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Journal articles on the topic 'Dialectal variation'
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1
Lu, Yu-An. "The effect of dialectal variation on word recognition." Language and Linguistics / 語言暨語言學 20, no. 4 (September 24, 2019): 535–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lali.00048.lu.
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Abstract Previous studies on Chinese dialect variation have mostly focused on the description of dialects, the regions where these dialects are spoken, attitudes towards dialects, and acoustic differences across dialects. The present study draws on experimental evidence concerning a vowel difference in two Taiwan Southern Min (TSM) dialects to provide more understanding on how non-contrastive, dialectal variations may affect speakers’ processing of speech. The variation of interest is a phonemic difference, [ə] and [ɔ], in the vowel inventory in two TSM dialects, in which the difference signals a lexical contrast in one dialect (e.g. [ə-a] ‘oyster’ vs. [ɔ-a] ‘taro’) but not in the other ([ɔ-a] ‘oyster, taro’). A long-term repetition-priming experiment investigating the word recognition involving the two vowels revealed a dialect effect on TSM speakers’ word recognition in accordance with prior exposure, native-ness and variant frequency. Implications of the findings are provided.
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Fukushima. "Interplay of Phonological, Morphological, and Lexical Variation: Adjectives in Japanese Dialects." Languages 4, no. 2 (June 1, 2019): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/languages4020031.
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This paper examines the interplay of phonological, morphological, and lexical variation focusing on adjectives in Japanese dialects. Previous studies of adjectives in the Niigata dialects of the Japanese language analyzed the ongoing changes in dialectal variation amongst the young generation of Japanese. In this paper, the data derived from the geolinguistic survey and dialect dictionaries are used to verify the estimated changes in phonological, morphological, and lexical variation. The variation of adjectives is examined by classifying forms with regard to the distinction between standard/dialectal forms. The phonological types of adjectives played a role in the interpretation of the phonological variation and change. Most changes of phonological types are phonologically explained but include change by analogy. The lexical variation is intertwined with phonological variation and morphological variation. The morphological distributions which vary according to the conjugation form are one example of lexical diffusion.
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Fanselow, Gisbert, Reinhold Kliegl, and Matthias Schlesewsky. "Syntactic variation in German wh-questions." Linguistic Variation Yearbook 2005 5 (December 31, 2005): 37–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/livy.5.03fan.
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This paper reports three experiments concerning variation in the grammar of German wh-questions. We found much variation but no clear dialects in the acceptability ratings of sentences violating the weak crossover condition. We attribute this variation to extra-grammatical factors. With a sentence completion task, we were able to show that there is regional variation concerning the scope of wh-movement. In a training experiment, we were also able to make speakers of the restrictive dialect behave like speakers of the liberal dialect with respect to wh-movement. We argue that this suggests an extragrammatical explanation of the dialectal difference.
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Poletto, Cecilia. "Contrastive linguistics and micro-variation." Languages in Contrast 12, no. 1 (January 12, 2012): 47–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lic.12.1.04pol.
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This article deals with a very general problem, namely the origin of the well-known distinction between dialectal and typological variation. It is argued that the fact that the possible grammatical choices are more restricted within a dialectal domain is not due to a supposed principled difference in the parameters that rule variation. Rather, they are a function of the originally unitary lexicon dialects share. If language variation is essentially located in the functional items, and they are derived from the same lexicon, then they will share some core properties that make dialectal variation so restricted. I propose that the fact that the lexicon is similar can give us clues about the internal structure of syntactically complex elements which are represented by a single word, like quantifiers, wh-items, modal verbs, etc. Within a homogenous domain, structural complexity correlates with a higher number of lexical roots: the higher the number of the lexical roots found, the more complex internal structure the functional item will display.
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Hasan, Aveen Mohammed, and Rebeen Abdulrahman Rasheed. "Glide Insertion And Dialectal Variation In Kurdish." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 12, no. 14 (May 29, 2016): 289. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2016.v12n14p289.
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One of the strategies used as a hiatus resolution is glide insertion. Previous Kurdish phonological works involve only a description of glide insertion in one dialect neglecting the segmental context. This study provides an analysis of glide insertion in word-medial vowel clusters in Kurdish and it is the first attempt to analyse the effects of dialect and segmental context. The speech material includes a set of words consisting of a stem plus a suffix with different vowel sequences at their boundaries. It is produced by four native speakers from four Kurdish speaking areas. The data analysis involves word transcription, their segmentation and the comparison of vowel sequences within and across the subdialects. The results indicate that glide insertion is not the only strategy used as word medial hiatus resolution, but it depends on the segmental context and dialect. Generally, the vowel hiatus is resolved by /j/ insertion. Vowel deletion is also used obligatorily in some segmental contexts when the second vowel in a sequence is /i/ and also when there are identical vowels in a sequences. Dialectal variations are observed in some vowel sequences in which /j/ insertion and vowel deletion both are used and when the first vowels in the sequence are the high back vowels in that /j/ and /w/ insertions are used. The findings suggests that /j/ insertion is the default strategy to resolve word-medial vowel clusters in Kurdish, the insertion of /w/ or vowel deletion are other strategies which are limited to some dialects and vowel sequences.
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Coleman, Robert. "Dialectal variation in republican Latin, with special reference to Praenestine." Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society 36 (1990): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068673500005204.
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1.1 Dialectical diversity is common to all languages. It comes about when groups of speakers of the same language become isolated from one another and from the conformist pressures of an administrative or cultural centre. The tendency to local change can be accelerated by the presence nearby of another language and the growth of bilingual interaction in settled conditions over several generations. Like linguistic change in general, dialectal diversity tends to be retarded by improved communications and a universal homogeneous education system.1.2 Modern dialect geographers go about their work with a questionnaire, a tape-recorder and a note-book, listing items of pronunciation, vocabulary, morphology and syntax that distinguish particular localities from one another. If their aim is not the purely linguistic one of establishing an underlying diasystem and the range of variation within it, but is more concerned with the sociological aspects of the linguistic data, then they will plot the dialectical variations against the ‘standard’ language, viz. the dialect which because of its association with an administrative or cultural capital has in an elaborated and artificial form acquired prestige and dominance throughout the whole speech community. If researchers find that their information is incomplete, they can simply return to the field with further questions.
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Chineze, Nwagalaku, Obiora Harriet Chinyere, and Christopher Chinedu Nwike. "Linguistic Variation and Change in Nawfija Speech Community." Journal of Language Teaching and Research 12, no. 5 (September 1, 2021): 741–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/jltr.1205.13.
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The focus of this study is on linguistic change and variation in the Nawfija speech community. It distinguished dialect from other similar words and contrasted the traditional Igbo dialect with the Nawfija dialect of the Igbo language on an equal footing. The types of dialectal variations found in the Igbo Nawfija dialect were investigated in this study, as well as the question of dialect supremacy. For the creation of standard Igbo, some suggestions have been made.
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Delgado-Díaz, Gibran. "Dialectal variation of the preterit and imperfect." Revista Española de Lingüística Aplicada/Spanish Journal of Applied Linguistics 31, no. 1 (August 27, 2018): 64–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/resla.15048.del.
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Abstract This investigation examines the use of the pretérito and imperfecto forms in Puerto Rican and Buenos Aires Spanish. These dialects were chosen because the pretérito can express a perfect event in Buenos Aires Spanish while this use has not been documented in Puerto Rican Spanish. This may cause differences in the use of these forms. The main goal of this investigation was to contrast the linguistic predictors in both dialects in order to determine if there are dialectal differences and if they are due to different grammaticalization pathways. The results indicate that there are some differences between the Spanish spoken by Puerto Ricans and that of the Argentines of Buenos Aires. Among the results, it was found that these two dialects had different predictors for the pretérito and imperfecto. These results show preliminary evidence that indicates that these dialects follow different grammaticalization paths.
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Ormazabal, Javier, and Juan Romero. "Object clitics, agreement and dialectal variation." Probus 25, no. 2 (September 12, 2013): 301–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/probus-2013-0012.
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Abstract This article presents an analysis of object clitics in Spanish and some of its consequences for the theory of agreement and Case. On the empirical side, we present syntactic, morphological and semantic arguments supporting a mixed approach to object clitics where 3rd person Direct Object (DO) cliticization constitutes a genuine case of Determiner movement, but other DO and Indirect Object (IO) clitics are agreement elements. Once third person object clitics are set aside, the emerging picture is a single agreement that does not discriminate between DOs and IOs in the syntax. This idea finds striking support in Basque Leísta Dialect, where there is a 3rd person DO agreement clitic that behaves in all relevant respects like all other agreement clitics. Moreover, the consequences of this analysis extend to other properties of the object relation in Spanish, such as Differential Object Marking (DOM), and dialectal variation in the clitic field. An interesting observation that arises from this study is that the agreement nature of 1st and 2nd person clitics and the whole series of IOs is extremely robust in Spanish and remains invariable across all the dialects analyzed. Variation is thus restricted to 3rd person DO objects, where in contrast the changes are diverse and take very different directions, a fact that raises interesting questions related both to the historical evolution of the clitic system and to the theoretical analysis of Case and agreement.
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Kraljic, Tanya. "How listeners represent dialectal variation." Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 126, no. 4 (2009): 2282. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.3249354.
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Seppänen, Aimo. "Dialectal variation in English relativization." Lingua 109, no. 1 (August 1999): 15–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0024-3841(99)00010-8.
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Petersen, Jan Heegård. "Phonological Individuation in a Former Danish Settlement in South Dakota, USA." Journal of Germanic Linguistics 30, no. 2 (April 18, 2018): 97–133. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1470542717000071.
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The article describes the manifestation and distribution of 15 phonological variables in a rural heritage language community in South Dakota, USA. I discuss to what extent dialect convergence has occurred in this former Danish settlement. The data sample encompasses speakers born in Northwest Jutland in Denmark, as well as speakers born in South Dakota to parents who emigrated from Northwest Jutland. The analysis shows that dialectal convergence has not occurred to any significant degree, in spite of what may be expected; speakers born in South Dakota have significantly more dialectal features in their speech than the speakers born in Denmark. The analysis also reveals a sizeable degree of inter-speaker variation within both groups, as well as a considerable variation between the variables with respect to how likely they are to be realized dialectally versus nondialectally. The results are discussed in relation to theories of shared linguistic repertoire and individuation in small speech communities.*
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Jacobsen, Jógvan í. Lon. "Unges dialektbrug i bygden Sandur på Færøerne." Oslo Studies in Language 11, no. 2 (January 21, 2021): 173–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/osla.8497.
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In this article, dialect changes and variation among young schoolchildren in the island of Sandoy in the Faroe Islands are discussed. The fieldwork was made by a group of students at the University of the Faroe Islands in November 2019 under the guidance of this article’s author. The informants are two groups of 10 and 15 year old schoolchildren. By examining the young generation, we can get information about the ‘state of health’ of the dialect. Here three dialectal variables are examined: (i) The variation of definite and indefinite form of words for family members, for instance the dialectal form mamman ‘the mother’ and the Central Faroese form mamma ‘mother’; (ii) Personal and possessive pronouns in 1st and 2nd person plural in oblique case, for instance the dialect form [o:gʊn] ‘us’ and the Central Faroese form [ɔʰk:ʊn] ‘us’; (iii) The pronunciation of short ó with the dialectal variant [ɔ] and the Central Faroese form [œ], for instance [fɔlk] resp. [fœlk] ‘people’.
The first variable shows clearly a tendency towards dialect change in the young generation: the indefinite forms are much more frequent than the dialect counterpart. The use of the pronouns shows a relatively high degree of variation: the dialect forms are more frequently used by the 10 than the 15 year old pupils. The pronunciation of short ó shows variation to a large extent. Here we see the same pattern as we saw for variable 2: the youngest pupils are more likely to use the dialect¬al form [ɔ] than the older ones. On the other hand, variation is much more common in the group of 15 year old pupils.
This study shows both stability and change in the dialect of children in Sandoy: Stability in use of the dialectal forms of the personal and possessive pro¬nouns, and variation and change in the two other variables. In a couple of years an underwater tunnel will connect the island of Sandoy with the central part of the islands. In a future scenario this dialect study opens the possibility for comparative studies of the dialect of Sandoy before and after the opening of the tunnel.
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Pappachan, Princy. "The Importance of Dialectal Variation in Kerala Curriculum Framework." Middle Eastern Journal of Research in Education and Social Sciences 1, no. 2 (November 3, 2020): 287–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.47631/mejress.v1i2.114.
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Purpose: From prior research, language variation is observed to beneficially influence the field of education. Following this hypothesis, the study verifies the importance of dialectal variations in a language, specifically in Malayalam. The study strives to answer the need for linguistic equality and how this can be achieved through the curriculum. Approach/Methodology/Design: A mixed method approach was adopted using questionnaire and personal interviews. Data was collected from University students between the age group 20-30. The material of the study involved different lexical items. The data was analyzed by accounting the number of occurrences and its percentage. Pivot chart was tabulated of the percentage of dialectal variations lexical items against each participant in different category. Findings: The study revealed the lack of awareness of dialectal variations that existed in the selected lexical items. This neglect provides an evidence of the progressing decline in language lexicon that is detrimental to language growth and preservation of vocabulary. The study illustrates how this can be rectified through the curriculum by incorporating dialectal variations in the textbooks. Practical Implications: The study will contribute positively to understanding the importance of incorporating dialectal variations to preserve the existing language lexicon by accommodating the non-standard variation. This step ensuring the equality of regional elements would help in an effective and successful learning of language. Originality/value: This study takes into consideration the regional variations that exist in Malayalam language spoken in Kerala. The study provides a base for further research into mapping dialectology.
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STANGE, ULRIKE. "I was sat there talking all night: a corpus-based study on factors governing intra-dialectal variation in British English." English Language and Linguistics 20, no. 3 (October 25, 2016): 511–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1360674316000319.
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When it comes to intra-dialectal variation, the factors governing the choice between functionally equivalent variants still require an exhaustive analysis. The construction be sat/be stood with progressive meaning alternates with the standard form be sitting/be standing in a number of British English dialects. The present article investigates to what extent the Complexity Principle (see Rohdenburg 1996) and horror aequi (see Rohdenburg 2003) influence the choice between so-called pseudo-passive and progressive constructions. Empirical analyses of spoken data in the British National Corpus reveal that this variation phenomenon is common in dialects of Northern and Southwest England, and to a lesser degree in the Midlands and in London. Moreover, we find considerable differences in the distribution of these pseudo-passives regarding their relative frequency and the number of dialects that make use of them. Drawing on a total of 106 occurrences for the construction be stood vs be standing and 366 for be sat vs be sitting, the article evaluates how far the principles above can be considered as statistically significant determinants of intra-dialectal variation. To this end, it will be essential to test for other factors potentially influencing the choice of dialectal variants, such as age and gender.
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Lesho, Marivic. "Folk perception of variation in Cavite Chabacano." Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 33, no. 1 (May 7, 2018): 1–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.00001.les.
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Abstract Cavite Chabacano, an endangered creole language spoken in Cavite City, Philippines, has dialectal variation that can be traced to the settlement patterns established by the Spanish during the colonial era. This study focuses on Cavite Chabacano speakers’ metalinguistic awareness of dialectal variation, what their attitudes are toward it, and how they believe the different dialects are influenced by the superstrate Spanish or the substrate Tagalog. Participants’ comments during a map-labeling task show where Chabacano is still believed to be spoken and reveal that they have high metalinguistic awareness of variation in the vowel system and in second person pronoun usage. The Chabacano spoken in the San Roque district is perceived to have the closest relationship to Spanish, despite having more substrate influence in the vowel system. This study demonstrates the usefulness of perceptual dialectology for endangered language documentation and for studying variation and language attitudes in small communities and creole or other multilingual settings.
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Bjarnadóttir, Valgerđur. "Dialectal and diachronic distribution of case forms in Lithuanian pain-verb constructions." Baltic Linguistics 5 (December 31, 2014): 9–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.32798/bl.402.
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This article deals with the variation in case marking in ᴘᴀɪɴ-vᴇʀʙ ᴄoɴsᴛʀᴜᴄᴛɪoɴs, where in Lithuanian one finds (1) the standard language variant: accusative marked body-part and (2) the dialectal variant: nominative marked body-part. In this article, a clear distinction is made between ᴘᴀɪɴ-sᴘᴇᴄɪꜰɪᴄ vᴇʀʙs, verbs which originally denote pain like e.g. skaudėti, sopėti and ᴅᴇʀɪvᴇᴅ ᴘᴀɪɴ vᴇʀʙs, verbs borrowed from other semantic classes. This study focuses on the ᴘᴀɪɴ-sᴘᴇᴄɪꜰɪᴄ vᴇʀʙs. A study on the dialectal distribution of this variation and its occurrence in old texts is conducted with the aims: (1) to answer the question which construction is the older, (2) to give a clear picture of the dialectal and geographical distribution of this case variation and finally (3) to demonstrate that dialectal data can be used effectively and reliably to investigate diachronic processes and thus contribute to a deeper understanding of the relationship between synchronic variation and diachronic change. The results of the dialectal part of the study reveal that nominative marked body-parts are found in a much wider area than only in Northwestern Lithuania as has sometimes been claimed. They are prevalent in Northwestern Lithuania and also in Eastern Lithuania, but found in all regions and not dialectally restricted. Accusative marking is prevalent in South and West Aukštaitian, which might explain why accusative was selected as the standard form in the Lithuanian Standard Language. The findings in the old texts reveal that nominative is more prevalent in older texts, with only very few examples of accusative marking. This was noticeable in both religious texts from the 16th and 17th c. as well as in old dictionaries dating from before the 20th. c. The findings of this study provide evidence that nominative was the original case marking of body-parts with ᴘᴀɪɴ-sᴘᴇᴄɪꜰɪᴄ vᴇʀʙs.
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Montemagni, Simonetta. "The Space of Tuscan Dialectal Variation: A Correlation Study." International Journal of Humanities and Arts Computing 2, no. 1-2 (October 2008): 135–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e1753854809000354.
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The paper illustrates the results of a correlation study focusing on linguistic variation in an Italian region, Tuscany. By exploiting a multi-level representation scheme of dialectal data, the study analyses attested patterns of phonetic and morpho-lexical variation with the aim of testing the degree of correlation between a) phonetic and morpho-lexical variation, and b) linguistic variation and geographic distance. The correlation analysis was performed by combining two complementary approaches proposed in dialectometric literature, namely by computing both global and place-specific correlation measures and by inspecting their spatial distribution. Achieved results demonstrate that phonetic and morpho-lexical variations in Tuscany seem to follow a different pattern than encountered in previous studies.
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Jacewicz, Ewa, Robert Allen Fox, and Samantha Lyle. "Variation in stop consonant voicing in two regional varieties of American English." Journal of the International Phonetic Association 39, no. 3 (November 12, 2009): 313–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025100309990156.
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This study is an acoustic investigation of the nature and extent of consonant voicing of the stop /b/ in two dialectal varieties of American English spoken in south-central Wisconsin and western North Carolina. The stop /b/ occurred at the juncture of two words such assmall bids, in a position between two voiced sonorants, i.e. the liquid /l/ and a vowel. Twenty women participated, ten representing the Wisconsin and ten the North Carolina variety, respectively. Significant dialectal differences were found in the voicing patterns. The Wisconsin stop closures were usually not fully voiced and terminated in a complete silence followed by a closure release whereas North Carolina speakers produced mostly fully voiced closures. Further dialectal differences included the proportion of closure voicing as a function of word emphasis. For Wisconsin speakers, the proportion of closure voicing was smallest when the word was emphasized and it was greatest in non-emphatic positions. For North Carolina speakers, the degree of word emphasis did not have an effect on the proportion of closure voicing. The results suggest different mechanisms by which closure voicing is maintained in these two dialects, pointing to active articulatory maneuvers in North Carolina speakers and passive in Wisconsin speakers.
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Jeszenszky, Péter, Yoshinobu Hikosaka, Satoshi Imamura, and Keiji Yano. "Japanese Lexical Variation Explained by Spatial Contact Patterns." ISPRS International Journal of Geo-Information 8, no. 9 (September 6, 2019): 400. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijgi8090400.
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In this paper, we analyse spatial variation in the Japanese dialectal lexicon by assembling a set of methodologies using theories in variationist linguistics and GIScience, and tools used in historical GIS. Based on historical dialect atlas data, we calculate a linguistic distance matrix across survey localities. The linguistic variation expressed through this distance is contrasted with several measurements, based on spatial distance, utilised to estimate language contact potential across Japan, historically and at present. Further, administrative boundaries are tested for their separation effect. Measuring aggregate associations within linguistic variation can contrast previous notions of dialect area formation by detecting continua. Depending on local geographies in spatial subsets, great circle distance, travel distance and travel times explain a similar proportion of the variance in linguistic distance despite the limitations of the latter two. While they explain the majority, two further measurements estimating contact have lower explanatory power: least cost paths, modelling contact before the industrial revolution, based on DEM and sea navigation, and a linguistic influence index based on settlement hierarchy. Historical domain boundaries and present day prefecture boundaries are found to have a statistically significant effect on dialectal variation. However, the interplay of boundaries and distance is yet to be identified. We claim that a similar methodology can address spatial variation in other digital humanities, given a similar spatial and attribute granularity.
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Hendrick, Randall, Mícheál Ó. Siadhail, and Micheal O. Siadhail. "Modern Irish: Grammatical Structure and Dialectal Variation." Language 67, no. 4 (December 1991): 820. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/415081.
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Miller, Raymond H. "Dialectal Variation and the Single-Stem Theory." Slavic and East European Journal 31, no. 4 (1987): 563. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/307052.
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Rozhanskiy, Fedor, and Elena Markus. "Dialectal variation in Votic: Jõgõperä vs. Luuditsa." Eesti ja soome-ugri keeleteaduse ajakiri. Journal of Estonian and Finno-Ugric Linguistics 6, no. 1 (June 9, 2015): 23–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/jeful.2015.6.1.02.
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This paper provides a comparison of two varieties of the Votic language. Based on field materials collected between 2001 and 2012 from the last speakers of Votic, we compiled a list of the most important phonetic and grammatical features that distinguish between Jõgõperä and Luuditsa varieties. The ten features are: the degree of apocope, the initial h, merging of allative and adessive cases, secondary geminates, illative singular forms, genitive and partitive plural markers, imperfect forms, the active participle marker, conditional markers, and negative pronominal forms. The analysis has shown that many differences can be explained by the influence of the neighbouring Ingrian language. There are more contact induced changes in the Luuditsa variety, which is probably the result of more intensive contacts with the Ingrian population in this village. The contemporary Luuditsa variety is a vivid example demonstrating that language change in the Lower Luga area was driven by convergent developments in no lesser degree than by divergent processes.
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Arvaniti, Amalia. "Final lowering: Fact, artifact or dialectal variation?" Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 116, no. 4 (October 2004): 2644. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.4785546.
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Miestamo, Matti. "A typological perspective on negation in Finnish dialects." Nordic Journal of Linguistics 34, no. 2 (September 20, 2011): 83–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0332586511000126.
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This paper looks at negation in Finnish dialects from a typological perspective. The focus is on standard negation, i.e. the negation of declarative verbal main clauses. The dialectal variation that Finnish shows in its negative construction is examined in the light of current typological knowledge of the expression of negation. Developmental trends connected to the micro-typological variation are also discussed, Finnish dialects are compared with related and neighbouring languages, and relevant theoretical and methodological issues relating to the meeting point of typology and dialectology are addressed.
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SUÁREZ-GÓMEZ, CRISTINA. "On the syntactic differences between OE dialects: evidence from the Gospels." English Language and Linguistics 13, no. 1 (March 2009): 57–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1360674308002864.
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Old English has traditionally been considered a period of linguistic homogeneity, since most available recorded texts are generally written in the West Saxon dialect. There are, however, isolated texts which have been ascribed to other varieties, in particular Northumbrian and Mercian. In fact, recent research on syntactic dialectology in early English (Kroch & Taylor 1997; Ogura 1999; Hogg 2004, 2006a; Ingham 2006) shows that linguistic variation has been present in the English language from the earliest times. This study reassesses the existence of variation in the syntax of texts belonging to different dialectal varieties in Old English, in particular in relative constructions. Based on an analysis of relative clauses in three versions of the Gospels from late Old English, representing West Saxon, Northumbrian and Mercian dialects, we will observe differences in the texts, regarding both the paradigm of relativizers and the position adopted by the relative clause within the main clause. I relate these differences to the existence of linguistic differences in northern and southern dialects.
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Toribio, Almeida Jacqueline. "Setting parametric limits on dialectal variation in Spanish." Lingua 110, no. 5 (May 2000): 315–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0024-3841(99)00044-3.
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Abd-El-Jawad, Hassan R. "Cross-dialectal variation in Arabic: Competing prestigious forms." Language in Society 16, no. 3 (September 1987): 359–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404500012446.
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ABSTRACTMost researchers of Arabic sociolinguistics assume the existence of a sociolinguistic continuum with a local vernacular at the bottom and the standard variety at the top. Those researchers seem to equate the terms “prestige” and “standard”; consequently, they tend to consider Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) as the only prestige variety in all settings. This article presents evidence showing that if an adequate description of sociolinguistic variation of spoken Arabic is to be met, it is necessary to posit not only one standard speech variety, MSA, but also other prestigious local or regional varieties which act as local spoken standards competing with MSA in informal settings. It will be shown in the reported cases that in certain contexts speakers tend to switch from their local forms – though these latter may be identical to MSA – to other local features characteristic of other dominant social groups and that happen to be marked [–MSA], These local prestigious norms act like the standard spoken norms in informal settings. (Diglossic model, prestigious varieties, stereotypes, dominant social groups, competing standards, spoken Arabic).
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Alsharhan, Eiman, and Allan Ramsay. "Investigating the effects of gender, dialect, and training size on the performance of Arabic speech recognition." Language Resources and Evaluation 54, no. 4 (October 12, 2020): 975–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10579-020-09505-5.
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Abstract Research in Arabic automatic speech recognition (ASR) is constrained by datasets of limited size, and of highly variable content and quality. Arabic-language resources vary in the attributes that affect language resources in other languages (noise, channel, speaker, genre), but also vary significantly in the dialect and level of formality of the spoken Arabic they capture. Many languages suffer similar levels of cross-dialect and cross-register acoustic variability, but these effects have been under-studied. This paper is an experimental analysis of the interaction between classical ASR corpus-compensation methods (feature selection, data selection, gender-dependent acoustic models) and the dialect-dependent/register-dependent variation among Arabic ASR corpora. The first interaction studied in this paper is that between acoustic recording quality and discrete pronunciation variation. Discrete pronunciation variation can be compensated by using grapheme-based instead of phone-based acoustic models, and by filtering out speakers with insufficient training data; the latter technique also helps to compensate for poor recording quality, which is further compensated by eliminating delta-delta acoustic features. All three techniques, together, reduce Word Error Rate (WER) by between 3.24% and 5.35%. The second aspect of dialect and register variation to be considered is variation in the fine-grained acoustic pronunciations of each phoneme in the language. Experimental results prove that gender and dialect are the principal components of variation in speech, therefore, building gender and dialect-specific models leads to substantial decreases in WER. In order to further explore the degree of acoustic differences between phone models required for each of the dialects of Arabic, cross-dialect experiments are conducted to measure how far apart Arabic dialects are acoustically in order to make a better decision about the minimal number of recognition systems needed to cover all dialectal Arabic. Finally, the research addresses an important question: how much training data is needed for building efficient speaker-independent ASR systems? This includes developing some learning curves to find out how large must the training set be to achieve acceptable performance.
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Yulianti, Andi Indah. "VARIASI DIALEKTAL BAHASA TOMUAN (DIALECTAL VARIATION OF TOMUAN LANGUAGE)." MABASAN 10, no. 2 (December 13, 2018): 36–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.26499/mab.v10i2.84.
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Tomuan language is spoken by the people residing in East Kotawaringin and Lamandau district, Central Kalimantan. The problem to be answered in this research is to identify any variations of the language that appears on Tomuan language in Menthobi Raya and Bulik sub-district of Lamandau, Central Kalimantan. In general, this study aimed to identify the forms of dialectal variation that appears in the Tomuan language on those two districts. The theoretical benefits of this research expected is to provide an overview of how a variation of the language can be a differentiator for certain groups target. In addition, the practical benefits of this study, may be used as a strategic step in setting government policy politics of language and language preservation areas in Indonesia. Analysis of the data in this study is using two analytical methods, dialectometric method and lexicostatistics method sourced from the base of 200 Swades vocabulary and Culture Association Vocabulary (A, C, P, and R). The source data in this study is from local languages utterances made by people in the village of Lubuk Hiju, District Menthobi Raya, and the village of Guci in District of Bulik, Lamandau district, Central Kalimantan.
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Urmancheeva, I. S. "Dialect versions of the all-Russian phraseological units in dialects of Local Pechora." Sibirskiy filologicheskiy zhurnal, no. 4 (2020): 237–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18137083/73/16.
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The paper presents a comparative analysis of the phraseological units of dialects of the Local Pechora and the all-Russian phraseological units of identical semantics (with a form variation) or an identical form (with a semantics variation). The Russian dialects of Local Pechora are a speech of aboriginals of the Ust-Tsilemsky Region of the Komi Republic of the Russian Federation. A complex description covers a big group of the Pechora phraseological units corresponding to the all-Russian phraseological units that are the research objects. The art features of dialect phraseological units are considered. Also, the analysis is made of the figura-tive basis reflecting a picture of the world of the inhabitant of the North. The relevance and scientific novelty of work is due to the fact that it is for the first time that this phraseological material is subjected to such a complex investigation. The main source of the study was the “Phraseological dictionary of the Russian dialects of the Lower Pechora”, with additional ma-terial taken from the “Dictionary of Russian dialects of the Komi Republic” and other dialect dictionaries. All-Russian phraseological units were taken from Russian phraseological dic-tionaries. The paper provides a broad view of the phraseological structure of the Russian lan-guage. The research has revealed phonetic, word-formative, morphological, syntactic, lexical, structural, quantitative and semantic dialectal variants of all-Russian phraseological units, as well as the phenomena of combined (mixed) variation. The comparative analysis allowed re-vealing the originality of the Pechora phraseological units that have preserved many archaic phenomena due to the long, isolated existence of a dialect in the conditions of interlingual contacts.
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Tremblay, Mireille, Hélène Blondeau, and Emmanuelle Labeau. "Texting the future in Belgium and Québec: Present matters." Journal of French Language Studies 30, no. 1 (November 11, 2019): 73–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959269519000188.
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AbstractThis study investigates the variation in the expression of Future Temporal Reference in text messages in Belgian and Québécois French. Three variants are considered: the Futurate Present, the Synthetic Future and the Analytic Future. The results of multivariate analyses show that the use of the Futurate Present does not appear to be subject to dialectal variation: both communities use this variant at similar rates, and the use of the variant is constrained by the same linguistic factors. The two dialects show differences in their choice of the Synthetic vs the Analytic Future. Unlike Québécois French, Belgian French strongly favours the Synthetic Future. The two dialects also differ with respect to the linguistic constraints in effect. Our analysis shows the need to explore the relationship between variants, and to distinguish between Covert T (realized as Present tense) and Overt T (either Synthetic or Analytic Future). Our results point toward the hybrid nature of text messages: while our results show patterns of use in line with oral/conversational corpora as reflected by the dialectal variation observed, text messages are not exempt from the influence of written French, as shown by the use of Synthetic Future forms in affirmative sentences in the Québec corpus.
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Jeszenszky, Péter, Philipp Stoeckle, Elvira Glaser, and Robert Weibel. "Exploring global and local patterns in the correlation of geographic distances and morphosyntactic variation in Swiss German." Journal of Linguistic Geography 5, no. 2 (October 2017): 86–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jlg.2017.5.
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Using data from a Swiss German dialect syntax survey, this study aims to explore, in a spatially differentiated manner, the correlation between dialectal variation and geographic distances. A linguistic distance was expressed by a measure aggregated from 60 survey questions. To operationalize the possibility of language contact, Euclidean distance, as well as travel times in 2000, 1950 and 1850 between survey sites were used. Going beyond previous work by others, we also explore the covariation of geographic and linguistic distances at the local level, focusing on spatial subsets and individual survey sites, thus being able to paint a more differentiated picture. With the diverse physical landscape of Switzerland making an impact on potential language contact, we find that travel times are a better predictor than Euclidean distance for the syntactic variation in Swiss German dialects. However, on the local scale the difference is not always significant, depending on prevalent topography.
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Jeszenszky, Péter, Yoshinobu Hikosaka, and Keiji Yano. "Lexical variation in Japanese dialects revisited: Geostatistic and dialectometric analysis." Abstracts of the ICA 1 (July 15, 2019): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/ica-abs-1-148-2019.
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<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> Since the end of the 19th century in Japan, the official language policy enforced using Standard Japanese, based on the variety spoken in Tokyo (formerly Edo), in all official situations and in schools. Since then, Japanese dialects have been dwindling and ‘flattening’ (i.e., they retain less regional variation). Nevertheless, differences of language varieties keep being important topics and they reinforce the feeling of belonging and group formation in Japan, similarly to most languages with dialects. This study explores the spatial patterns in Japanese lexical variation based on digitised dialectal survey data (using the Linguistic Atlas of Japan) and presents first results of a dialectometric analysis, quantifying a number of factors assumed to affect lexical variation in Japanese.</p>
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Määttä, Simo K. "Dialect and point of view." Target. International Journal of Translation Studies 16, no. 2 (December 31, 2004): 319–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/target.16.2.06maa.
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This article is an analysis of translations into French of non-standard literary dialect, in particular the speech of African Americans, in William Faulkner’s The sound and the fury. It shows that the contingency of dialect variation upon narrative point of view (focalization) is not taken into account in translation, an omission that alters the ideological framework of the novel. In addition, it argues that the maintenance of this variation, when systematic, should be at least as important a concern as, for instance, the most accurate translation of single dialectal or non-standard words and utterances.
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Zihlmann, Urban. "Investigating speaker individuality in the Swiss Standard German of four Alemannic dialect regions: Consonant quantity, vowel quality, and temporal variables." Loquens 7, no. 1 (June 7, 2021): e070. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/loquens.2020.070.
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While German-speaking Switzerland manifests a considerable amount of dialectal diversity, until the present day the phonetic interrelation of Alemannic (ALM) dialects and spoken Swiss Standard German (SSG) has not been studied with an acoustic phonetic approach on the speaker level.
In this study, out of a pool of 32 speakers (controlled for sex, age, and education level) from 4 dialectologically distinct ALM areas, 16 speakers with 2 dialects were analysed regarding SSG consonant duration (in words whose ALM equivalents may or may not have a geminate), 8 speakers from the city of Bern (BE) were analysed for vowel quality, and 32 speakers were analysed for temporal variables, i.e., articulation rate (AR) and vocalic-speech percentage (%V).
Results reveal that there is much intradialectal inter- and intraspeaker variation in all three aspects scrutinised, but especially regarding vowel quality of BE SSG mid vowels and temporal variables. As for consonant quantity, while intradialectal interspeaker variation was observed, speakers showed a tendency towards normalised SSG consonant durations that resemble the normalised consonant durations in their ALM dialect. In general, these results suggest that a speaker’s dialect background is only one factor amongst many that influence the way in which Swiss Standard German is spoken.
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Fuchs, Martín, and María Mercedes Piñango. "Explaining the forces underpinning grammaticalization paths: The progressive-to-imperfective shift in three varieties of Spanish." Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 4, no. 1 (March 15, 2019): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v4i1.4491.
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We provide an account of the synchronic variation between the use of the Simple Present marker [Verb-a] and the Present Progressive marker [estar + Verb-ndo] in the expression of the habitual reading in Modern Spanish. Results from an acceptability judgment task in three distinct dialectal varieties (Rioplatense Spanish, Iberian Spanish, and Mexican Altiplano Spanish) show: (a) the presence of variation across dialects, (b) that this variation is constrained by a grammaticalization path, the Progressive-to-Imperfective shift, and (c) that a generalization process is already underway in all three different dialects but at different degrees of progress: more conservative in the Rioplatense and Iberian varieties, and less so in the Mexican Altiplano one. Specifically, our results show that whereas the Simple Present is the preferred form to express the habitual reading, the Present Progressive marker is already available to convey this reading in the three dialectal varieties. However, in Rioplatense Spanish and Iberian Spanish, this use is restricted to contexts that independently satisfy the presuppositional content of estar –the auxiliary in the Present Progressive periphrasis [estar + Verb-ndo]–, which requires the existence of alternative situations at which the prejacent does not hold. This restriction appears to be eroding in Mexican Altiplano Spanish, which is manifested as a loss in the context-dependence of the Present Progressive marker.
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Heeringa, Wilbert, and John Nerbonne. "Dialect areas and dialect continua." Language Variation and Change 13, no. 3 (October 2001): 375–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954394501133041.
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The organizing concept behind dialect variation is still seen predominantly as the areas within which similar varieties are spoken. The opposing view—that dialects are organized in a continuum without sharp boundaries—is likewise popular. This article introduces a new element into the discussion, which is the opportunity to view dialectal differences in the aggregate. We employ a dialectometric technique that provides an additive measure of pronunciation difference: the (aggregate) pronunciation distance. This allows us to determine how much of the linguistic variation is accounted for by geography. In our sample of 27 Dutch towns and villages, the variation ranges between 65% and 81%, which lends credence to the continuum view. The borders of well-established dialect areas nonetheless show large deviations from the expected aggregate pronunciation distance. We pay particular attention to a puzzle concerning the subjective perception of continua introduced by Chambers and Trudgill (1998): a traveller walking in a straight line from village to village notices successive small changes, but seldom, if ever, observes large differences. This sounds like a justification of the continuum view, but there is an added twist. Might the traveller be misled by the perspective of most recent memory? We use the Chambers–Trudgill puzzle to organize our argument at several points.
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Peña Arce, Jaime. "La complejidad dialectal de Cantabria." Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie 137, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 426–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrp-2021-0017.
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Abstract In this article, the dialectal complexity of Cantabrian Spanish is shown through the traces left by the different stages of the yeísmo variation and change process, for which —for the first time— a systematic analysis is proposed. These linguistic varieties, which are part of the dialectal continuum that stretches across northern Spain, have a clear Leonese base, which has been altered by the incorporation of Castilian features, both dialectal and standard. The evolution of yeísmo in the region is a clear example of this trend.
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Ioannou, Georgios. "T-to-C movement: syntactic licensing and dialectal variation." DELTA: Documentação de Estudos em Lingüística Teórica e Aplicada 29, no. 2 (2013): 203–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0102-44502013000200002.
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This paper intends to extend and elaborate the line of research initiated by Pesetsky and Torrego (2001, 2004) on the role of Tense as a licensing condition over phrasal extraction. In the context of the operation of CP-raising, it re-interprets some instances of T-to-C movement as having not a licensing but a blocking effect over CP-extraction. T-to-C Movement then is analysed as part of an integral operational cycle of gradual saturation comprizing head movement as well as head-agreement. This extended paradigm is analyzed as various degrees of operational completeness, correponding to degrees of "specificity". Within this operational hierarchy of featural specificity resides the mechanism that "opens" or "closes" the syntactic path for phrasal movement to apply. Drawing on data from Belfast English, it is observed that dialectal variation takes place on particular points that lie lower in this hierarchy, in other words at a derivational point of operational "under-specification".
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Kang, Yoonjnung, Sungwoo Han, Alexei Kochetov, and Eunjong Kong. "Dialectal variation in affricate place of articulation in Korean." Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 136, no. 4 (October 2014): 2145. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.4899745.
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Magidow, A. "RONI HENKIN, Negev Arabic: Dialectal, Sociolinguistic and Stylistic Variation." Journal of Semitic Studies 58, no. 1 (March 19, 2013): 215–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgs059.
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Perea, Maria-Pilar, and Manel Sifre. "Dialectal Variation in a Nineteenth-Century Catalan Grammar Corpus." Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences 95 (October 2013): 409–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.sbspro.2013.10.663.
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Fox, Robert Allen, Ewa Jacewicz, Kristin Hatcher, and Joseph Salmons. "Perceptual effects of dialectal and prosodic variation in vowels." Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 118, no. 3 (September 2005): 2036. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.1999375.
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Remijsen, Bert. "Dialectal Variation in the Lexical Tone System of Ma'ya." Language and Speech 44, no. 4 (December 2001): 473–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00238309010440040301.
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Pat-El, Na'ama. "Traces of Aramaic Dialectal Variation in Late Biblical Hebrew." Vetus Testamentum 58, no. 4 (2008): 650–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853308x348222.
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AbstractThis paper discusses some uses of the particle lmh in Late Biblical Hebrew and suggests that its varying uses reflect an Aramaic calque which can best be explained in light of the different syntax of this particle in East and West Aramaic dialects.
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Choi, Hansook. "Acoustic cues for the Korean stop contrast-dialectal variation." ZAS Papers in Linguistics 28 (January 1, 2002): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.28.2002.155.
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In this study, cross-dialectal variation in the use of the acoustic cues of VOT and F0 to mark the laryngeal contrast in Korean stops is examined with Chonnam Korean and Seoul Korean. Prior experimental results (Han & Weitzman, 1970; Hardcastle, 1973; Jun, 1993 &1998; Kim, C., 1965) show that pitch values in the vowel onset following the target stop consonants play a supplementary role to VOT in designating the three contrastive laryngeal categories. F0 contours are determined in part by the intonational system of a language, which raises the question of how the intonational system interacts with phonological contrasts. Intonational difference might be linked to dissimilar patterns in using the complementary acoustic cues of VOT and F0. This hypothesis is tested with 6 Korean speakers, three Seoul Korean and three Chonnam Korean speakers. The results show that Chonnam Korean involves more 3-way VOT and a 2-way distinction in F0 distribution in comparison to Seoul Korean that shows more 3-way F0 distribution and a 2-way VOT distinction. The two acoustic cues are complementary in that one cue is rather faithful in marking 3-way contrast, while the other cue marks the contrast less distinctively. It also seems that these variations are not completely arbitrary, but linked to the phonological characteristics in dialects. Chonnam Korean, in which the initial tonal realization in the accentual phrase is expected to be more salient, tends to minimize the F0 perturbation effect from the preceding consonants by taking more overlaps in F0 distribution. And a 3-way distribution of VOT in Chonnam Korean, as compensation, can be also understood as a durational sensitivity. Without these characteristics, Seoul Korean shows relatively more overlapping distribution in VOT and more 3-way separation in F0 distribution.
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BRESNAN, JOAN, ASHWINI DEO, and DEVYANI SHARMA. "Typology in variation: a probabilistic approach to be and n't in the Survey of English Dialects." English Language and Linguistics 11, no. 2 (July 2007): 301–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1360674307002274.
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Variation within grammars is a reflection of variation between grammars. Subject agreement and synthetic negation for the verb be show extraordinary local variation in the Survey of English Dialects (Orton et al., 1962–71). Extracting partial grammars of individuals, we confirm leveling patterns across person, number, and negation (Ihalainen, 1991; Cheshire, Edwards & Whittle, 1993; Cheshire, 1996). We find that individual variation bears striking structural resemblances to invariant dialect paradigms, and also reflects typologically observed markedness properties (Aissen, 1999). In the framework of Stochastic Optimality Theory (Boersma & Hayes, 2001), variable outputs of individual speakers are expected to be constrained by the same typological and markedness generalizations found crosslinguistically. The stochastic evaluation of candidate outputs in individual grammars reranks individual constraints by perturbing their ranking values, with the potential for stable variation between two near-identical rankings. The stochastic learning mechanism is sensitive to variable frequencies encountered in the linguistic environment, whether in geographical or social space. In addition to relating individual and group dialectal variation to typological variation (Kortmann, 1999; Anderwald, 2003), the findings suggest that an individual grammar is sensitively tuned to frequencies in the linguistic environment, leading to isolated loci of variability in the grammar rather than complete alternations of paradigms. A characteristic of linguistic variation that has emerged in distinct fields of enquiry is that variation within a single grammar bears a close resemblance to variation across grammars. Sociolinguistic studies, for instance, have long observed that ‘variation within the speech of a single speaker derives from the variation which exists between speakers’ (Bell, 1984: 151). In the present study, individual patterns of variation in subject–verb agreement with affirmative and negative be extracted from the Survey of English Dialects(SED, Orton et al., 1962–71) show striking structural resemblances to patterns of interdialectal, or categorical, variation.
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Colina, Sonia. "Spirantization in Spanish: The role of the underlying representation." Linguistics 58, no. 1 (February 25, 2020): 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ling-2019-0035.
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AbstractSpirantization is one of the most frequently studied phonological phenomena of Spanish (Barlow, Jessica A. 2003. The stop-spirant alternation in Spanish: Converging evidence for a fortition account. Southwest Journal of Linguistics 22. 51–86; Zampini, Mary. 1994. The role of native language transfer and task formality in the acquisition of Spanish spirantization. Hispania 77. 470–481; among others). For a majority of dialects, Spanish voiced plosives have been traditionally described as having a continuant and a non-continuant realization in complementary distribution (Navarro Tomás, Tomás. 1977. Manual de pronunciación española. 19th edn. Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas; Hualde, José Ignacio. 2005. The sounds of Spanish. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press; among others). Yet, phonetic studies reveal a more complex picture consisting of a great deal of phonetic variability and gradience among continuant realizations (Carrasco, Patricio, José Ignacio Hualde and Miquel Simonet. 2012. Dialectal differences in Spanish voiced obstruent allophony: Costa Rican versus Iberian Spanish. Phonetica 69. 149–179; among others; Simonet, Miquel, José Ignacio Hualde and Mariana Nadeu. 2012. Lenition of/d/in spontaneous Spanish and Catalan. Paper presented at INTERSPEECH) which is not captured by existing generative accounts (Bakovic, Eric. 1997. Strong onsets and Spanish fortition. MIT Working Papers in Linguistics 23. 21–39; Harris, James W. 1984. La espirantización en castellano y la representación fonológica autosegmental. Estudis Gramaticals 1.149–67; Hualde, José Ignacio. 1989. Procesos consonánticos y estructuras geométricas en español. Lingüística 1.7–44; Kirchner, Robert. 2001. Phonological contrast and articulatory effort. In Linda Lombardi (ed.), Segmental phonology in Optimality Theory, 79–117. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; among others). Furthermore, most analyses focus almost exclusively on the general distribution of spirantization, excluding other dialectal patterns (Amastae, Jon. 1995. Variable spirantization: Constraint weighting in three dialects. Hispanic Linguistics 6(7). 265–285; among others). The current proposal accounts for the phonetic variability and gradience evinced by phonetic studies, as well as dialectal variation in one optimality theoretic-analysis. Spirantization is explained as the result of effort reduction, rather than the result of assimilation (contra Harris, James W. 1984. La espirantización en castellano y la representación fonológica autosegmental. Estudis Gramaticals 1.149–67; Hualde, José Ignacio. 1989. Procesos consonánticos y estructuras geométricas en español. Lingüística 1.7–44, among others). Phonetic variability in the general dialects is argued to be related to the underlying representation: voiced obstruents are underspecified for continuancy both in the input and the output of the phonology, which explains gradience in implementation and responds to the need to avoid the marked configuration represented by a combination of voicing and maximal stricture found in voiced stops (Colina, Sonia. 2016. On onset clusters in Spanish: Voiced obstruent underspecification and /f/. In Rafael A. Núñez Cedeño (ed.), The syllable and stress: Studies in honor of James W. Harris. Boston, MA: Mouton de Gruyter). Dialectal variation stems from differences in the underlying representation and in the ranking of the constraints. The proposal is also able to explain variations on the two major dialectal patterns.
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Mikulėnienė, Danguolė. "Dialecticism as a measurable value." Lietuvių kalba, no. 15 (December 28, 2020): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/lk.2020.22434.
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Traditional dialectology describes dialecticism as a whole of dialectal attributes, while multimodal dialectology portrays it as a certain expression by which those attributes are realised. As a result, an analysis of the latest dialectal formations – geolects and regiolects – faces a varying degree of dialecticism because the most prominent dialectal attributes are ‘erased’ from usage or have become unstable dialectal markers that not everyone and not every time uses.The degree of dialecticism can be measured. One option to reveal it is to apply Fumio Inoue’s method of quantitative values, which the author of this article construes as a relationship between theoretically probable and actually used dialectal forms. The higher the percentage of dialectal instances, the more dialectal the local language variation is.To obtain the most objective view possible, the dialecticism of the language of local informants must not be measured purely as the means of the observable dialectal instances. The boundaries between the minimum and maximum degree of dialecticism have to be mapped at all times. Furthermore, these boundaries need to be verified with statistical methods.