Academic literature on the topic 'Deutsche Policy of Pretention (2009)'

Summary Explanations for the robust situation of the German labour market in the course of the global recession 2008/09 are the usage of short-time work schemes, the higher internal labour flexibility due to provisions of collective agreements and the reduction of positive balances on working-time accounts. However, another aspect has not been paid much attention to so far. Multinational companies could have reduced employment as a reaction to the global recession not in their home country, but mostly in their foreign affiliates. The possibility ofmultinational companies to choose in which countries they change employment as a reaction on a changed economic situation would have enhanced German economic policy measures. Using the microdatabase direct investment provided by the Deutsche Bundesbank, we analyze the employment changes within German multinational companies during the global recession 2008/9.We find evidence that employment adjustments took place mainly in the foreign affiliates stabilizing employment in Germany.

Ultrafeine Partikel (UFP) sind als Partikel mit einem Durchmesser kleiner als 100 Nanometer definiert. Aufgrund ihrer toxikologischen Eigenschaften stellen sie ein ungebrochen aktuelles Thema in der Luftreinhaltung dar. Diese Arbeit stellt die wichtigsten Grundlagen zu UFP in der Umwelt zusammen und schafft einen Überblick über Messtechniken und vorhandene Messdaten. Hierbei liegen die Schwerpunkte auf der Innenraumluft und der Außenluft. Inzwischen stehen eine Reihe standardisierter Messverfahren für UFP zur Verfügung. Zukünftige messtechnische Entwicklungen sind jedoch notwendig, um mehr personenbezogene bzw. flächenhafte Daten von UFP zu gewinnen. Mit dem German Ultrafine Aerosol Network (GUAN) besteht seit 2009 ein kooperatives Messnetz für die Außenluft, aus dem Mittelwerte, räumliche Schwankungen und zeitliche Trends für UFP abgeleitet werden konnten. Für den Innenraum werden Ergebnisse aus zwei neuen Studien vorgestellt: Die Innenraum-/Außenluftstudie des Instituts für Troposphärenforschung (TROPOS), sowie die Deutsche Umweltstudie zur Gesundheit von Kindern und Jugendlichen (GerES V). Aus beiden Studien wird klar, dass auch die Partikelanzahlkonzentration im Innenraum großen Schwankungen unterliegen kann, und dass Innenraumquellen, wie Feuerquellen, Kerzenabbrand, Tabakrauch und Kochaktivitäten, zu erhöhten UFP-Konzentrationen beitragen. Aus zweijährigen Messungen in 40 Wohnungen konnten jedoch keine Anzeichen abgeleitet werden, dass die UFP-Belastung im Innenraum systematisch höher wäre als in der Außenluft. Generell fehlt es momentan an einer belastbaren Dosis-Wirkungs-Beziehung für UFP sowohl im Innenraum als auch in der Außenluft. Daraus ergibt sich für die kommenden Jahre der Auftrag an die Wissenschaft, gezielte Studien zur Erforschung der gesundheitlichen Wirkungen von UFP aus der Umwelt durchzuführen.

SummaryBetween 1995 and 2005, the German economy has experienced a phase of weak economic growth. We analyze whether this weak growth performance can be attributed to the stance of monetary conditions during that period. We show that the real effective exchange rate did have almost no dampening effects on growth. On the contrary, the introduction of the euro and the single monetary policy for the euro area seem to have contributed significantly to the low trend growth rate in Germany between 1999 and 2005.

AbstractIt has been a policy proposal since long to vertically separate transport and infrastructure in Germany’s railway sector. The proposal received new momentum, when selling the transport subsidiaries of Deutsche Bahn AG to the public was discussed in 2008 / 2009. While vertical separation is general ly understood to prevent foreclosure and discrimination by the incumbent network- operator, advocates of vertical integration claim separation to have adverse effects on access prices to the infrastructure. We examine the price setting incentives of an integrated and a separated network-operator and compare our results to rough empirical findings on the profitability of the Deutsche Bahn AG infrastructure branches. Theoretical analysis highlights that after separation exceptional mark-ups on access prices to the railwayinfrastructure are feasible only in segments of railway-transport with insufficient competition. We therefore conclude that an economic policy for the railway sector directed on efficient supply and promoting effective competition should unbind itself from alleged price synergies and should press ahead with vertical separation instead.

The paper examines how the introduction of Vietnamese exchange-traded funds (ETFs) impacts on the liquidity of the underlying stocks. We found that the component stock’s liquidity decreased after Deutsche Bank Xtrackers (DBX) - the first Vietnamese-based ETF - was introduced in 2008, but significantly improved after the introduction of the other two ETFs, the VanEck Vectors Vietnam ETF (VNM) in 2009 and the E1VFVN30 in 2014. In addition, the stock liquidity change is more pronounced for the stocks that had lower weight in the ETFs. The empirical findings may result in policy implications about the effects of ETF creation on the Vietnam stock market under different trends of the stock market. ETF creation not only provides a new and alternative investment, but is also a diversified and transparent investment tool for Vietnamese investors.

KĘSICKA, KAROLINA (2009): Adaption als Translation. Zum Bedeutungstransfer zwischen der Literatur- und Filmsprache am Beispiel der Remarque-Verfilmungen. Wrocław/Dresden: Oficyna Wydawnicza ATUT – Wrocławskie Wydawnictwo Oświatowe / Neisse Verlag. 303 S.
 KŁAŃSKA, MARIA / KITA-HUBER, JADWIGA / ZARYCHTA, PAWEŁ (eds.) (2010): „Cóż za księga!“ Biblia w literaturze niemieckojęzycznej od Oświecenia po współczesność. [„Welch ein Buch!“ Die Bibel in der deutschsprachigen Literatur von der Aufklärung bis zur Gegenwart]. Kraków: Homini. 564 S.
 KRYSZTOFIAK, MARIA (ed.) (2010): Probleme der Übersetzungskultur. Frankfurt (M.)/Berlin/Bern u. a.: Peter Lang Verlag (=Danziger Beiträge zur Germanistik 33). 270 S.
 KUNICKI, WOJCIECH / ZYBURA, MAREK (eds.) (2011): Germanistik in Polen. Zur Fachgeschichte einer literaturwissenschaftlichen Auslandsgermanistik. 18 Porträts. Osnabrück: fibre (=Studia Brandtiana 3). 400 S.
 SZCZEPANIAK, MONIKA (ed.) (2010): Miłość we współczesnych tekstach kultury. [Liebe in Texten der Gegenwartskultur]. Bydgoszcz: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Kazimierza Wielkiego. 256 S.
 WEIDNER, DANIEL (2011): Bibel und Literatur um 1800. München: Wilhelm Fink (=Reihe TRAJEKTE). 437 S.
 ADAMCZAK-KRYSZTOFOWICZ, SYLWIA (2009): Fremdsprachliches Hörverstehen im Erwachsenenalter. Theoretische und empirische Grundlagen zur adressatengerechten und integrativen Förderung der Hörverstehenskompetenz am Beispiel Deutsch als Fremdsprache in Polen. Poznań: Wydawnictwo Naukowe UAM (=Język – Kultura – Komunikacja 6). 405 S.
 STEINFELD, THOMAS (2010): Der Sprachverführer. Die deutsche Sprache: was sie ist, was sie kann. München: Carl Hanser Verlag. 256 Seiten.
 STEVENSON, PATRICK / CARL, JENNY (2010): Language and Social Change in Central Europe. Discourses on Policy, Identity and the German Language. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. 292 S.
 BORZYSZKOWSKA-SZEWCZYK, MIŁOSŁAWA / PLETZING, CHRISTIAN (eds.) (2010): Śladami żydowskimi po Kaszubach. Przewodni. Jüdische Spuren in der Kaschubei. Ein Reisehandbuch. München: Martin Meidenbauer Verlag. 448 S.
 SCHÖNBORN, SIBYLLE (ed.) (2009): Grenzdiskurse. Zeitungen deutschsprachiger Minderheiten und ihr Feuilleton in Mitteleuropa bis 1939. Essen: Klartext Verlag. 227 S.

KĘSICKA, KAROLINA (2009): Adaption als Translation. Zum Bedeutungstransfer zwischen der Literatur- und Filmsprache am Beispiel der Remarque-Verfilmungen. Wrocław/Dresden: Oficyna Wydawnicza ATUT – Wrocławskie Wydawnictwo Oświatowe / Neisse Verlag. 303 S.
 KŁAŃSKA, MARIA / KITA-HUBER, JADWIGA / ZARYCHTA, PAWEŁ (eds.) (2010): „Cóż za księga!“ Biblia w literaturze niemieckojęzycznej od Oświecenia po współczesność. [„Welch ein Buch!“ Die Bibel in der deutschsprachigen Literatur von der Aufklärung bis zur Gegenwart]. Kraków: Homini. 564 S.
 KRYSZTOFIAK, MARIA (ed.) (2010): Probleme der Übersetzungskultur. Frankfurt (M.)/Berlin/Bern u. a.: Peter Lang Verlag (=Danziger Beiträge zur Germanistik 33). 270 S.
 KUNICKI, WOJCIECH / ZYBURA, MAREK (eds.) (2011): Germanistik in Polen. Zur Fachgeschichte einer literaturwissenschaftlichen Auslandsgermanistik. 18 Porträts. Osnabrück: fibre (=Studia Brandtiana 3). 400 S.
 SZCZEPANIAK, MONIKA (ed.) (2010): Miłość we współczesnych tekstach kultury. [Liebe in Texten der Gegenwartskultur]. Bydgoszcz: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Kazimierza Wielkiego. 256 S.
 WEIDNER, DANIEL (2011): Bibel und Literatur um 1800. München: Wilhelm Fink (=Reihe TRAJEKTE). 437 S.
 ADAMCZAK-KRYSZTOFOWICZ, SYLWIA (2009): Fremdsprachliches Hörverstehen im Erwachsenenalter. Theoretische und empirische Grundlagen zur adressatengerechten und integrativen Förderung der Hörverstehenskompetenz am Beispiel Deutsch als Fremdsprache in Polen. Poznań: Wydawnictwo Naukowe UAM (=Język – Kultura – Komunikacja 6). 405 S.
 STEINFELD, THOMAS (2010): Der Sprachverführer. Die deutsche Sprache: was sie ist, was sie kann. München: Carl Hanser Verlag. 256 Seiten.
 STEVENSON, PATRICK / CARL, JENNY (2010): Language and Social Change in Central Europe. Discourses on Policy, Identity and the German Language. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. 292 S.
 BORZYSZKOWSKA-SZEWCZYK, MIŁOSŁAWA / PLETZING, CHRISTIAN (eds.) (2010): Śladami żydowskimi po Kaszubach. Przewodni. Jüdische Spuren in der Kaschubei. Ein Reisehandbuch. München: Martin Meidenbauer Verlag. 448 S.
 SCHÖNBORN, SIBYLLE (ed.) (2009): Grenzdiskurse. Zeitungen deutschsprachiger Minderheiten und ihr Feuilleton in Mitteleuropa bis 1939. Essen: Klartext Verlag. 227 S.

The Black Summer of 2019/2020 saw the forests of southeast Australia go up in flames. The fire season started early, in September 2019, and by March 2020 fires had burned over 12.6 million hectares (Werner and Lyons). The scale and severity of the fires was quickly confirmed by scientists to be “unprecedented globally” (Boer et al.) and attributable to climate change (Nolan et al.).The fires were also a media spectacle, generating months of apocalyptic front-page images and harrowing broadcast footage. Media coverage was particularly preoccupied by the cause of the fires. Media framing of disasters often seeks to attribute blame (Anderson et al.; Ewart and McLean) and, over the course of the fire period, blame for the fires was attributed to climate change in much media coverage. However, as the disaster unfolded, denialist discourses in some media outlets sought to veil this revelation by providing alternative explanations for the fires. Misinformation originating from social media also contributed to this obscuration.In this article, we investigate the extent to which media coverage of the 2019/2020 bushfires functioned both to precipitate a climate change epiphany and also to support refutation of the connection between catastrophic fires and the climate crisis.Environmental Communication and RevelationIn its biblical sense, revelation is both an ending and an opening: it is the apocalyptic end-time and also the “revealing” of this time through stories and images. Environmental communication has always been revelatory, in these dual senses of the word – it is a mode of communication that is tightly bound to crisis; that has long grappled with obfuscation and misinformation; and that disrupts power structures and notions of the status quo as it seeks to reveal what is hidden. Climate change in particular is associated in the popular imagination with apocalypse, and is also a reality that is constantly being “revealed”. Indeed, the narrative of climate change has been “animated by the revelations of science” (McNeish 1045) and presented to the public through “key moments of disclosure and revelation”, or “signal moments”, such as scientist James Hansen’s 1988 US Senate testimony on global warming (Hamblyn 224).Journalism is “at the frontline of environmental communication” (Parham 96) and environmental news, too, is often revelatory in nature – it exposes the problems inherent in the human relationship with the natural world, and it reveals the scientific evidence behind contentious issues such as climate change. Like other environmental communicators, environmental journalists seek to “break through the perceptual paralysis” (Nisbet 44) surrounding climate change, with the dual aim of better informing the public and instigating policy change. Yet leading environmental commentators continually call for “better media coverage” of the planetary crisis (Suzuki), as climate change is repeatedly bumped off the news agenda by stories and events deemed more newsworthy.News coverage of climate-related disasters is often revelatory both in tone and in cultural function. The disasters themselves and the news narratives which communicate them become processes that make visible what is hidden. Because environmental news is “event driven” (Hansen 95), disasters receive far more news coverage than ongoing problems and trends such as climate change itself, or more quietly devastating issues such as species extinction or climate migration. Disasters are also highly visual in nature. Trumbo (269) describes climate change as an issue that is urgent, global in scale, and yet “practically invisible”; in this sense, climate-related disasters become a means of visualising and realising what is otherwise a complex, difficult, abstract, and un-seeable concept.Unsurprisingly, natural disasters are often presented to the public through a film of apocalyptic rhetoric and imagery. Yet natural disasters can be also “revelatory” moments: instances of awakening in which suppressed truths come spectacularly and devastatingly to the surface. Matthewman (9–10) argues that “disasters afford us insights into social reality that ordinarily pass unnoticed. As such, they can be read as modes of disclosure, forms of communication”. Disasters, he continues, can reveal both “our new normal” and “our general existential condition”, bringing “the underbelly of progress into sharp relief”. Similarly, Lukes (1) states that disasters “lift veils”, revealing “what is hidden from view in normal times”. Yet for Lukes, “the revelation tells us nothing new, nothing that we did not already know”, and is instead a forced confronting of that which is known yet difficult to engage with. Lukes’ concern is the “revealing” of poverty and inequality in New Orleans following the impact of Hurricane Katrina, yet climate-related disasters can also make visible what McNeish terms “the dark side effects of industrial civilisation” (1047). The Australian bushfires of 2019/2020 can be read in these terms, primarily because they unveiled the connection between climate change and extreme events. Scorching millions of hectares, with a devastating impact on human and non-human communities, the fires revealed climate change as a physical reality, and—for Australians—as a local issue as well as a global one. As media coverage of the fires unfolded and smoke settled on half the country, the impact of climate change on individual lives, communities, landscapes, native animal and plant species, and well-established cultural practices (such as the summer camping holiday) could be fully and dramatically realised. Even for those Australians not immediately impacted, the effects were lived and felt: in our lungs, and on our skin, a physical revelation that the impacts of climate change are not limited to geographically distant people or as-yet-unborn future generations. For many of us, the summer of fire was a realisation that climate change can no longer be held at arm’s length.“Revelation” also involves a temporal collapse whereby the future is dragged into the present. A revelatory streak of this nature has always existed at the heart of environmental communication and can be traced back at least as far as the environmentalist Rachel Carson, whose 1962 book Silent Spring revealed a bleak, apocalyptic future devoid of wildlife and birdsong. In other words, environmental communication can inspire action for change by exposing the ways in which the comforts and securities of the present are built upon a refusal to engage with the future. This temporal rupture where the future meets the present is particularly characteristic of climate change narratives. It is not surprising, then, that media coverage of the 2019/2020 bushfires addressed not just the immediate loss and devastation but also dread of the future, and the understanding that summer will increasingly hold such threats. Bushfires, Climate Change and the MediaThe link between bushfire risk and climate change generated a flurry of coverage in the Australian media well before the fires started in the spring of 2019. In April that year, a coalition of 23 former fire and emergency services leaders warned that Australia was “unprepared for an escalating climate threat” (Cox). They requested a meeting with the new government, to be elected in May, and better funding for firefighting to face the coming bushfire season. When that meeting was granted, at the end of Australia’s hottest and driest year on record (Doyle) in November 2019, bushfires had already been burning for two months. As the fires burned, the emergency leaders expressed frustration that their warnings had been ignored, claiming they had been “gagged” because “you are not allowed to talk about climate change”. They cited climate change as the key reason why the fire season was lengthening and fires were harder to fight. "If it's not time now to speak about climate and what's driving these events”, they asked, “– when?" (McCubbing).The mediatised uncovering of a bushfire/climate change connection was not strictly a revelation. Recent fires in California, Russia, the Amazon, Greece, and Sweden have all been reported in the media as having been exacerbated by climate change. Australia, however, has long regarded itself as a “fire continent”: a place adapted to fire, whose landscapes invite fire and can recover from it. Bushfires had therefore been considered part of the Australian “normal”. But in the Australian spring of 2019, with fires having started earlier than ever and charring rainforests that did not usually burn, the fire chiefs’ warning of a climate change-induced catastrophic bushfire season seemed prescient. As the fires spread and merged, taking homes, lives, landscapes, and driving people towards the water, revelatory images emerged in the media. Pictures of fire refugees fleeing under dystopian crimson skies, masked against the smoke, were accompanied by headlines like “Apocalypse Now” (Fife-Yeomans) and “Escaping Hell” (The Independent). Reports used words like “terror”, “nightmare” (Smee), “mayhem”, and “Armageddon” (Davidson).In the Australian media, the fire/climate change connection quickly became politicised. The Deputy Prime Minister Michael McCormack interviewed by the ABC, responding to a comment by Greens leader Adam Bandt, said connecting bushfire and climate while the fires raged was “disgraceful” and “disgusting”. People needed help, he said, not “the ravings of some pure enlightened and woke capital city greenies” (Goloubeva and Haydar). Gladys Berejiklian the NSW Premier also described it as “inappropriate” (Baker) and “disappointing” (Fox and Higgins) to talk about climate change at this time. However Carol Sparks, Mayor of bushfire-ravaged Glen Innes in rural NSW, contradicted this stance, telling the ABC (Australian Broadcasting Corporation) “Michael McCormack needs to read the science”. Climate change, she said, was “not a political thing” but “scientific fact” (Goloubeva and Haydar).As the fires merged and intensified, so did the media firestorm. Key Australian media became a sparring ground for issue definition, with media predictably split down ideological lines. Public broadcasters the ABC and SBS (Special Broadcasting Service), along with The Age, The Sydney Morning Herald and The Guardian Australia, predominantly framed the catastrophe as wrought by climate change. The Guardian, in an in-depth investigation of climate science and bushfire risk, stated that “despite the political smokescreen” the connection between the fires and global warming was “unequivocal” (Redfearn). The ABC characterised the fires as “a glimpse of the horrors of climate change’s crescendoing impact” (Rose). News outlets owned by Rupert Murdoch’s News Corp Australia, however, actively sought to play down the fires’ seriousness. On 2 January, as front pages of newspapers across the world revealed horrifying fiery images, Murdoch’s Australian ran an upbeat shot of New Year’s Day picnic races as its lead, relegating discussion of the fires to page 4 (Meade). More than simply obscuring the fires’ significance, News Corp media actively sought to convince readers that the fires were not out of the ordinary. For example, as the fires’ magnitude was becoming clear on the last day of 2019, The Australian ran a piece comparing the fires with previous conflagrations, claiming such conditions were “not unprecedented” and the fires were “nothing new” (Johnstone). News Corp’s Sky News also used this frame: “climate alarmists”, “catastrophise”, and “don’t want to look at history”, it stated in a segment comparing the event to past major bushfires (Kenny).As the fires continued into January and February 2020, the refutation of the climate change frame solidified around several themes. Conservative media continued to insist the fires were “normal” for Australia and attributed their severity to a lack of hazard reduction burning, which they blamed on “Greens policies” (Brown and Caisley). They also promoted the argument, espoused by Energy Minister Angus Taylor, that with only “1.3% of global emissions” Australia “could not have meaningful impact” on global warming through emissions reductions, and that top-down climate mitigation pressure from the UN was “doomed to fail” (Lloyd). Foreign media saw the fires in quite different terms. From the outside looking in, the Australian fires were clearly revealed as fuelled by global heating and exacerbated by the Australian government’s climate denialism. Australia was framed as a “notorious climate offender” (Shield) that was—as The New York Times put it—“committing climate suicide” (Flanagan) with its lack of coherent climate policy and its predilection for mining coal. Ouest-France ran a headline reading “High on carbon, rich Australia denies global warming” in which it called Scott Morrison’s position on climate change “incomprehensible” (Guibert). The LA Times called the Australian fires “a climate change warning to its leaders—and ours”, noting how “fossil fuel friendly Morrison” had “gleefully wielded a fist-sized chunk of coal on the floor of parliament in 2017” (Karlik). In the UK, the Independent online ran a front page spread of the fires’ vast smoke plume, with the headline “This is what a climate crisis looks like” (Independent Online), while Australian MP Craig Kelly was called “disgraceful” by an interviewer on Good Morning Britain for denying the fires’ link to climate change (Good Morning Britain).Both in Australia and internationally, deliberate misinformation spread by social media additionally shaped media discourse on the fires. The false revelation that the fires had predominantly been started by arson spread on Twitter under the hashtag #ArsonEmergency. While research has been quick to show that this hashtag was artificially promoted by bots (Weber et al.), this and misinformation like it was also shared and amplified by real Twitter users, and quickly spread into mainstream media in Australia—including Murdoch’s Australian (Ross and Reid)—and internationally. Such misinformation was used to shore up denialist discourses about the fires, and to obscure revelation of the fire/climate change connection. Blame Framing, Public Opinion and the Extent of the Climate Change RevelationAs studies of media coverage of environmental disasters show us, media seek to apportion blame. This blame framing is “accountability work”, undertaken to explain how and why a disaster occurred, with the aim of “scrutinizing the actions of crisis actors, and holding responsible authorities to account” (Anderson et al. 930). In moments of disaster and in their aftermath, “framing contests” (Benford and Snow) can emerge in which some actors, regarding the crisis as an opportunity for change, highlight the systemic issues that have led to the crisis. Other actors, experiencing the crisis as a threat to the status quo, try to attribute the blame to others, and deny the need for policy change. As the Black Summer unfolded, just such a contest took place in Australian media discourse. While Murdoch’s dominant News Corp media sought to protect the status quo, promote conservative politicians’ views, and divert attention from the climate crisis, other Australian and overseas media outlets revealed the fires’ link to climate change and intransigent emissions policy. However, cracks did begin to show in the News Corp stance on climate change during the fires: an internal whistleblower publicly resigned over the media company’s fires coverage, calling it a “misinformation campaign”, and James Murdoch also spoke out about being “disappointed with the ongoing denial of the role of climate change” in reporting the fires (ABC/Reuters).Although media reporting on the environment has long been at the forefront of shaping social understanding of environmental issues, and news maintains a central role in both revealing environmental threats and shaping environmental politics (Lester), during Australia’s Black Summer people were also learning about the fires from lived experience. Polls show that the fires affected 57% of Australians. Even those distant from the catastrophe were, for some time, breathing the most toxic air in the world. This personal experience of disaster revealed a bushfire season that was far outside the normal, and public opinion reflected this. A YouGov Australia Institute poll in January 2020 found that 79% of Australians were concerned about climate change—an increase of 5% from July 2019—and 67% believed climate change was making the bushfires worse (Australia Institute). However, a January 2020 Ipsos poll also found that polarisation along political lines on whether climate change was indeed occurring had increased since 2018, and was at its highest levels since 2014 (Crowe). This may reflect the kind of polarised media landscape that was evident during the fires. A thorough dissection in public discourse of Australia’s unprecedented fire season has been largely eclipsed by the vast coverage of the coronavirus pandemic that so quickly followed it. In May 2020, however, the fires were back in the media, when the Bushfires Royal Commission found that the Black Summer “played out exactly as scientists predicted it would” and that more seasons like it were now “locked in” because of carbon emissions (Hitch). It now remains to be seen whether the revelatory extent of the climate change blame frame that played out in media discourse on the fires will be sufficient to garner meaningful action and policy change—or whether denialist discourses will again obscure climate change revelation and seek to maintain the status quo. References Anderson, Deb, et al. "Fanning the Blame: Media Accountability, Climate and Crisis on the Australian ‘Fire Continent’." Environmental Communication 12.7 (2018): 928-41.Australia Institute. “Climate Change Concern.” Jan. 2020. <https://www.tai.org.au/sites/default/files/Polling%20-%20January%202020%20-%20Climate%20change%20concern%20and%20attitude%20%5BWeb%5D.pdf>.Baker, Nick. “NSW Mayor Alams Deputy PM’s 'Insulting' Climate Change Attack during Bushfires.” SBS News 11 Nov. 2019. <https://www.sbs.com.au/news/nsw-mayor-slams-deputy-pm-s-insulting-climate-change-attack-during-bushfires>.Benford, Robert D., and David A. Snow. "Framing Processes and Social Movements: An Overview and Assessment." Annual Review of Sociology 26.1 (2000): 611-39.Boer, Matthias M., Víctor Resco de Dios, and Ross A. Bradstock. "Unprecedented Burn Area of Australian Mega Forest Fires." Nature Climate Change 10.3 (2020): 171-72.Brown, Greg, and Olivia Caisley. “Greens Policies Increasing Bushfire Threat, Barnaby Joyce Says.” The Australian 11 Nov. 2019. <https://www.theaustralian.com.au/nation/politics/deputy-pm-michael-mccormack-slams-raving-innercity-lunatics-for-linking-climate-change-to-fires/news-story/5c3ba8d3e72bc5f10fcf49a94fc9be85>.Carson, Rachel. Silent Spring. Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin, 2002 [1962].Cox, Lisa. “Former Fire Chiefs Warn Australia Is Unprepared for Escalating Fire Threat.” The Guardian 10 Apr. 2019. <https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2019/apr/09/former-fire-chiefs-warn-australia-unprepared-for-escalating-climate-threat>.Crowe, David. “Ipsos Poll Offers Only a Rough Guide to the Liberal Party’s Uncertain Fate.” Sydney Morning Herald 7 Apr. 2019.Davidson, Helen. “Mallacoota Fire: Images of 'Mayhem' and 'Armageddon' as Bushfires Rage.” The Guardian 31 Dec. 2019. <https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2019/dec/31/mallacoota-fire-mayhem-armageddon-bushfires-rage-victoria-east-gippsland>.Doyle, Kate. “2019 Was Australia’s Hottest and Driest Year on Record.” ABC News 2 Jan. 2020. <https://www.abc.net.au/news/2020-01-02/2019-was-australias-hottest-and-driest-year-on-record/11837312>.“Escaping Hell.” The Independent 2 Jan. 2020.Ewart, Jacqui, and Hamish McLean. "Ducking for Cover in the ‘Blame Game’: News Framing of the Findings of Two Reports into the 2010–11 Queensland floods." Disasters 39.1 (2015): 166-84.Fife-Yeomans, Janet. “Apocalypse Now.” Herald Sun 1 Jan. 2020. 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Die deutsche Außenpolitik hat seit dem 19. Jahrhundert bis zur Gegenwart viele Veränderungen erlebt. Lange stand Deutschland in einem angespannten Verhältnis zu den europäischen Ordnungen, doch nun ist es ein wichtiger Akteur der internationalen Gemeinschaft. Manfred Görtemaker, Professor für Neuere Geschichte aus Potsdam, zeichnet die wichtigsten Stationen dieser Entwicklung in seinem Beitrag nach.

Internationale Institutionen haben Stabilität und Beharrungsvermögen. Sie erfüllen Funktionen und suchen aus ihrer Eigendynamik, sich an veränderte Rahmenbedingungen anzupassen. Das gilt auch für die NATO nach dem Ende der bipolaren Blockkonfrontation. Sie erfüllt noch Funktionen im Interesse ihrer Mitglieder und wird trotz Sinnkrise sowie Defiziten in ihrer Problemlösungsfähigkeit noch lange als sicherheitspolitischer Akteur die internationalen Beziehungen prägen. Entscheidend ist der Platz, den sie einnehmen will.

Die NATO braucht eine neue Balance. Nie zuvor war sie in so vielen Operationen aktiv. Die Differenzen zwischen den Mitgliedstaaten werden immer deutlicher. So sieht sich die NATO dem Vorwurf ausgesetzt, eine Organisation mit mangelnder Zielsetzung zu sein, die stärker durch externe Faktoren als durch kollektive Interessen geleitet sei. Angesichts der wachsenden Bedeutung der transatlantischen Kooperation plädiert der Autor daher für eine neue Allianz, in deren Zentrum die kollektive Sicherheit der Mitgliedstaaten, eine Institutionalisierung der transatlantischen Kooperation sowie die Erarbeitung einer gemeinsamen Sicherheitsstrategie stehen sollten. Um diese Ziele zu verwirklichen, reicht die NATO allein nicht mehr aus. Sie muss in der Lage sein, mit anderen nationalen und internationalen Akteuren zusammenzuarbeiten.

"Vor der deutschen Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik steht eine Fülle schwieriger und unaufschiebbarer Weichenstellungen für die nächsten Jahre. Gegenwärtig mangelt es ihr an notwendiger Konsistenz und Zielsicherheit, um den richtigen und angemessenen Zugang zu den sich immer schneller verändernden Konstellationen der Weltpolitik, ihren neuen Machtverhältnissen, Strategien und Bewegungsrichtungen zu finden. Die nachfolgenden Rezensionen vermitteln zwar Hinweise auf ihre Gestaltung, können gleichwohl größtenteils nur den Stand der Dinge von 2008 erfassen."

Schwarz-Rot vertritt wie keine andere deutsche Regierung vor ihr selbstbewusst deutsche und europäische Interessen, ohne dieses Selbstbewusstsein bemüht zur Schau zu stellen. Deutschland hat in den vergangenen Jahren ganz selbstverständlich die Rolle des Antreibers europäischer Politik für sich reklamiert. Jedoch erwiesen sich Merkel und Steinmeier dabei mehr als realistische Pragmatiker denn als Visionäre.

Der Koordinator für deutsch-amerikanische Zusammenarbeit im Auswärtigen Amt, Karsten Voigt, attestiert der Außenpolitik der Großen Koalition eine erfolgreiche, solide Arbeit. Diese setzt die international geschätzte deutsche Kontinuität und Verlässlichkeit fort; auch in den zuletzt als schwierig empfundenen Beziehungen zu Russland und den USA.

Außenpolitik - häufig ein kontrovers diskutiertes Thema. Wie steht es mit der Offenlegung außenpolitischer Grundsätze der Parteien in Zeiten des Wahlkampfes? Sollte man sich nur vorsichtig äußern, um potentiellen Koalitionspartnern nicht vor den Kopf zu stoßen?

Dass die Große Koalition die Kontinuität deutscher Außenpolitik fortsetzt, ist für den Autor, verteidigunspolitischer Sprecher von DIE LINKE, ein Zeichen der Stagnation, sogar des Versagens. Er wirft der Bundesregierung Einfallslosigkeit, mangelndes Engagement und kalte Interessenpolitik vor. Doch neben der umfassenden Kritik werden auch neue Lösungsansätze vorgestellt, die sich auf Erwartungen an die neue US-Administration stützen.

Kooperative Beziehungen zu Russland sind angesichts der politisch-wirtschaftlichen Interessenlage, der geopolitischen Realitäten im Osten Europas und des geschichtlichen Hintergrundes in der deutschen politischen Klasse Konsens. Mit dem Begriff der strategischen Partnerschaft werden die deutsch-russischen Beziehungen immer wieder charakterisiert, d. h. diese Kooperation soll weit über die normalen Interessen Deutschlands hinausgehen und eine globalpolitische Dimension erreichen.

Wie stabil ist die Außenpolitik der Großen Koalition? Aufgrund ihrer Position als stellvertretende außenpolitische Sprecherin der SPD ist es der Autorin möglich, neben den Gemeinsamkeiten auch die entscheidenden Unterschiede zu beleuchten. Vor dem Hintergrund mehrerer Beispiele, wie dem EU-Beitritt der Türkei, stellt sie den Konsens zwischen CDU/ CSU und SPD als fragil heraus.