational fields. The historical context situates the dominant period of neoliberalism between the 1970s in the Old World Order (OWO) and in the 2010s in the New World Order (NWO). In general, neoliberalism’s cumulative effects of increasing inequality has produced the current global wave of neopopulism that will be analysed in this paper in its ECE regional version. The neopopulist social paradox is that not only the privileged strata, but also the poorest part of ECE’s societies supports the hard populist elites. Due to the general desecuritization in ECE, the poor have become state dependent for social security, yet paradoxically they vote for their oppressors, widening the social base of this competitive authoritarianism. Thus, the twins of neoliberalism and neopopulism, in their close connections—the main topic of this paper—have produced a “cultural backlash” in ECE along with identity politics, which is high on the political agenda.

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Durán-Martínez, Angélica. "Bașar Baysal, Securitization and Desecuritization of FARC in Colombia: A Dual Perspective Analysis. Lanham: Lexington Books, 2019. Figures, tables, bibliography, index, 202 pp; hardcover $90, ebook $85.50." Latin American Politics and Society 62, no. 4 (October 12, 2020): 171–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lap.2020.22.

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Nancheva, Nevena. "Securitization reversed. Does Europeanization improve minority/majority relations?" Südosteuropa 65, no. 1 (January 1, 2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2017-0002.

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AbstractThrough a conceptual framework that combines the English School’s focus on primary institutions in international society with the Copenhagen School’s theory of securitization and desecuritization, this article studies the Europeanization of national minorities. It thus signals a categorical departure from the dominant norms transfer approach to problems of national minorities in the European Union (EU), an approach that has failed to convincingly account for many minority outcomes of European integration. This is particularly true of the continual attachment of national minorities to the state’s security agenda. The article takes Galbreath and McEvoy’s (2012) hypothesis that the EU has a unique potential to desecuritize national minorities, and applies it to one candidate (Macedonia) and one new member state (Bulgaria). It assesses flashpoints of minority/majority tensions across several sectors (the judiciary, the police, public administration, political representation, education, and health care). The investigation ascertains negative outcomes—desecuritization—but points to the crisis of confidence in the primary institution of European integration (supranationality) and the ensuing consolidation of nationalism as the dominant institution of pre-EU European society. The article concludes that improved minority/majority relations are a possible consequence of Europeanization rather than a precondition for it.

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Scheel, Stephan. "Reconfiguring Desecuritization: Contesting Expert Knowledge in the Securitization of Migration." Geopolitics, June 25, 2020, 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14650045.2020.1774749.

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DAG, RAHMAN, and MEHMET FERHAT FIRAT. "Securitization and desecuritization of energy resources: insights from alsace-lorraine for Cyprus island." JANUS NET e-journal of International Relation 2, no. 11 (November 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.26619/1647-7251.11.2.1.

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Jacobsen, Marc, and Jeppe Strandsbjerg. "Desecuritization as Displacement of Controversy: geopolitics, law and sovereign rights in the Arctic." Politik 20, no. 3 (October 2, 2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/politik.v20i3.97151.

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Abstract:

By signing the Ilulissat Declaration of May 2008, the five littoral states of the Arctic Ocean pre-emptively desecuritized potential geopolitical controversies in the Arctic Ocean by confirming that international law and geo-science are the defining factors underlying the future delimitation. This happened in response to a rising securitization discourse fueled by commentators and the media in the wake of the 2007 Russian flag planting on the geographical North Pole seabed, which also triggered harder interstate rhetoric and dramatic headlines. This case, however, challenges some established conventions within securitization theory. It was state elites that initiated desecuritization and they did so by shifting issues in danger of being securitized from security to other techniques of government. Contrary to the democratic ethos of the theory, these shifts do not necessarily represent more democratic procedures. Instead, each of these techniques are populated by their own experts and technocrats operating according to logics of right (law) and accuracy (science). While shifting techniques of government might diminish the danger of securitized relations between states, the shift generates a displacement of controversy. Within international law we have seen controversy over its ontological foundations and within science we have seen controversy over standards of science. Each of these are amplified and take a particularly political significance when an issue is securitized via relocation to another technique. While the Ilulissat Declaration has been successful in minimizing the horizontal conflict potential between states it has simultaneously given way for vertical disputes between the signatory states on the one hand and the Indigenous peoples of the Arctic on the other.

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Karakoç, Jülide. "Revisiting multilateralism in the Middle East between securitization and desecuritization of the Kurds." British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, March 10, 2020, 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13530194.2020.1737915.

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Sahu, Anjan Kumar. "From Securitization to Just Securitization and Just Desecuritization: Establishing Synergy between Ethics and Security." International Studies Review, September 23, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isr/viaa072.

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