Journal articles on the topic 'Diamond mines and mining – Zimbabwe'

This study sought to evaluate the impact of the Indigenisation Policy on the socio-economic emancipation of rural communities in Zimbabwe. A case study approach was taken focusing on the Marange and Zimunya communities in Manicaland Province of Zimbabwe, where diamonds are being mined. Both qualitative and quantitative research methodologies were applied to get a balanced view from these two communities on their socio-economic improvement because of the mining of diamonds, which are a valuable natural resource found in these two communities. Purposive sampling was applied to come up with the sample of senior politicians and traditional leaders. Two Focus groups were formed in the two communities. The study established that the five diamond mining companies doing business in the two communities had failed to honour their pledges of contributing USD10 million each towards the development of the two communities. Only USD400 000 was contributed by two mining companies at the time of the study. Ninety five percent (95%) of the respondents reported that there were no projects that were being implemented to benefit the local communities. It was therefore, concluded that there was limited socio-economic empowerment of the Marange-Zimunya communities by the diamond mining companies. The study recommended the intervention by the Government in order for these mining companies to honour their pledges by coming up with empowerment projects and also by allowing the two communities to have shares in these companies so that they could be economically empowered.

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to investigate the debilitating socio-economic impact caused by the diamonds at Chiadzwa area in Zimbabwe on the illegal mining community that emerged and inhabited the hills of Chiadzwa between 2006 and the beginning of 2009. The research was carried out for academic proposes, as an advocacy strategy to expose the abuses and violent state operations perpetrated by the security forces. In addition, it intends to equip policy makers and implementers about the heavy handedness of Zimbabwe's security sector during its operations in the area in an effort to enable policy implementers to defend the rights of the affected people at Chiadzwa. Design/methodology/approach – The methodology engaged was chiefly qualitative and the study was a product of primary sources (especially in-depth interviews) and secondary sources (text books, journal articles, newspapers and the internet). Purposive and snowballing sampling techniques were used to collect the data between 2007 and 2009. Collected data were analysed and compiled between 2009 and 2013. Some of the names used in this study for our respondents are pseudo and this was done to ensure anonymity and secure the providers of information against possible retribution. On the other hand real names were used in particular where violent state driven operations were discussed. Findings – Initially the government of Zimbabwe was reluctant to intervene in the illegal extraction of diamonds in search of political leverage. Later it responded with violent manipulative strategies and operations with detrimental consequences on the illegal miners. The brutal strategies employed by individuals and the state led to injury, illness and death of people amid a harsh socio-economic environment. Research limitations/implications – A number of respondents preferred to use pseudonyms because they feared that information collected could be used against them. Practical implications – The study is a good example of conflict between the state machinery and its citizens over a natural resource. It reveals excessive use of force by the state which appears to be the norm in other countries where diamonds are dubbed “blood diamonds”. Social implications – In the midst of the diamond-related violence a new and vibrant social identity emerged commonly referred to as magweja. The area experienced challenges especially with regards to the provision of health services and the traditional use of herbs was endangered by the destruction of vegetation. Originality/value – It reveals a milieu, state regulation enforcement and security agents, magombiro (armed robbers or murderers) all who discharged violence on magweja the foremost victims of the violent systems and practices. In addition, it encourages policy markers and implementers to devise non-violent strategies when dealing with illegal exploitation of natural resources.

ABSTRACTAlthough conflict in Zimbabwe's diamond mining sector has recently received much international scrutiny, very little research has examined conflict in Zimbabwe's gold mining sector. This article analyses how a nationwide crackdown calledOperation Chikorokoza Chapera(‘No More Illegal Mining’) affected – and ‘disciplined’ – livelihoods in profound ways in both licensed and unlicensed gold mining regions. Drawing on interviews conducted between 2006 and 2013 with artisanal miners in the Insiza, Umzingwani and Kadoma areas as well as miners who crossed the border to Mozambique, the study reveals how a highly politicised crackdown led to uneven consequences. The analysis highlights both structural and physical violence, with more than 25,000 miners and traders arrested between 2006 and 2009 and more than 9,000 still imprisoned in 2013. Situating the crackdown within evolving political and economic interests, the study contributes to an understanding of how simplified discourses on ‘eradicating illegal mining’ mislead and mask power dynamics, while policing activities transform patterns of resource control. The study also emphasises that conceptualisations of the crackdown's legacy should carefully consider the agency of artisanal miners' associations, which, in some cases, have been actively seeking to resist coercive policies and rebuild livelihoods in the aftermath ofOperation Chikorokoza Chapera.

Diamond mining is a rapidly developing industry, with an immensely large presence in Canada's Northwest Territories (NWT) with two currently functioning mines. Since the opening of the first mine in NWT in 1998, the Canadian federal government has viewed diamond production as 'essential' to both the territorial and national economies, frequently highlighting the benefits of diamond production. Entrenched in colonial language, the very existence of diamond mines in operation within NWT violate teachings, values, and the time honoured reciprocal relationships with the land held by Indigenous peoples across the territory. In problematizing this relationship, this paper employs the theories of Glen Coulthard's work For the Land: The Dene Nation's Struggle for Self- Determination, and examines the ways in which the operation of diamond mines exist as strongholds of settler-colonialism while simultaneously seeking to 'modernise' Canada's North. This is achieved through an exploration of Indigenous land relationships, the false beneficiary nature of diamond mine corporations, and finally the homeland vs. colonial frontier dichotomy.

In this article, Dr. Newbury focuses on the technical and financial reasons for amalgamation at the Kimberley mines in South Africa, drawing on primary records to account for the rise of De Beers as the world's major diamond mining company in the 1880s. He finds that prior experience in local government and on the mining boards prepared company directors for competition in joint stock enterprise, while differences in production policies and performance influenced the pattern of mergers within and among the four Kimberley mines. De Beers's close relationship with diamond merchants and private banks in London, particularly N. M. Rothschild & Sons, was central to its position as a prime mover toward consolidation. Dr. Newbury views De Beers as a firm that relied for its success less on its renowned chairman, Cecil J. Rhodes, than on a combined managerial expertise that reflected the interests of both mining producers and merchant buyers.

<p>This study attempts to analyze Marange diamond revenue remittances in Zimbabwe from 2006 to 2013. The case of Mbada Diamond Company was used. The information gathered would either validate or nullify the belief that diamond revenues have not been fully attained to date. The Public Choice Theory propounded by Buchanan will help in explaining why such results have been attained in diamond revenue remittance. This paper was compiled after reviewing some government publications, National Budgets, journal articles as well as employing questionnaires and unstructured interviews. The research found that diamond revenue remitting in Zimbabwe particularly Marange fields were still lagging behind the expectations since the start of mining in 2006. Of the expected billions of diamond revenues only about US$971 million to US$1.6 billion is believed to have trickled into the Consolidated Revenue Fund (CRF) since 2006. The Marange diamond revenue remittances have proved to be trailing their expectations since the first formal sale was conducted in 2010. This was due to a plethora of challenges which includes weak legislative frameworks, corruption, informal diamond trading, technological incompetence as well as the imposition of economic sanctions to the Zimbabwean economy. The study makes some recommendations as to how the diamond revenues could be fully attained and such remedies among others include internal capacity building, passing of a diamond bill, nationalization of mining companies, introduction of a local mineral beneficiation scheme, multi-collaboration of various ministries in diamond revenue collection and subsidizing the mining of diamond to increase productivity. Zimbabwe’s diamond revenues if managed properly, would reduce government external debt, promotes economic development and improves service delivery in the public sector.</p>

AbstractIn 1957, the security force of Angola's colonial diamond mining company recruited African diviners to help them solve a case of diamond theft in Lunda. This event reveals a peculiar convergence of divinatory practices with techniques of corporate surveillance in Lunda's political economy of security. In their overlapping features of secrecy and control, divination and corporate security can be understood as historically aligned evidentiary practices, or what I call “corporate divination.” By examining divinatory rituals in tandem with the “occult” apparatus of corporate surveillance, and the figure of a colonial sorcerer-detective renowned for his “divinatory” prowess, I ask how such seemingly opposed modes of knowledge production eroded or shored up colonial rule. The cultural significance of divination within the context of a mining company, I suggest, exposes the conditions under which a colonial corporation appropriates the social world in which it intervenes, and conversely, the cultural resources that potentially shape or undermine corporate life in a colonial context.

Caustic Magnesia is also known as reactive magnesia. In the present study, process has been developed for recovery of caustic magnesia from kimberlite waste of Panna Mine. Panna Diamond Mining Project is the only mine in the country producing diamond. This is an open cast mine producing about 84000 carats diamonds per annum. About 100 tones of kimberlite have to be processed to get 10 carats (2 grams) of diamonds. Thus, about 0.9 million tons of kimberlite waste is being generated annually. Around 6-7 million tons of kimberlite waste is already available at Panna Mines, accumulated over the years waste during mining. Therefore, there is a need to look for development of bulk usage from the kimberlite. Technological option for Eco- friendly & Economically Efficient has to develop. In view of their wide application, and bulk usage, the caustic magnesia was identified to be developed from Kimberlite. Recovery of caustic magnesia from kimberlite tailing of Panna Diamond Mine is a novel chemical process, to prepare caustic magnesia from waste material. The process comprises i) Leaching, ii) filtration of leach liquor, iii) Precipitation of filtrate to get R2O3 and filtrate, iv) Precipitation of magnesium hydroxide, v) Washing and drying of magnesium hydroxide precipitate to remove sodium ions and surface moisture, vi) Calcinations of dried Magnesium hydroxide to get caustic magnesia which can be used in pharmaceutical industries, as animal feed, Mg metal etc.

Despite its contributions to the development of the country, the mining sector in Sierra Leone, has been attributed to a multitude of impacts on the environment. This article focuses on assessing the environmental impacts of mining in mining edge communities in Sierra Leone. A survey of 360 people from three mining edge communities (Sierra Rutile Limited (SRL), Bonthe district; Octea Mining Company (OMC), Kono district and Sierra Leone Mining Company (SLM), Port Loko district) was conducted. Key informant interviews, focus groups, and secondary data sources - Government policies and regulatory documents, government’s Mines Department annual reports-provided data for this article. Data were analyzed using the Statistical Analysis System with a mean separation done at α = 0.05 (SAS version 9.4). As a result of mining operations, the rates of deforestation, land degradation and destruction of farmlands, inadequate availability of clean water, poor air quality and noise pollution were the main impacts exacerbated by rutile, iron ore and diamond mining. Strategies as recommended by the local communities to be put in place, to restore ecological function in the mining edge communities include, the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), the Mines and Mineral Agency, and other responsible authorities addressing weakness in mining and environmental policies, thereby strengthening enforcement and monitoring regulations relating to mining operations; and companies embarking on rehabilitation, reclamation, and restoration measures to ensure environmental sustainability.

The article examines strategies of harnessing mineral resources for community empowerment, poverty reduction and infrastructure development in mining areas of Zimbabwe. Despite abundant mineral resources, the majority of Zimbabwean indigenous communities living close to the mines have limited access to directly or indirectly benefit from the mineral resources. Using a descriptive survey to collect data, this research article gives a strong proposition on how the Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment Act can be used as a vehicle of harnessing mineral resources. The article argues that pro poor mining policies that ensure the harnessing of mineral resources for community empowerment, poverty reduction and infrastructure development are paramount. The article further argues that the Indigenous and Economic Empowerment Act needs to be harmonised with other sector legislation in the country. The article concludes that the development of infrastructure and provision of public utilities such as electricity, water, establishing micro-credit to small and medium enterprises and implementing broad-based indigenisation policies are some of the strategies of improving rural livelihoods. Similarly direct and indirect linkages between the mining sector and local economy could be enhanced through the provision of food supply to the mine, manufacture of mining inputs, provision of security services and supply of labour by the local community. The article recommends that the harmonisation of legislation that has an effect on harnessing of mineral resources by local communities will ensure community empowerment, poverty reduction and infrastructure development.

ABSTRACTMuch of the literature on Sierra Leonean diamonds focuses on the role that this mineral resource played in the recent civil conflict (1991–2002). However, the political-economic perspective that is common to these analyses has lost sight of the main actors in this social reality. What do miners think of diamonds? Like their Malagasy colleagues engaged in the search for sapphires, the Sierra Leonean diamond miners often maintain that they do not know what diamonds could possibly be used for. What is specific to the diamond mining areas in this West African country is that suspicions and fantasies about the uses of diamonds go hand in hand with the idea that these precious stones belong to invisible spiritual entities known locally as djinns ordεbul dεn. Although this article aims to analyse the occult imaginary of diamond miners, it takes a different stand from the occult economies approach. By combining a historical-imaginative perspective with a historical and ecological one, this article intends to highlight the indissoluble interweaving of material and imaginative processes of artisanal diamond production in the context of Sierra Leone's mines.

This paper seeks to establish the relationships between three job characteristics constructs, namely work engagement, intrinsic motivation and job satisfaction in a workplace notorious for discord and conflict between workers and employers. A quantitative methodology was adopted using a crosssectional survey. Respondents were selected from the workers at a mining company, with a final sample of 156 employees participating in the study. The Utrecht Work Engagement Scale, Intrinsic Motivation Inventory and the Minnesota Job Satisfaction Questionnaire were used to collect data. The results of the study indicate positive relationships between job satisfaction, work engagement and intrinsic motivation among the workers. Age and marital status were found to be significant contributors to workers’ job satisfaction, intrinsic motivation and work engagement. Implications of these results are that human resource interventions are required in order to deal with enhancing work engagement, intrinsic motivation and job satisfaction. Furthermore, the results indicate that intrinsic motivation and work engagement can enhance job satisfaction. The current study adds to the research pointing at job satisfaction as a promising underlying mechanism for employees’ to be internally motivated and engaged at work.

This article investigates an intermediary period in the Cape colony when the largely unknown convergence of British social and industrial capital around coal mining occurred in the Stormberg Mountains of the North Eastern Cape. Within the context of a triangular nexus of mining and its two major clients, the diamond mines at Kimberley and the newly arrived Cape Government Railway, a social coalescence of mainly British immigrants arose in the town of Molteno, exhibiting an distinctly British Victorian culture. This paper also shows how the town became a colonial enclave on the remote periphery of the Cape Colony, utilising a racialised class system, and the ways in which the singularity of Victorian society was emphasised by two surrounding cultures which were alien to the British. After the South African War ended, one of these cultures had begun to take root within the town. When the coal mines were brought to an end by the erratic orders of the Cape Government Railway and its access to superior and cheaper coal from Lewis and Marks at Viljoensdrift in the ZAR and the greater economic pull of the Rand gold mines which diverted labour to the north, this ‘colonial moment’ in the Stormberg was over.

In Sierra Leone, many artisanal miners share the view that every human act and every event is the realisation of an inscrutable divine plan. Even though notions of fate and destiny are part of the vocabulary of Krio, the country’s lingua franca, miners prefer to use expressions that evoke God and stress His immanent presence and influence in their everyday lives. In order to understand the religious vocabulary of contingency and the cosmology underlying the ways in which miners interpret, reproduce, and imaginatively prepare the conditions to change their lives, this article focuses on the ritual practices connected to artisanal diamond mining. It considers these rituals as attempts to resolve the ever-present temporal and moral tensions between actual conditions of suffering and poverty, and the realisation of the well-being that miners associate with their desired futures.

The issues are considered related to gas manifestations during the development of primary diamond deposits in Yakutia — «Internatsionalnaya» and «Udachnaya» pipes, which are the most difficult in terms of gas-dynamic conditions. Gas manifestations at the field are associated to a greater extent with gases dissolved in the natural brines, and to a lesser extent — with free and sorbed gases. Due to the fact that when developing the underground mines, the sources of explosive gases were recorded, to ensure the safe conduct of mining operations it is required to unload the rock mass. Analysis of data obtained at the different stages of construction and operation of the fields identified the source of the recorded gas manifestations: reservoirs and local gas reservoirs filled with gas-saturated brines. It was revealed that the sources of gas release are zones consisting of cavernous and fractured carbonate rocks complicated by fracturess and low-amplitude tectonics. The analysis of the dynamics of changes in the gas-dynamic, hydrogeological and mining-geological conditions of mines allowed to propose a two-stage advanced degassing of the host rocks as a rather effective method of combating gas manifestations. At the first stage, vertical advance wells are drilled for the entire capacity of the production block. At the second stage, 3–7 horizontal and slightly inclined (up to 10°) wells are drilled in front of the borehole of the underground working under construction. Thus, there is an interval unloading of the massif and the involvement of undeveloped natural gas reserves at the first stage. Actual observations of gas inflows in the underground mine workings showed a significant drop in gas production rates. In such a way, at the «Internatsionalnaya» mine the average gas flow rate per well (per year) decreased from 12.67 to 1.06 m3/h, which confirms the success of the selected two-stage degassing.

Abstract The quantitative evidence on whether extractive industries generate economic wealth at the local level is far from conclusive. In line with recent studies highlighting the moderating role of institutions and governance structures in the resource–development nexus, we argue that the effect of mining on local economic well-being is largely driven by different control rights regimes. We claim that domestic mineral production stimulates local income more than internationally controlled extraction, since national mining companies promote more backward economic linkages and have higher incentives to engage in local capacity building. To test our micro-level arguments, we combine information on districts’ economic well-being as well as individual's assessments of their personal economic situation with our own dataset on the control rights of copper, gold, and diamond mines. Relying on these data, we perform district- and individual-level analyses of sub-Saharan Africa covering the period from 1997 to 2015. Our instrumental variable estimations and fixed effects models show that the presence of domestic mining companies is associated with increased local wealth. Multinational firms, by contrast, are linked to increased regional unemployment. They largely fail to promote subnational economic well-being.

The object of the study was to determine whether extensively deflected mesh- and fibre-reinforced shotcrete as found in mines were equivalent. Full-size panel tests were accordingly carried out, from which it was concluded that uniformly distributed loading was marginally less severe than point loading, mesh reinforcement was superior to fibre reinforcement, Dramix fibre and Melt Extract fibre were similar in reinforcing characteristics, and 30–35 mm was an optimum fibre length. Consistency of fibre content could not be assured in the practical mining situation considered. A maximum content of about 1.5% could be obtained for fibre lengths not exceeding 35 mm. Owing to its greater flexibility, diamond mesh reinforced shotcrete was found to be preferable to fibre-reinforced shotcrete in excavations subject to squeezing conditions. In view of the difficulties associated with assuring the consistency of the fibre content in mining applications, it appears that the sophisticated attributes of fibre-reinforced shotcrete can only be effectively exploited in civil engineering applications in which quality assurance is subject to explicit contractual control. Key words : fibre reinforcement, shotcrete, mesh reinforcement, large deformation.

<div><p><em>This research sets out to unravel the history of Lennox Mine from its inception in 1970 tracing the contribution of the mine to the economic development of Zimbabwe from its colonial beginnings up to the current period when the new visionary owner, Honourable Gandiwa Moyo, Deputy Minister of Mines who inherited a dysfunctional mining enterprise set it on course again as a pillar for economic production, under the erstwhile management of the Lennox General Mine Manager, Edgar Mashindi. The research seeks to explore how the mine management, operating under harsh economic conditions prevailing in Zimbabwe has empowered African entrepreneurs and employees and resuscitated life to the dying town of Mashava. Mashava is back on its former footing as a lively booming bedroom town of Masvingo City, forty kilometres away: supermarkets, bars, salons, housing projects, new shops are sprouting up once again as Mashava claims its proud place as a gold producing enclave of the Zimbabwean economy. Hundreds of unemployed youths from all over Zimbabwe have descended on Mashava, seeking employment and investment opportunities resulting in an unprecedented economic boom which is being felt country wide. Only recently hordes of flea female market traders opened shop at Mashava to sell clothes, shoes, household furniture and related paraphernalia to local residents and they reported that business was excellent and confirmed business plans to return every month end to sell their wares. A few years back Mashava was an abandoned mining town with all services shut down after the Capitalist oligarchic organization which owned Mashava ceased all operations and expropriated capital to Australia and Europe and started out new commercial ventures in those respective European countries. The Zimbabwean Electricity Supply Association [ZESA] shut down electricity supplies to Lennox Mine after the mine incurred a debt of close to a quarter of a million. Today, Lennox has agreed on a payment plan and electricity has been reopened triggering high gold productivity as the mine returns to its normal production levels.</em></p></div>

This article presents an overview of palaeofluvial geomorphology research in southern Africa. For the purposes of this article this includes South Africa, Zimbabwe, Namibia, Lesotho, Swaziland and Botswana. Although interest in fluvial systems has a long history in southern Africa, the scientific study of rivers was initiated by the discovery of the first alluvial diamond along the banks of the Orange River in 1867. Since then, significant progress has been made in unravelling the fluvial history of southern Africa from the early Archaean Ventersdorp Contact Reef River to modern channel process studies. The development of an understanding of palaeofluvial systems has occurred along two main lines. The first was alluvial diamond exploration work undertaken by the large mining houses. The second line was of a more ‘academic’ interest and included determining the impact of superimposition, tectonics, base level and climate changes. The review suggests that southern Africa fluvial systems have shown large-scale changes in drainage pattern, discharge and sediment yield and that these can be related to a complex set of causative factors including the geological template, the Jurassic rifting of Gondwana, tectonic episodes and climate change.

At Oranjemund just north of the mouth of the Orange on the South-West African/ Namibian coastline the Consolidated Diamond Mines (Pty) Limited (CDM) is mining for diamonds in the inshore area. They use an artificially-built seawall of sand to keep the sea out of the paddocks which are being stripped and mined at bedrock level, which is well below sea level. The seawall runs parallel to the original shoreline at a distance of up to 350 m offshore. The beach profile is correspondingly very steep and under most conditions offshore sediment losses occur, which are compensated for by artificial nourishment. During February 1987 offshore losses of about 120 m per running metre of seawall were recorded from above the waterline. In this paper a data set is presented to serve as a basis for the calibration of on-offshore sediment models and some simulations are reported on.

Abstract : Characteristics Description Of Workers And Events In Mine Intantradisional Helminthiases Banjarbaru City. Description of Characteristics and Genesis Helminthiases Workers in Traditional Diamond Mine Banjarbaru . The disease is common worm infection in the community and are often considered harmless. This condition if left unchecked will mengakibatkatkan malnutrition, decreased endurance and work productivity , symptoms of chronic worm infection is the occurrence of anemia. One of the biggest potential danger from mining activities are biological factors that worm infection . This study aims to describe the characteristics of workers and events kecacingandi traditional diamond mines in the district Cempaka Banjarbaru . This research is descriptive . The study population was all workers in the traditional diamond mine in the village of Desa Sungai Tiung, Kelurahan Cempaka, Banjarbaru city with a sample size of 60 people . The variables studied were the characteristics of workers and the incidence of intestinal worms . The results of the study illustrates the proportion of 46-50 year age mostly ( 25 % ) , the majority of elementary education level ( 73.3 % ) , long working mostly 6 hours ( 50 % ) , most of the work period 16-20 years ( 28 , 3 % ) , long break 1-1.5 hours ( 100 % ) , the largest work activities that pelinggangan fine sand ( 45 % ) , normal nutritional status ( 46.7 % ) , lack of knowledge level ( 63.3 % ) ; using PPE at work ( 63.3 % ) ; Good personal hygiene ( 51.7 % ) , bowel habits are not eligible ( 60.0 % ) and worm infection ( 33.3 % ) . Expected workers use personal protective equipment , health checked regularly , get used to living a clean and healthy behavior and positive special miners infected worms always take medicine and health centers as well as familiarize dengaan consultation defecate in the toilet / latrine healthy . Keywords : Characteristics of tradisional miners, worm infection

The paper looks at the impact of climate change on migration patterns of women in Marange, Zimbabwe between 2006 and 2016. Correlational research design was used. Both quantitative and qualitative data were collected. A sample of 384 households was selected using a systematic deliberate convenience sampling technique. Focus group discussions, direct observation, desk research, a questionnaire survey and key informant interviews were used to collect data. The SPSS version 12 software was used to analyse quantitative data, while themes were developed for qualitative data. The results established that the major push factors for migration were due to the negative impact of climate change, particularly prolonged drought (94%) and hot temperatures (88%). Locally, migrants settled at water sources, wetlands, river banks and pasture lands with the worst affected areas being Mpudzi, Odzi, Burma Valley and Vumba. These new settlements posed social, economic, and administrative challenges and generated natural resource use conflicts at local level. Internationally, migrants settled in Mozambique, South Africa and Zambia. It emerged that young and single women (18-25 years) migrate more and permanently than older and married (>25 years) who were seasonal migrants. Women from large families (5-9 members) migrated more than those from smaller families (<3 members). The study concluded that the impact of climate change especially prolonged drought increases migration of young and single women from large families. It recommended an investment in infrastructure that promote irrigation and employment creation for locals in the diamond mining field to diversify their livelihood options and reduce outward migration of women

During the period 1990 to 1995, experimental programs using high‐resolution geophysics at several Australian operating mines and advanced evaluation projects were undertaken. The primary aim of those programs was to investigate the application of geophysical technology to improving the precision and economics of the ore evaluation and extraction processes. Geophysical methods used for this purpose include: 1) borehole geophysical logging to characterize ore and rock properties more accurately for improved correlations between drill holes, quantification of resource quality, and geotechnical information. 2) imaging techniques between drill holes to map structure directly or to locate geotechnical problems ahead of mining. 3) high‐resolution surface methods to map ore contacts and variations in ore quality, or for geotechnical requirements. In particular, the use of geophysics during evaluation of the Century zinc deposit in northern Australia demonstrated the potential value of these methods to the problems of defining the lateral and vertical extent of ore, quantitative density determination, prediction of structure between drill holes, and geotechnical characterization of the deposit. An analysis of the potential benefit of using a combination of borehole geophysical logging and imaging suggested that a more precise structural evaluation of the deposit could be achieved at a cost of several million dollars less than the conventional evaluation approach based on analysis from diamond drill‐hole logging and interpolation alone. The use of geophysics for the Century evaluation also provided substance to the possibility of using systematic geophysical logging of blast holes as an integral part of the ore extraction process. Preliminary tests indicate that ore boundaries can be determined to a resolution of several centimeters, and ore grade can be estimated directly to a usable accuracy. Applying this approach routinely to production blast holes would yield potential benefits of millions of dollars annually through improved timeliness and accuracy of ore boundary and quality data, decreased dilution, and improved mill performance. Although the indications of substantial benefits resulting from the appropriate and timely use of geophysics at Rio Tinto’s mining operations are positive, some challenges remain. These relate largely to the appropriate integration of the technology with the mining process, and acceptance by the mine operators of the economic value of such work. Until the benefits are demonstrated clearly over time, the use of geophysics as a routine component of evaluation and mining is likely to remain at a low level.

SYNOPSIS Satellite-based applications for the monitoring of diamond exploration, operational mines, and post-closure mine sites is gaining traction. A variety of imagery is used to detect both kimberlite and alluvial deposits. Hyperspectral data is utilized mainly for primary deposits, and elevation models for secondary deposits. The data is used to constrain the exploration and ground truthing efforts, resulting in savings on both cost and time. Operational mines benefit from near-real-time monitoring of mining and related activities, including include environmental and security aspects. Satellite imagery can also be used to detect illegal and artisanal diamond diggings, with particular value for ethical sourcing validation in the supply chain. Post-closure monitoring of dumps and rehabilitation reduces the on-site presence of staff. The limitations of satellite applications are related mainly to the cost of obtaining images and the resolution or number of bands available on a detection platform. Keywords: remote sensing, satellite, monitoring, diamond, exploration, kimberlite, alluvial.

A specific feature of open pit mining of diamond deposits in Western Yakutia is the construction of the open pits in the zone of negative ambient temperatures, which includes thick permafrost rock mass, and which is at the same time complicated by the influence of cryogenic processes on deformation of pit wall benches. The paper presents the comparative analysis of strength characteristics in frozen and thawed rocks, stability of benches during mining, the general geomechanical approach to the determination of parameters of non-mining walls of the ultra-deep open pit diamond mines, and the parameters of nonmining walls and benches. Optimization of open pit wall configuration should primarily be based on the maximum utilization of the strength properties of frozen rocks in combination with the development of new approaches, calculation schemes and methods for assessing stability of open pit walls and benches of unconventional design, including the non-mining vertical benches. The main design characteristic that determines the parameters of open pit walls is the structural tectonic relaxation coefficient, which specifies the calculated value of cohesion in rock mass. For the diamond deposits, the values of the structural relaxation coefficient were obtained in a series of field tests and back calculations. Full-scale tests were carried out both during exploration operations in underground mines and in open pits. The accuracy of determining the values of the structural relaxation coefficient in the range of 0.085–0.11 is confirmed by the parameters of non-mining walls in an open pit mine 385–640 m deep, with overall slope angles of 38–55° and a steeper H 0.35–0.5 lower part having the slope angle of up to 70° with average strength characteristics of 7.85–11.84 MPa and the internal friction angle of 28.1–37.4°. Using the natural load-bearing capacity of rock mass to the full advantage, which the values of the structural relaxation coefficient of deposits show, allows optimization of open pit wall slope design and minimization of stripping operations.

The article shows the urgency of technological advance in coal mining in difficult geological conditions and describes the application prospects for an integrated multi-function platform in underground mining of different minerals. The international practice of mobile roof support design and creation of a work environment in mines is reviewed. The authors propose an integrated multi-function platform as a walking roof support module which ensures safe and efficient mining in difficult geological conditions. Within R&D project supported by the Foundation for Assistance to Small Innovative Enterprises in Science and Technology, Project No. 2566GS1/41340, the kinematics of the platform is developed so that to ensure uniform loading of the walking support systems owing to constructional linkage between the support units, and to provide stability of the support system on a composite topography floor thanks to four couples of hinge supports with adjustability of height and position. Arrangement of structural elements is proposed, and their kinematic linkage is described. The walking support advance algorithm is developed in the form of a working cycle. Within R&D project supported by the Russian Foundation for Basic Research, Project No. 18-37-00356, the control operation algorithm and control automation circuit are developed for the walking roof support. The automated control is integrable in the standard electrohydraulic control system of mine roof supports. As a result, the walking roof support with the automated control can be considered as a framework (a platform solution) for the robotic system engineering for safe and efficient underground mining of stratified deposits and diamond placers. The study was supported by the Russian Foundation for Basic Research, Project No. 19-35-90075-19.

Mining operations are located in increasingly remote areas in order to search for relatively high-grade mineral deposits, despite the challenges that arise. These challenges are fundamentally logistic and directly impact the profitability of the remote operation. One of the main challenges is energy supply, since locations that lack a power grid, fuel pipelines, or adequate—if existing—road access have substantially increased energy-related operating costs. Today, a remote mine's energy costs add up to 40% of total operating expenses; this is in contrast with grid-connected, accessible mines, where the energy costs seldom reach 20% of the total. In searching for more cost-effective energy supply options, the present work uses the optimal mine site energy supply (OMSES) concept to optimize the design and operation schedule of a remote underground mine's energy supply system (ESS). Energy demand, weather, and economic data were collected and processed, emulating a remote mine in the Northwest Territories, Canada. The optimal energy system minimized the total cost of the energy supply, which included not only the operation cost but also the annuitized capital investment in equipment. Subsequently, the optimal system's design for the considered demands and environmental factors was subject to simulation and control optimization. Wind power was included in the formulation. Issues such as the necessary spinning reserve and the penetration curtailment, among others, were analyzed, both in the design and the control problems. The present work identified potential improvements for the integrated design (ID) and control of a remote mine's energy system, in particular when including a renewable energy resource with a considerable level of variability, i.e., wind. The optimal solution included the installation of two wind turbines (WTs), achieving 3% diesel savings with a 20% increase of investment compared with the conventional design. The model was validated with a real project—the Diavik Diamond Mine ESS, which included a wind farm with four turbines. A model predictive control (MPC) approach was chosen to optimize scheduling in a simulation with variable conditions of wind speed and ambient temperature; this proved to be a convenient method to assess the robustness of optimal designs. Results also confirmed the limitations of design optimization when uncertainties related to wind energy were ignored.

On 4 May 1988 a sub-adult (50 mm snout-vent length, 42 mm tail) Jones' girdled lizard Cordylus tropidosternum jonesi was collected in a pile of wood being off-loaded at the new restcamp in the Karoo National Park, Beaufort West. The wood had been transported by lorry from the Kruger National Park. The specimen is deposited in the herpetological collection of the Port Elizabeth Museum (PEM R 4584). Jones' girdled lizard is a small, arboreal cordylid that shelters under tree bark and in hollow logs. It is common and widely-distributed in the Kruger National Park (Pienaar, Haacke & Jacobsen 1983, The Reptiles of the Kruger National Park, 3rd edition. Pretoria: National Parks Board) and adjacent lowveld, being replaced in northern Zimbabwe and East Africa by the nominate race. Hewitt & Power (1913, Transactions of the Royal Society of South Africa 3: 147-176, 1913) reported a similar translocation of the species to Kimberley in association with timber brought to the diamond mining camps. One of us noted recently the ease and danger of the unwitting spread of commensal reptile species into conservation areas (Branch 1978, Koedoe 30: 165), and this is confirmed by this additional example. We recommend that should similar shipments of wood be considered essential, then they be fumigated to prevent the translocation of other alien organisms that may potentially have more dangerous consequences.

Unconventional energy sources have become increasingly important to the global energy mix. These include coal seam gas, shale gas and shale oil. The unconventional gas industry was pioneered in the United States and embraced following the first oil shock in 1973 (Rogers). As has been the case with many global resources (Hiscock), many of the same companies that worked in the USA carried their experience in this industry to early Australian explorations. Recently the USA has secured significant energy security with the development of unconventional energy deposits such as the Marcellus shale gas and the Bakken shale oil (Dobb; McGraw). But this has not come without environmental impact, including contamination to underground water supply (Osborn, Vengosh, Warner, Jackson) and potential greenhouse gas contributions (Howarth, Santoro, Ingraffea; McKenna). The environmental impact of unconventional gas extraction has raised serious public concern about the introduction and growth of the industry in Australia. In coal rich Australia coal seam gas is currently the major source of unconventional gas. Large gas deposits have been found in prime agricultural land along eastern Australia, such as the Liverpool Plains in New South Wales and the Darling Downs in Queensland. Competing land-uses and a series of environmental incidents from the coal seam gas industry have warranted major protest from a coalition of environmentalists and farmers (Berry; McLeish). Conflict between energy companies wanting development and environmentalists warning precaution is an easy script to cast for frontline media coverage. But historical perspectives are often missing in these contemporary debates. While coal mining and natural gas have often received “boosting” historical coverage (Diamond; Wilkinson), and although historical themes of “development” and “rushes” remain predominant when observing the span of the industry (AGA; Blainey), the history of unconventional gas, particularly the history of its environmental impact, has been little studied. Few people are aware, for example, that the first shale gas exploratory well was completed in late 2010 in the Cooper Basin in Central Australia (Molan) and is considered as a “new” frontier in Australian unconventional gas. Moreover many people are unaware that the first coal seam gas wells were completed in 1976 in Queensland. The first four wells offer an important moment for reflection in light of the industry’s recent move into Central Australia. By locating and analysing the first four coal seam gas wells, this essay identifies the roots of the unconventional gas industry in Australia and explores the early environmental impact of these wells. By analysing exploration reports that have been placed online by the Queensland Department of Natural Resources and Mines through the lens of environmental history, the dominant developmental narrative of this industry can also be scrutinised. These narratives often place more significance on economic and national benefits while displacing the environmental and social impacts of the industry (Connor, Higginbotham, Freeman, Albrecht; Duus; McEachern; Trigger). This essay therefore seeks to bring an environmental insight into early unconventional gas mining in Australia. As the author, I am concerned that nearly four decades on and it seems that no one has heeded the warning gleaned from these early wells and early exploration reports, as gas exploration in Australia continues under little scrutiny. Arrival The first four unconventional gas wells in Australia appear at the beginning of the industry world-wide (Schraufnagel, McBane, and Kuuskraa; McClanahan). The wells were explored by Houston Oils and Minerals—a company that entered the Australian mining scene by sharing a mining prospect with International Australian Energy Company (Wiltshire). The International Australian Energy Company was owned by Black Giant Oil Company in the US, which in turn was owned by International Royalty and Oil Company also based in the US. The Texan oilman Robert Kanton held a sixteen percent share in the latter. Kanton had an idea that the Mimosa Syncline in the south-eastern Bowen Basin was a gas trap waiting to be exploited. To test the theory he needed capital. Kanton presented the idea to Houston Oil and Minerals which had the financial backing to take the risk. Shotover No. 1 was drilled by Houston Oil and Minerals thirty miles south-east of the coal mining town of Blackwater. By late August 1975 it was drilled to 2,717 metres, discovered to have little gas, spudded, and, after a spend of $610,000, abandoned. The data from the Shotover well showed that the porosity of the rocks in the area was not a trap, and the Mimosa Syncline was therefore downgraded as a possible hydrocarbon location. There was, however, a small amount of gas found in the coal seams (Benbow 16). The well had passed through the huge coal seams of both the Bowen and Surat basins—important basins for the future of both the coal and gas industries. Mining Concepts In 1975, while Houston Oil and Minerals was drilling the Shotover well, US Steel and the US Bureau of Mines used hydraulic fracture, a technique already used in the petroleum industry, to drill vertical surface wells to drain gas from a coal seam (Methane Drainage Taskforce 102). They were able to remove gas from the coal seam before it was mined and sold enough to make a profit. With the well data from the Shotover well in Australia compiled, Houston returned to the US to research the possibility of harvesting methane in Australia. As the company saw it, methane drainage was “a novel exploitation concept” and the methane in the Bowen Basin was an “enormous hydrocarbon resource” (Wiltshire 7). The Shotover well passed through a section of the German Creek Coal measures and this became their next target. In September 1976 the Shotover well was re-opened and plugged at 1499 meters to become Australia’s first exploratory unconventional gas well. By the end of the month the rig was released and gas production tested. At one point an employee on the drilling operation observed a gas flame “the size of a 44 gal drum” (HOMA, “Shotover # 1” 9). But apart from the brief show, no gas flowed. And yet, Houston Oil and Minerals was not deterred, as they had already taken out other leases for further prospecting (Wiltshire 4). Only a week after the Shotover well had failed, Houston moved the methane search south-east to an area five miles north of the Moura township. Houston Oil and Minerals had researched the coal exploration seismic surveys of the area that were conducted in 1969, 1972, and 1973 to choose the location. Over the next two months in late 1976, two new wells—Kinma No.1 and Carra No.1—were drilled within a mile from each other and completed as gas wells. Houston Oil and Minerals also purchased the old oil exploration well Moura No. 1 from the Queensland Government and completed it as a suspended gas well. The company must have mined the Department of Mines archive to find Moura No.1, as the previous exploration report from 1969 noted methane given off from the coal seams (Sell). By December 1976 Houston Oil and Minerals had three gas wells in the vicinity of each other and by early 1977 testing had occurred. The results were disappointing with minimal gas flow at Kinma and Carra, but Moura showed a little more promise. Here, the drillers were able to convert their Fairbanks-Morse engine driving the pump from an engine run on LPG to one run on methane produced from the well (Porter, “Moura # 1”). Drink This? Although there was not much gas to find in the test production phase, there was a lot of water. The exploration reports produced by the company are incomplete (indeed no report was available for the Shotover well), but the information available shows that a large amount of water was extracted before gas started to flow (Porter, “Carra # 1”; Porter, “Moura # 1”; Porter, “Kinma # 1”). As Porter’s reports outline, prior to gas flowing, the water produced at Carra, Kinma and Moura totalled 37,600 litres, 11,900 and 2,900 respectively. It should be noted that the method used to test the amount of water was not continuous and these amounts were not the full amount of water produced; also, upon gas coming to the surface some of the wells continued to produce water. In short, before any gas flowed at the first unconventional gas wells in Australia at least 50,000 litres of water were taken from underground. Results show that the water was not ready to drink (Mathers, “Moura # 1”; Mathers, “Appendix 1”; HOMA, “Miscellaneous Pages” 21-24). The water had total dissolved solids (minerals) well over the average set by the authorities (WHO; Apps Laboratories; NHMRC; QDAFF). The well at Kinma recorded the highest levels, almost two and a half times the unacceptable standard. On average the water from the Moura well was of reasonable standard, possibly because some water was extracted from the well when it was originally sunk in 1969; but the water from Kinma and Carra was very poor quality, not good enough for crops, stock or to be let run into creeks. The biggest issue was the sodium concentration; all wells had very high salt levels. Kinma and Carra were four and two times the maximum standard respectively. In short, there was a substantial amount of poor quality water produced from drilling and testing the three wells. Fracking Australia Hydraulic fracturing is an artificial process that can encourage more gas to flow to the surface (McGraw; Fischetti; Senate). Prior to the testing phase at the Moura field, well data was sent to the Chemical Research and Development Department at Halliburton in Oklahoma, to examine the ability to fracture the coal and shale in the Australian wells. Halliburton was the founding father of hydraulic fracture. In Oklahoma on 17 March 1949, operating under an exclusive license from Standard Oil, this company conducted the first ever hydraulic fracture of an oil well (Montgomery and Smith). To come up with a program of hydraulic fracturing for the Australian field, Halliburton went back to the laboratory. They bonded together small slabs of coal and shale similar to Australian samples, drilled one-inch holes into the sample, then pressurised the holes and completed a “hydro-frac” in miniature. “These samples were difficult to prepare,” they wrote in their report to Houston Oil and Minerals (HOMA, “Miscellaneous Pages” 10). Their program for fracturing was informed by a field of science that had been evolving since the first hydraulic fracture but had rapidly progressed since the first oil shock. Halliburton’s laboratory test had confirmed that the model of Perkins and Kern developed for widths of hydraulic fracture—in an article that defined the field—should also apply to Australian coals (Perkins and Kern). By late January 1977 Halliburton had issued Houston Oil and Minerals with a program of hydraulic fracture to use on the central Queensland wells. On the final page of their report they warned: “There are many unknowns in a vertical fracture design procedure” (HOMA, “Miscellaneous Pages” 17). In July 1977, Moura No. 1 became the first coal seam gas well hydraulically fractured in Australia. The exploration report states: “During July 1977 the well was killed with 1% KCL solution and the tubing and packer were pulled from the well … and pumping commenced” (Porter 2-3). The use of the word “kill” is interesting—potassium chloride (KCl) is the third and final drug administered in the lethal injection of humans on death row in the USA. Potassium chloride was used to minimise the effect on parts of the coal seam that were water-sensitive and was the recommended solution prior to adding other chemicals (Montgomery and Smith 28); but a word such as “kill” also implies that the well and the larger environment were alive before fracking commenced (Giblett; Trigger). Pumping recommenced after the fracturing fluid was unloaded. Initially gas supply was very good. It increased from an average estimate of 7,000 cubic feet per day to 30,000, but this only lasted two days before coal and sand started flowing back up to the surface. In effect, the cleats were propped open but the coal did not close and hold onto them which meant coal particles and sand flowed back up the pipe with diminishing amounts of gas (Walters 12). Although there were some interesting results, the program was considered a failure. In April 1978, Houston Oil and Minerals finally abandoned the methane concept. Following the failure, they reflected on the possibilities for a coal seam gas industry given the gas prices in Queensland: “Methane drainage wells appear to offer no economic potential” (Wooldridge 2). At the wells they let the tubing drop into the hole, put a fifteen foot cement plug at the top of the hole, covered it with a steel plate and by their own description restored the area to its “original state” (Wiltshire 8). Houston Oil and Minerals now turned to “conventional targets” which included coal exploration (Wiltshire 7). A Thousand Memories The first four wells show some of the critical environmental issues that were present from the outset of the industry in Australia. The process of hydraulic fracture was not just a failure, but conducted on a science that had never been tested in Australia, was ponderous at best, and by Halliburton’s own admission had “many unknowns”. There was also the role of large multinationals providing “experience” (Briody; Hiscock) and conducting these tests while having limited knowledge of the Australian landscape. Before any gas came to the surface, a large amount of water was produced that was loaded with a mixture of salt and other heavy minerals. The source of water for both the mud drilling of Carra and Kinma, as well as the hydraulic fracture job on Moura, was extracted from Kianga Creek three miles from the site (HOMA, “Carra # 1” 5; HOMA, “Kinma # 1” 5; Porter, “Moura # 1”). No location was listed for the disposal of the water from the wells, including the hydraulic fracture liquid. Considering the poor quality of water, if the water was disposed on site or let drain into a creek, this would have had significant environmental impact. Nobody has yet answered the question of where all this water went. The environmental issues of water extraction, saline water and hydraulic fracture were present at the first four wells. At the first four wells environmental concern was not a priority. The complexity of inter-company relations, as witnessed at the Shotover well, shows there was little time. The re-use of old wells, such as the Moura well, also shows that economic priorities were more important. Even if environmental information was considered important at the time, no one would have had access to it because, as handwritten notes on some of the reports show, many of the reports were “confidential” (Sell). Even though coal mines commenced filing Environmental Impact Statements in the early 1970s, there is no such documentation for gas exploration conducted by Houston Oil and Minerals. A lack of broader awareness for the surrounding environment, from floral and faunal health to the impact on habitat quality, can be gleaned when reading across all the exploration reports. Nearly four decades on and we now have thousands of wells throughout the world. Yet, the challenges of unconventional gas still persist. The implications of the environmental history of the first four wells in Australia for contemporary unconventional gas exploration and development in this country and beyond are significant. Many environmental issues were present from the beginning of the coal seam gas industry in Australia. Owning up to this history would place policy makers and regulators in a position to strengthen current regulation. The industry continues to face the same challenges today as it did at the start of development—including water extraction, hydraulic fracturing and problems associated with drilling through underground aquifers. Looking more broadly at the unconventional gas industry, shale gas has appeared as the next target for energy resources in Australia. Reflecting on the first exploratory shale gas wells drilled in Central Australia, the chief executive of the company responsible for the shale gas wells noted their deliberate decision to locate their activities in semi-desert country away from “an area of prime agricultural land” and conflict with environmentalists (quoted in Molan). Moreover, the journalist Paul Cleary recently complained about the coal seam gas industry polluting Australia’s food-bowl but concluded that the “next frontier” should be in “remote” Central Australia with shale gas (Cleary 195). It appears that preference is to move the industry to the arid centre of Australia, to the ecologically and culturally unique Lake Eyre Basin region (Robin and Smith). 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