Academic literature on the topic 'Dictatorship (Rome)'
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Journal articles on the topic "Dictatorship (Rome)"
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Saluppo, Alessandro. "Paramilitary Violence and Fascism: Imaginaries and Practices of Squadrismo, 1919–1925." Contemporary European History 29, no. 3 (January 20, 2020): 289–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777319000390.
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AbstractThis article examines the violent imaginaries and practices of squadrismo in the period preceding the establishment of the Italian fascist dictatorship. Based on the examination of newly accessible documentary sources at provincial state archives, the article sheds light upon the ways in which squadristi imagined, performed, justified and ascribed meanings to their violent actions and the disintegrative impact of violence on local communities. The article concludes with a reflection on Blackshirt violence in the aftermath of the March on Rome and the persistence of the ideological and cultural fabric of squadrismo in the years of the dictatorship.
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Roth, Ulrike. "WAS CAMILLUS RIGHT? ROMAN HISTORY AND NARRATOLOGICAL STRATEGY IN LIVY 5.49.2." Classical Quarterly 70, no. 1 (May 2020): 212–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838820000385.
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This article deals with one particular aspect of Livy's narrative of the Gallic Sack of Rome, told in Book 5, and traditionally placed in 390 b.c.—namely the issue over the validity of the ransom agreement struck by the Romans with the Gauls. The broader context is well known—and needs only brief reiteration here. When the Gauls march on Rome, the Romans give battle at the river Allia, leading to a resounding Gallic victory. Most of the Romans flee the battlefield and then the city, except for a small group of both old and young, male and female, who hold out on the Capitoline Hill. That hill is subsequently put under siege by the Gauls. Following several months of beleaguerment, both sides are depicted as severely worn out by hunger and fighting. It is important for present purposes to stress that, when the Gauls stood at the gates and besieged the city, one of Rome's greatest heroes, Marcus Furius Camillus, was noticeably absent. Camillus was in neighbouring Ardea, some fifty miles south of Rome, training an army of Roman soldiers to challenge the Gallic invaders after his recent recall from exile and appointment to the dictatorship. But before Camillus’ return to Rome, the besieged Romans surrendered and agreed a ransom with the Gauls in order to liberate their city. The continuation of the story as given in Livy is equally well known. Camillus arrives in the middle of the ransom exchange, asking for the exchange to be stopped. Unsurprisingly, the Gauls are not keen on following Camillus’ orders, and insist on the ransom. Consequently, Camillus challenges the agreement between Romans and Gauls on a constitutional basis; the agreement was reached with a lesser magistrate after Camillus’ appointment to the dictatorship (5.49.2): cum illi renitentes pactos dicerent sese, negat eam pactionem ratam esse quae postquam ipse dictator creatus esset iniussu suo ab inferioris iuris magistratu facta esset, denuntiatque Gallis ut se ad proelium expediant.When they, resisting, said that they had come to an agreement, he [Camillus] denied that an agreement was valid which, after he himself had been made dictator, had been concluded by a magistrate of lower status without his instructions, and he announced to the Gauls that they should prepare themselves for battle.The constitutional argument has often been repeated by modern scholars. Ogilvie comments that ‘(t)he dictatorship was held to put all other magistracies into suspension.’ Feldherr notes similarly that, ‘(o)nce Camillus has been appointed dictator, his imperium supersedes that of the lesser magistrates who negotiated the surrender.’ And to explain why the Gauls nevertheless entered into negotiations in Camillus’ absence, Ross observes that ‘the Gauls, of course, could hardly have known either of Camillus’ appointment as dictator or of the fact that the dictatorship superseded all other magistracies.’
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Saresella, Daniela. "The Movement of Catholic Communists, 1937–45." Journal of Contemporary History 53, no. 3 (February 23, 2017): 644–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009417690595.
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This article examines the movement of Catholic Communists ( cattocomunisti), who emerged in 1937 and 1938 among a group of young Catholics in Rome. These Catholics maintained that the only way to defeat the Fascist dictatorship was to forge an alliance with the Communists. Marxism was, for these young Catholics, a canon to interpret reality, not a political philosophy. Thus they embraced historical materialism, but rejected dialectical materialism. During the war years, the church tolerated them as long as they remained a minority representing a minimal threat. However, from 1944 the ecclesiastical institution made them the target of criticism and censorship. The group disbanded in 1945 and most of its members decided to join the Communist Party.
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STEEL, C. E. W. "CICERO's BRUTUS: THE END OF ORATORY AND THE BEGINNING OF HISTORY?" Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 46, no. 1 (December 1, 2003): 195–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.2003.tb00741.x.
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Abstract The ostensible function of the Brutus is to record the history of oratory at Rome and thereby confirm that it has ceased to exist under Caesar's dictatorship. But the gulf between Cicero's ideal of oratory and its actual use mean that he is unable to implement his inclusive selection criteria, as the absences of Marius, Sulla, Catiline and Clodius from the catalogue indicate; and his discussions of speakers have to concentrate on technique and not content. And whilst the narrative logic of the work tends towards Cicero himself as the culmination of Roman eloquence, his ultimate failure to inscribe himself into the canon shows that he is not yet willing to withdraw from political activity and cease to be an orator.
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Welch, Kathryn E. "Antony, Fulvia, and the Ghost of Clodius in 47 B.C." Greece and Rome 42, no. 2 (October 1995): 182–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500025638.
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The creation of a political image based at best on a tenuous reality is a fragile and delicate process. None knew it better than Gaius Julius Caesar. Early in his career, he had fostered the belief that he was the heir of the ‘true’ Marian/popularis tradition with some credibility and lasting success. He presented himself as the great general in the Gallic commentaries and for good reasons this image too gained widespread popularity. There were other important but sometimes less convincing messages to follow. The commentarii on the civil war sought passionately to justify his part in the outbreak of hostilities: this was the published form of a process his intermediaries had begun in the first months of hostilities whereby they stressed his respect for peace and the traditional order, even when he himself was busy ignoring both. In an effort to reinforce this ‘constitutional’ regard, Caesar returned to Rome from Spain in 49 to establish a ‘properly elected’ government with himself and P. Servilius Isauricus as consuls; the correct number of praetors (all eligible to hold the office), aediles, and quaestors. The dictatorship was cast aside after a mere eleven days; Rome was to function as it always had. The uprising of Marcus Caelius Rufus and Titus Annius Milo in 48 B.C. ruined this admirable picture and brought home to Caesar the realities of attempting to dominate Rome by leaving the constitution in its traditional form and hoping for the best from the supporters he had entrusted with office. Moreover, the chaos of civil war and urban disorder combined to allow others to project their own policies and power struggles.
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Bartyzel, Jacek. "Nacjonalizm włoski — pomiędzy nacjonalitaryzmem a nacjonalfaszyzmem." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 40, no. 4 (February 18, 2019): 169–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.40.4.11.
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ITALIAN NATIONALISM: BETWEEN NATIONALITARIANISM AND NATIONAL-FASCISMThe subject of this article is the doctrine of Italian nationalism considered using the approach of the Polish italianist Joanna Sondel-Cedarmas. This doctrine found its most complete expression in the activity and journalism of Italian Nationalist Association Associazione Nazionalista Italiana; ANI, of which the main theorists and leaders were Enrico Corradini, Luigi Federzoni, Alfredo Rocco and Francesco Coppola. Although the organization was active relatively briefly, that is, for 13 years from 1910 to 1923, it played a key role in the transitional period between the parliamentary system and the fascist dictatorship. The historical role of ANI consisted in breaking with the nationalitarian ideology dominating in nineteenth-century Italy and related to the Risorgimento Rising Again movement, which was liberal, democratic and anti-clerical. Instead, ANI adopted integral nationalism, connected with right-wing, conservative, monarchist, anti-liberal and authoritarian ideology and favourable to the Catholic religion. However, in contrast to countries like France, Spain, Portugal or Poland, nationalism of this kind failed to retain its autonomous political position and organisational separation, because after World War I it encountered a strong competitor in the anti-liberal camp — fascism, which as a plebeian and revolutionary movement found a broader support base in the pauperised and anarchy-affected society. Nationalists, forced to cooperate with the National Fascist Party after the March on Rome and the coming to power of Benito Mussolini, modified their doctrine in the spirit of the national-fascist ideology. In spite of that, the nationalists active within the fascist system were preventing that system from evolving towards totalitarianism and defended the monarchy, as well as the independence of the Roman-Catholic Church.
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Sujatmoko, Andrey. "PEMULIHAN (REPARATIONS) KORBAN PELANGGARAN BERAT HAK ASASI MANUSIA DI ARGENTINA DAN CILE." Asy-Syari'ah 19, no. 2 (March 28, 2019): 175–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/as.v19i2.4368.
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AbstractReparation is an integral part of state responsibility for the past of gross human rights violations committed in any country and it is also legal obligation under international law. Those violations have ever committed in Argentina (1976-1983) and Chile (1973-1990) during the military dictatorship regime. The applied method in this study is descriptive-analytic with historical approach to the reparation efforts for the victims of the past gross human rights violations in those countries. The author concludes that the characteristic of the gross human rights violations committed in Argentina and Chile can be categorized as crime against humanity based on the Rome Statute 1998. Reparations programs by fullfiling economic and social rights of the victims of gross human rights violations have been done by both countries as well. Keywords: Reparation, Victim, Violation AbstrakPemulihan adalah bagian integral dari tanggung jawab negara atas pelanggaran berat HAM masa lalu yang terjadi di dalam suatu negara dan hal itu juga merupakan kewajiban hukum menurut hukum internasional. Pelanggaran-pelanggaran tersebut pernah terjadi di Argentina (1976-1983) dan Chile (1973-1990) selama rezim diktator militer berkuasa. Metode yang digunakan dalam kajian ini adalah deskriptif analitis dengan pendekatan historis terhadap upaya upaya-upaya pemulihan terhadap para korban pelanggaran berat HAM masa lalu di kedua negara tersebut. Penulis menyimpulkan bahwa karakteristik pelanggaran berat HAM yang terjadi di Argentina dan Cile dapat dikategorikan sebagai kejahatan terhadap kemanusiaan berdasarkan Statuta Roma 1998. Program-program pemulihan dengan memenuhi hak-hak ekonomi dan sosial dari para korban pelanggaran juga telah dilakukan oleh kedua negara itu. Kata Kunci: Pemulihan, Korban, Pelanggaran
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Welker, Michael. "Karl Barth: from fighter against the ‘Roman heresy’ to leading thinker for the ecumenical movement." Scottish Journal of Theology 57, no. 4 (November 2004): 434–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930604000341.
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Karl Barth saw himself as a ‘Randfigur’, a boundary figure, in ecumenical theology, while important members of the ecumenical movement regarded him as a ‘Wegbereiter de Okumene des 20. Jahrhunderts’, a pioneer of the ecumene in the twentieth century. Which characterisation is correct?The article sheds light on Karl Barth as an ‘ecumenical theologian’ in eight different phases of his life: his wrestling with Roman Catholicism in Göttingen and Munster, particularly with the help of the Munich Jesuit Erich Przywara; his encounter and interaction with ecumenical leaders such as Visser't Hooft and Pierre Maury at the beginning of the Nazi dictatorship and his disappointment about the failing resistance of the ecumenical institutions against Hitler; his search for a clear ecumenical course during the Second World War and the Cold War thereafter; his contribution to the meeting of the World Council of Churches in Amsterdam in 1948 and in the preparation of this meeting; his complex and complicated dealing with the ‘fundamental ecumenical question’ of church and Israel; the reception of his theology in Roman Catholicism in the 1950s and 1960s through von Balthasar, Kung and other young theologians and Barth's interaction with them; Barth's engagement with Vatican II and his trip to Rome; finally, his personal ‘ecumenical existence’ in the last years of his life.The contribution explores continuities and discontinuities in his stance towards ‘ecumenical theology’ – ecumenical theology in its various meanings. It depicts Barth in his journey from a fighter against the ‘Roman heresy’ to a critical pioneer of ecumenical theology in general and the institutionalised ecumene in particular.
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Rodman, Kenneth A. "Compromising Justice: Why the Bush Administration and the NGOs Are Both Wrong about the ICC." Ethics & International Affairs 20, no. 1 (March 2006): 25–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.2006.00002.x.
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The critics of the ICC in the Bush administration and its supporters within the human rights community have one thing in common: they assume that the ICC can evolve into a powerful institution independent of states, either to constrain American power or to act on a duty to prosecute to end impunity for perpetrators. Both overestimate the ability of the court to pursue a legalism divorced from power realities. The former attribute to the court powers it is unlikely to exercise, particularly if the United States remains outside the treaty. This is due, in part, to the safeguards within the Rome Statute, but more importantly, to the court's dependence on sovereign cooperation, which will lead it to place a high premium on cultivating the good will of the most powerful states. The latter overestimate the degree to which courts by themselves can deter atrocities. The ICC's effectiveness in any particular case will therefore be dependent on the political consensus of those actors capable of wielding power in that area. They also underestimate the need to compromise justice – at least, prosecutorial justice – in cases in which bargaining and compromise are the central means of facilitating transitions from armed conflict or dictatorship, and in cases in which the strength of the perpetrators and the limits of one's power would make legal proceedings either futile or counterproductive to other interests and values. Hence, decisions to prosecute must first be subjected to a test of political prudence, and then take place according to due process and the rule of law.
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Sarrabayrouse Oliveira, María José. "The role of the Judicial Morgue in Argentinas state terrorism: bureaucratic circuits of repression (1976–83)." Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal 3, no. 2 (2017): 38–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/hrv.3.2.4.
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The military coup of March 1976 in Argentina ruptured the prevailing institutional order, with the greater part of its repressive strategy built on clandestine practices and tactics (death, torture and disappearance) that sowed fear across large swathes of Argentine society. Simultaneously, the terrorist state established a parallel, de facto legal order through which it endeavoured to legitimise its actions. Among other social forces, the judicial branch played a pivotal role in this project of legitimisation. While conscious of the fact that many of those inside the justice system were also targets of oppression, I would like to argue that the dictatorship‘s approach was not to establish a new judicial authority but, rather, to build upon the existing institutional structure, remodelling it to suit its own interests and objectives. Based on an analysis of the criminal and administrative proceedings that together were known as the Case of the judicial morgue, this article aims to examine the ways in which the bodies of the detained-disappeared that entered the morgue during the dictatorship were handled, as well as the rationales and practices of the doctors and other employees who played a part in this process. Finally, it aims to reflect upon the traces left by judicial and administrative bureaucratic structures in relation to the crimes committed by the dictatorship, and on the legal strategies adopted by lawyers and the families of the victims.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Dictatorship (Rome)"
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Mészáros, Alexis. "Construire la première république romaine : (VIe-IIIe siècles avant Jésus-Christ)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA01H081.
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La première république romaine (509-218 av. J.-C.) ne correspond pas à un régime politique particulier mais à une construction historiographique amorcée à partir du IIe s. av. J.- C. Les ressorts institutionnels des trois premiers siècles de la République étaient déjà incompréhensibles des Romains eux-mêmes. L’histoire de cette période servit plutôt à créer ou à faire disparaître des précédents, afin de légaliser ou non une action. Les événements lus par les historiens modernes sont le produit de strates historiographiques (des historiens grecs du IIIe s. av. J.-C. aux éditeurs des XIXe et XXe s.) et de logiques propres à chaque strate qui permettent d’élaborer un récit cohérent. L’étude comporte une analyse détaillée de ces strates. Elle propose une méthode d’analyse de la première république appliquée notamment à la construction de la dictature, magistrature emblématique de la République romaineThe first roman republic (509-218 B.C.) is not a specific regime but a historiographical elaboration beginning in the Second Century B.C. For the Romans themselves, the real operation of the institutions were lost for the first three centuries of the Republic. The history of this time was rather used to create or delete constitutionnal precedents in order to legalize (or not) some later behaviours. Events read by modern scholars are the product of historiographical stratums (from the Greek historians in the 3rd Century B.C. to the editors of the 19th and 20th centuries) and logics present in each stratum in order to elaborate a consistent story. The study includes a detailed analysis of these stratums and proposed a new method to analyze the first republic. This method is especially applied to the construction of dictatorship, typical magistrature of the Roman Republic
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Dieckman, Lisa Ann. "Bearing Witness in the Face of 'Overwhelming Evil': The Role of the Buenos Aires Herald During the Argentinean Dictatorship." The Ohio State University, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1555351733297253.
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Ávila, Dosal Raquel. "Memory struggles in Chile 45 years after the coup. A Critical Discourse Analysis on the role of the press." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21715.
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This Degree Project (DP) deals with the discourses about collective memory in Chile 45 years after a coup d’état that gave way to a dictatorship that lasted for 17 years, during which serious human rights violations were committed. How different actors relate to this traumatic period shows how this is a field of struggle in contemporary Chile.Collective memory has become a key theoretical concept for describing how social groups make sense of their common past. It is deeply entrenched with notions of identity, agency and change. Whereas collective memory is an abstract notion, it has to be somehow concretized in order to allow individuals to activate their own memories, opinions and reactions. Thus, media play a fundamental role in the construction of collective memory. Drawing on a constructivist approach, media are not fixed containers of memories but they actually work on how people perceive their past in relation to the present and the future. This (DP) focuses on the following questions: How do media contribute to the construction of the collective memory around the coup d’état and the military dictatorship in Chile? What are the discourses they diffuse and to what end? Which are the other counter-hegemonic discourses available in the Chilean society?In order to answer these questions, this DP uses a Critical Discourse Analysis of of the two main Chilean newspapers (La Tercera and El Mercurio) complemented with interviews to memory agents. The conclusions point out that these newspapers have a role in diffusing as well as constructing hegemonic discourses around this period of the Chilean history. They do so, mainly by silencing the voices of the civil society making their goals of social change difficult to achieve.
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Uwakwe, Assumpta Ngozi. "Le rôle du mythe dans la littérature africaine : une étude de la vie et demie, l'etat honteux de sony labou tansi et en attendant le vote des bêtes sauvages d'ahmadou kourouma." Thesis, Lille 3, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017LIL30013.
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Le but de cette thèse a été d’étudier le rôle du mythe dans la littérature africaine en se focalisant sur La Vie et demie et L’État honteux de Sony Labou Tansi et En attendant le Vote des bêtes sauvages d’Ahmadou Kourouma, en les abordant à partir de la théorie postcoloniale. Les paroles des anciens sont analysées pour mettre en avant une écriture novatrice qui puise sa source dans l’oralité africaine. Puis un panorama de l’écriture de plusieurs auteurs africains permet d’établir la présence du mythe dans cette littérature. Vient ensuite la façon dont ces deux écrivains utilisent le mythe afin de critiquer le pouvoir politique dictatorial sur le continent africain. Il s’agit alors d’une approche comparative des deux romans de Sony Labou Tansi et de celui d’Ahmadou Kourouma, tous trois marqués par la même volonté de démontrer l’échec paradoxal des dirigeants politiques de l’Afrique postcoloniale. La conclusion qui en découle est l’émergence d’une lecture nouvelle des œuvres de Sony Labou Tansi et d’Ahmadou Kourouma où l’écriture et l’oralité fusionnent pour donner naissance à de nouveaux mythesAbstract : The purpose of this thesis is to study the role of myth in African literature in two novels by Sony Labou Tansi and one by Ahmadou Kourouma. Here, one suggests reading these texts by resorting to the postcolonial theory. There, the words of the men of old are analyzed, since they lead to a new writing based on orality. The literary works of certain African authors with enough proof of the presence of myth in such literature are then displayed, as well as the way the two writers introduce the myth with the purpose of criticizing dictatorial political powers in the continent of Africa. It is a comparative study of the works of Sony Labou Tansi and Ahmadou Kourouma, which are marked by the same purpose of writing, which tends to establish the paradox of failure of political leaders in postcolonial Africa. There is therefore a new reading of the works of Sony Labou Tansi and Ahmadou Kourouma where written and oral works have merged to produce new myths
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Botha, Maryke. "African leadership and the role of the presidency in African conflicts : a case study of Uganda's president Yoweri Museveni." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/20401.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.Includes bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: As a wave of political uprisings swept across North Africa since January 2011, ridding the region of longstanding autocratic leaders, presidents in Sub-Saharan Africa were still imprisoning opposition leaders, deploying military and police to clamp down on protest, and promising their citizens change - all this in a bid to avoid being ousted by their own people. Leadership has long been the main constraint on political and economic progress in Africa. This study analyses African leadership and especially the role of the presidency as a cause of conflict and instability in Africa. The modern-day African president might no longer be the absolute autocrat from yesteryear, but he still rules with awesome power and vast state resources at his disposal. African leaders have assumed an imperial character; many regard themselves as largely above the law; accountable to no one and entitled to remain in power or to pass the sceptre to their offspring. Due to this rather imperial character, conflict has been inevitable in Africa. As a theoretical basis the study proposes a framework for analysing leaders’ behavioural patterns that contribute to conflict and instability domestically as well as regionally. Six relevant behavioural patterns are identified: political deprivation, patronage and clientelism, personalisation of power, use of the military, staying to office, underdevelopment and conflict. Additionally, and as a case study, this framework is applied to Uganda’s president Yoweri Museveni. Each of the six behavioural patterns are analysed and evaluated in relation to Museveni’s rule of the past 25 years. Applying the framework demonstrates how Museveni contributed to conflict across the region in Somalia, Sudan, Kenya and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). Museveni is found to be a power point man in the region and his imperial nature is likely to contribute to future instability and conflict in Uganda and the Great Lakes region. The study also addresses the genesis of the imperial African leader and investigates why, despite waves of democratisation and the expulsion of a few autocratic rulers in Africa in the late 1990s, the imperial character still persist today. Constitutional limitations are found to be one of the major reasons why absolute powers end up being vested in the hands of the president. Lack of proper separation of powers, and a culture conducive to suppressing the legislature and parliamentary role, provides additional reasons for this phenomenon. Furthermore, both internationally and locally, the leadership deficit in Africa is drawing continuing attention and even funding. However, in order for Africa to make progress in eradicating poor and unaccountable leadership, local initiatives should be further encouraged. The African Union Peer Review Mechanism and the African Charter on Elections, Democracy and Governance are discussed as two African initiatives; also the Mo Ibrahim Index and Prize are evaluated. Although all three these initiatives are admirable in theory, they have failed to deliver because real commitment to action is lacking in most African countries. A speedy and conclusive solution to the problem seems unlikely because of the complex nature of humans and their environment. Thus, the aim of this study is to make a contribution to the scholarly body of work regarding the causes of African conflict, focusing on the African presidency as one cause of such conflict in Africa.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Vanaf Januarie 2011 het ’n vlaag politieke opstande Noord-Afrika getref waartydens weggedoen is met langdurige outokratiese leiers. In Afrika Suid van die Sahara het heersers egter steeds opposisieleiers opgesluit en militêre- en polisiemagte ontplooi om opstande die hoof te bied, terwyl vae beloftes aan die bevolking gemaak word oor moontlike veranderinge. Swak Afrika-leierskap word dikwels beskou as ‘n belangrike faktor wat politieke en ekonomiese vooruitgang op die vasteland strem. Hierdie studie analiseer leierskap in Afrika, veral die rol wat die president speel in die skepping van konflik en onstabiliteit. Die hedendaagse Afrika-leier mag dalk nie meer voorkom as die absolutistiese outokraat van die verlede nie, maar hy regeer steeds met oorweldigende mag en ekstensiewe staatshulpbronne tot sy beskikking. Dit is duidelik dat die Afrika-leier dikwels ‘n imperiale karakter aanneem en homself verhewe ag bo die wet. In welke geval hy dus geen verantwoording hoef te doen aan enige ander party nie. Die hoofdoelwit blyk dikwels te wees om beheer te behou. Die gevolgtrekking wat gemaak kan word, is dat die imperiale karakter van die Afrika-president tot konflik kan lei. Die teoretiese basis van hierdie studie bied ’n raamwerk om die leiers van Afrika se gedragspatrone te bestudeer wat aanleiding kon gee tot onstabilitiet asook interne-en streekskonflik. Ses gedragspatrone is geïdentifiseer om hierdie proefskrif te illustreer: politieke vervreemding; beskermheerskap en kliëntilisme; personalisering van mag; gebruik van militêre mag om aan bewind te bly; gebrek aan ontwikkeling en konflik. In besonder word hierdie raamwerk toegepas op die president van Uganda, Yoweri Museveni, as ‘n gevallestudie. Hierdeur word aangedui hoe Museveni bygedra het tot konflik, nie net in Uganda nie, maar inderwaarheid ook in Somalië, Sudan, Kenia en die Demokratiese Republiek van die Kongo (DRK) tydens sy bewind van die afgelope 25 jaar. Museveni word allerweë beskou as die “sterkman” in die streek en sy imperiale karakter sal heel waarskynlik ook in die toekoms bydra tot onstabiliteit en konflik in Uganda en die Groot- Merestreek. Hierdie studie spreek ook die oorsprong van die imperiale Afrika-leier aan en ondersoek waarom, ten spyte van die sterk strewe na demokrasie en die omverwerping van outokratiese leiers in Afrika in die laat 1990s, die imperiale karakter van sodanige leiers steeds kan voortbestaan. Konstitusionele beperkings word beskou as een van die hoofredes waarom totale mag in die hande van ‘n president beland. Gebrek aan behoorlike verdeling van mag en ‘n kultuur bevorderlik vir die onderdrukking van die wetgewende en parlementêre funksies, is bydraende redes vir hierdie verskynsel. Verder ontlok die tekortkominge van Afrikaleierskap plaaslik en internasionaal heelwat aandag en selfs befondsing. Die ideaal sou egter wees dat Afrika aangemoedig moet word om tot ‘n groter hoogte plaaslike inisiatiewe te gebruik om swak en onbevoegde leierskap te verwerp. Die African Union Peer Review Mechanism en die African Charter on Elections, Democracy and Governance word gesien as twee nuttige Afrikainisiatiewe. Ook die Mo Ibrahim Index and Prize word geëvalueer. Alhoewel al drie inisiatiewe in teorie goed blyk te wees, het dit misluk as gevolg daarvan dat ‘n verbintenis tot aksie ontbreek in die meeste Afrika lande. Waarskynlik is geen spoedige of permanente oplossing vir die konflik moontlik nie – grotendeels weens die kompleksiteit van mense en hulle omgewing. Dus is die doel van hierdie studie om ‘n bydrae te maak tot akademiese navorsing betreffende die oorsake van konflik in Afrika en dan spesifiek hoe die institusionele aard van leierskap in Afrika fungeer as ‘n bydraende oorsaak.
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Nováková, Eva. "Role výtvarného umění v Brazílii v době vojenských diktatur 1964-1985." Master's thesis, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-324108.
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(in English): This thesis is devoted to the time of the Brazilian military dictatorship from 1964 to 1985 and effects of artists during these years. The first chapter outlines the historical development leading to the onset of military dictatorship and the subsequent period of military rule until its fall in 1985 and the return to democracy. The second chapter is a brief overview of the development of Brazilian art in the 20th century until the military coup. Then this thesis is focused on the visual arts from 1964 to 1985 and the text describes each part of the military dictatorship and the rate of censorship and restrictions. Further text describes the front anti-regime artists and their work at major exhibitions and demonstrations. For better illustration of the effects of artists during the military dictatorship there are two separate chapters devoted Artur Barrio and Cildo Meireles, two significant anti-regime artists. The conclusion summarizes the findings.
Books on the topic "Dictatorship (Rome)"
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Gender politics and mass dictatorship: Global perspectives. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011.
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Yŏn'guso, Pigyo Yŏksa Munhwa, ed. Taejung tokchae wa yŏsŏng: Tongwŏn kwa haebang ŭi kiro esŏ. Sŏul-si: Hyumŏnisŭt'ŭ, 2010.
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Kessel, Tamara. Foreign Cultural Policy in the Interbellum. NL Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789089648778.
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This book considers the growing awareness in the wake of World War I that culture could play an effective political role in international relations. Tamara van Kessel shows how the British created the British Council in support of those cultural aims, which took on particular urgency in light of the rise of fascist dictatorships in Europe. Van Kessel focuses in particular on the activities of the British Council and the Italian Dante Alighieri Society in the Mediterranean area, where their respective country's strategic and ideological interests most evidently clashed.
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Turull i Crexells, Isabel. Carles Riba i la llengua literària durant el franquisme. Venice: Edizioni Ca' Foscari, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.30687/978-88-6969-309-0.
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Carles Riba, one of the most relevant personalities in Catalan letters, not only as a poet but also as a linguist, has been considered a difficult writer. This book aims to examine how his theoretical preparation and his ideas in linguistics influenced his work in the particular case of some early stories in which he tries “uns utilíssims exercicis de simplicitat”. Carles Riba did not present his linguistic theories in a single text in a complete and articulated way but we can evaluate them in various papers he wrote and published up until his death in 1959. The first part of this work, after an introduction which sets the author in the context of European linguistics, is a review of the ideas that can be found in the collections of essays: Escolis i altres articles (1921), Els marges (1927), Per comprendre (1937), ... més els poemes (1957), and in a few other particularly interesting papers.This part focuses also on some of the controversies in which Carles Riba is involved as a linguist during the spanish dictatorship: especially his role on the publication of the second edition of Pompeu Fabra’s dictionary in 1954 and the consequences of the prologue he wrote for the volume. Joan Coromines considers an attack on the linguist Pompeu Fabra the negative comparison Riba proposes with the honnête homme: in our research we re-evaluate this consideration and analyse the historical and semantic value of this expression belonging to 17th-century French culture.The second part of this paper is a strictly linguistic analysis of three texts, chosen among Carles Riba’s works for children. The interest of those texts is in the author’s deliberate intent of using the most simple language, which enables us to determine what he considers the basic aspects of linguistic quality. Furthermore, the existence of different editions of those texts permits a philological analysis of those versions showing Carles Riba’s ‘simple’ language in three very representative moments, from the beginning of his career as a writer to the difficult situation during the dictatorship.
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Baraz, Yelena. Discourse of Kingship in Late Republican Invective. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199394852.003.0004.
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This chapter examines the anti-monarchical discourse that was indigenous to Rome since the expulsion of the kings. Through a study of the lexicographic range of the words rex (king) and regnum (kingship), it parses the accusations of ‘regal aspirations’ abounding in political writings of the late Republic. Although associated with the last Roman king, the ‘tyrannical’ Tarquin, these terms were not indicative of constitutional positions. Rather, in the rhetoric of faction politics, they suggest the traits of arrogance and rampant ambition. Thus refining our understanding of political discourse in the final years of the Republic, the chapter also paves the way for a new understanding of Julius Caesar’s dictatorship and its critical assessment before and after his assassination.
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Schupmann, Benjamin A. The Guardian of the Constitution. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198791614.003.0006.
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Chapter 5 analyzes Schmitt’s theory of dictatorship. Schmitt’s theory of dictatorship was part of his broader criticism of positivism and its inability to effectively respond to the instabilities mass democracy wrought on the state and constitution. Positive laws, including constitutional amendment procedures, could themselves become threats to the fundamental commitments of public order. The suspension of positive laws might be justified. Schmitt argued dictatorship was a necessary final bulwark against this sort of revolutionary threat. The dictator, as guardian of last resort capable of acting outside positive law, could become necessary for a state to survive internal enemies. Yet, although dictatorship could suspend positive law, Schmitt argued it did not suspend the fundamental public order of the state and constitution—a distinction positivism was unable to recognize. This chapter concludes with an analysis of Schmitt’s discussion of the role of the president as guardian of the constitution.
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Stein, Elizabeth Ann. Information and Civil Unrest in Dictatorships. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.35.
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Considering incidents that make headline news internationally, given the modern information and communication technology revolution, the facility of citizens to rapidly mobilize represents a considerable threat to autocratic survival. While the speed with which popular movements emerge has increased exponentially, and the news of their existence spreads faster and farther, civil unrest has threatened the stability and survival of dictators for centuries. The paranoia and machinations of dictators depicted in films, such as the portrayal of Ugandan dictator Idi Amin in The Last King of Scotland, while sensationalized, capture the astounding array of threats with which unelected leaders must concern themselves. On the one hand, they must worry about insider threats to their standing, such as conspiratorial plots from people within the dictator’s own circle or mutiny among government soldiers. On the other hand, dictators also must monitor threats originating from non-regime actors, such as new alliances forming among once-fragmented opposition groups or the possibility of sustained insurgency or a popular revolution. From force to finesse, autocratic leaders have developed a broad and evolving range of tactics and tools to diminish both internal and external domestic threats to their reign. The success of dictators’ endeavors to insulate their regimes from forces that might challenge them depends on accurate and reliable information, a resource that can be as valuable to the leader as would a large armory and loyal soldiers. Dictators invest significant resources (monetary as well as human capital) to try to gather useful information about their existing and potential opponents, while also trying to control and shape information emitted by the regime before it reaches the public. New information and communication technologies (ICTs), which have drawn a great deal of scholarly attention since the beginning of the 21st century—present both risks and rewards for dictators; inversely they also create new opportunities and hazards for citizens who might utilize them to mobilize people opposed to the regime. While civil unrest could encompass the full range of domestic, nonmilitary actors, there also needs to be a specific focus on various forms of mass mobilization. Historically, more dictators have been forced from office by elite-initiated overthrows via coups d’état than have fallen to revolution or fled amid street protests. Civil unrest, in its many forms, can affect autocratic survival or precipitate regime breakdown. While mass-based revolutions have been a relatively rare phenomenon to date, the actions of many 21st-century dictators indicate that they increasingly concern themselves with the threats posed by popular protests and fear its potential for triggering broader antigovernment campaigns. The ease of access to information (or the lack thereof) help explain interactions between authoritarian regimes and citizens emphasizes. The role of information in popular antigovernment mobilization has evolved and changed how dictators gather and utilize information to prevent or counter civil unrest that might jeopardize their own survival as well as that of the regime.
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Htun, Mala. Sex and the State: Abortion, Divorce, and the Family under Latin American Dictatorships and Democracies. Cambridge University Press, 2003.
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Htun, Mala. Sex and the State: Abortion, Divorce, and the Family under Latin American Dictatorships and Democracies. Cambridge University Press, 2003.
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Varol, Ozan O. In the Land of the Blind. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190626013.003.0003.
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This chapter explains why the military plays a decisive role in almost all revolutions and why, in some cases, the military may be the only actor available to ignite democratic regime change. An authoritarian regime extinguishes or significantly stifles the press, political opposition, civil society, and other reformist institutions, but it often leaves the military intact. The armed forces, after all, are necessary for the survival of most nations. As a result the military may be the one-eyed man in the land of the blind: the only available institution relatively independent of the dictatorship and capable of cracking its edifice.
Book chapters on the topic "Dictatorship (Rome)"
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Matulli, Giuseppe. "I cattolici e la politica fra le due guerre. Dalla lotta fra popolarismo e clerico-fascismo alla nascita della Democrazia cristiana." In Studi e saggi, 1–22. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-5518-202-7.03.
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In 1870 Rome was conquered without military resistance by the young Italian State, causing the Pope to react by organizing “the Catholic opposition” to the State (which lasted until 1929); it was modified in 1919 when Don Luigi Sturzo founded the “Italian Popular Party”, which was independent from the Church and immediately antifascist. The Pope exiled Don Sturzo, and the Catholic world split into the anti-fascist Popular Party and a prevailing party of clerical-fascist leaning. With the rise of the fascist dictatorship in 1926 the popular experience came to an end. In the fight for liberation, De Gasperi stands out as a figure who would lead, together with the Christian Democracy, the birth of the new republican democracy.
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Mizuno, Hiroko. "Between Liberalism and National Socialism: The Historical Role of Volunteer Firemen Associations in Austria as a Public Sphere." In Mass Dictatorship and Modernity, 143–58. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137304339_8.
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Apor, Balázs. "Leader in the Making: The Role of Biographies in Constructing the Cult of Mátyás Rákosi." In The Leader Cult in Communist Dictatorships, 63–80. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230518216_4.
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Nicolau, Lurdes. "Roma at School: A Look at the Past and the Present. The Case of Portugal." In Social and Economic Vulnerability of Roma People, 153–63. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-52588-0_10.
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AbstractThe schooling process has become more widespread among the Portuguese Roma population since 1974, with the end of the Estado Novo dictatorship and the establishment of democracy. Nevertheless, the Roma nomadism or semi-nomadism, financial shortcomings and the absence of social/cultural/family stimuli are some of the reasons that explain their low school attendance rates. Only in the last decades has such attendance increased, as a result of the implementation of several public policies, particularly of the Social Integration Income. This social policy, implemented in 1996, introduced important changes in this population, especially in areas such as schooling, personal hygiene, housing, health, or sedentism.Recent research has shown an increase in the educational level of the Roma population, but school dropouts and failure remain high. This tendency was also studied in the northeast of Portugal, in a PhD thesis about the relationships between the Roma and school. In the present research work, a qualitative methodology was adopted, using direct and participant observation, as well as interviews to some Roma parents and non-Roma teachers. Both groups emphasize the main difficulties of Roma children at school.The conclusions show that several factors affect these students’ schooling nowadays, especially poor housing conditions, parents’ illiteracy or low schooling, lack of daily study monitoring at home, absence of models in their environment, non-attendance of pre-school, and discrimination against them.
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Nalbadidacis, Janis. "Laboratories of the Conditio Humana: The Role of Communism in Greek and Argentine Torture Centers During Their Last Military Dictatorships." In The Palgrave Handbook of Anti-Communist Persecutions, 97–116. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54963-3_5.
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"Civil War and Dictatorship." In Ancient Rome, 626–81. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203559291-18.
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Yakobson, Alexander. "Augustus, the Roman Plebs and the Dictatorship." In Rulers and Ruled in Ancient Greece, Rome, and China, 269–99. Cambridge University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781108641166.016.
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Kendall-Taylor, Andrea, Natasha Lindstaedt, and Erica Frantz. "10. Economic Drivers of Democracy." In Democracies and Authoritarian Regimes, 188–209. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198820819.003.0010.
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Economic development 189 Role of a middle class 193 Role of organized labour 195 Changes in beliefs and values 198 Economic inequality 199 Economic growth 203 Clientelism 204 Conclusion 207 Key Questions 208 Further Reading 209 Wealthy democracies do not become dictatorships. This assertion—backed by robust empirical support—has been a pillar of our contemporary understanding of democracy and dictatorship (...
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Peralta, Dan-el Padilla. "Athens and Sparta of the New World." In Classicisms in the Black Atlantic, 79–116. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198814122.003.0004.
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This chapter reconstructs the reception and appropriation of ancient Greece and Rome in the Dominican Republic, tracing the long arc of classical reception from the foundation of the Spanish colony of Santo Domingo to the politics of the twenty-first-century nation-state. Two interlocking appropriations of classical Greece are documented and scrutinized: the glorification of colonial Santo Domingo by postcolonial Dominican elites as the “Athens of the New World,” and the celebration of the modern nation-state as the “Sparta of the New World” during the dictatorship of Rafael Leónidas Trujillo (1930–61). Both modes of scripting hispanophone Hispaniola as classically Greek turn out upon closer examination to derive their impetus from a racialized—and racist—cultural and nationalistic program whose imprint on Dominican debates about statehood and race remains visible to this day.
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Balzat, Jean-Sébastien. "The Diffusion of Roman Names and Naming Practices in Greek Poleis (2nd c. BC–3rd c. AD)." In Changing Names, 217–36. British Academy, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197266540.003.0010.
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A survey of the epigraphic material of Greece and Asia Minor shows that the adoption of Roman names by locals was a negligible feature of the onomastics of the Late Hellenistic poleis, whereas, from Caesar’s dictatorship onwards, the spread of Roman citizenship to provincials triggered an unprecedented diffusion of Roman names. This article aims at revealing the main differences in the way citizens of the poleis adopted Roman names and naming practices between these two periods. The question arises whether the onomastic situation of the Late Hellenistic period has to be interpreted as a sign of resistance towards Rome. With the Empire citizens of the poleis began to receive tria nomina upon the grant of Roman citizenship, and Roman names acquired a new socio-political value. It will be shown that this opened the door to wider Roman influence on local naming practices, so that by the beginning of the 2nd c. AD the onomastic landscape of many poleis had been profoundly transformed.
Conference papers on the topic "Dictatorship (Rome)"
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Jacintho, Lucas Henrique Mantovani, Tiago Pinho Da Silva, Antonio Rafael Sabino Parmezan, and Gustavo Enrique de Almeida Prado Alves Batista. "Brazilian Presidential Elections: Analysing Voting Patterns in Time and Space Using a Simple Data Science Pipeline." In Symposium on Knowledge Discovery, Mining and Learning. Sociedade Brasileira de Computação, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5753/kdmile.2020.11979.
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Since 1989, the first year of the democratic presidential election after a long period of a dictatorship regime, Brazil conducted eight presidential elections. This period was marked by short and long-term shifts of power and two impeachment processes. Such instability is a case of study in electoral studies, e.g., the study of the population voting behavior. Understanding patterns in the population behavior can give us insight into factors and influences that affect the quality of democratic political decisions. In light of this, our paper focuses on analyzing the Brazilian presidential election voting behavior across the years and the Brazilian territory. Following a data science pipeline, we divided the analysis process into five steps: (i) data selection; (ii) data preprocessing; (iii) identification of spatial patterns, in which we seek to understand the role of space in the election results using spatial autocorrelation techniques; (iv) identification of temporal patterns, where we investigate similar trends of votes over the years using a hierarchical clustering method; and (v) evaluation of the results. It is noteworthy that the data in this work represents the election results at the municipal level, from 1994 to 2018, of the two most relevant parties of this period: the Brazilian Social Democracy Party (PSDB) and the Workers’ Party (PT). Through the results obtained, we found the existence of spatial dependence in every electoral year investigated. Moreover, despite the changes in the political-economic context over the years, neighboring cities seem to present similar voting behavior trends.
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Magalhães, Ana. "Le Corbusier’s legacy in the tropics: modern architecture in Angola and Mozambique (1950-70)." In LC2015 - Le Corbusier, 50 years later. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/lc2015.2015.978.
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Abstract: Le Corbusier’s work and thought are a predominant influence over the Modern Movement, and their worldwide spreading acquired a significant dimension during the Second Post-War period. Such predominance of the architectural models conveyed by Le Corbusier may have originated in the rationale enunciated in his written work, which clearly explains a set of doctrinaire parameters, or in his active determinant role in international organisations such as the CIAM, but particularly in his ability to become a global architect, which led to a large international publication of his work. This paper intends to analyse the significance of the Corbusian legacy in architectural production in Angola and Mozambique during the 1950s and 1960s. These two former Portuguese colonies, far away from the centre of power dominated by the dictatorship of the so-called Estado Novo, were tantamount to a land of freedom and were, for a significant range of young architects working and building there, a laboratory for testing new languages of the Modern Movement, particularly on the basis of the Corbusian vocabulary. Two of those young architects Vasco Vieira da Costa (1911- 1982) and Fernão Simões de Carvalho (1929-), who worked in Angola from the beginning of the 50s, were trainees in Le Corbusier’s Paris ateliers. In addition to the work developed by those two architects, the specificity of the architectural production in Angola and Mozambique, particularly private order work, is clearly referenced to the Corbusian lexicon, whether in a more orthodox or a more hybrid way. Keywords: Le Corbusier; Le Corbusier’s legacy; Architecture in Lusophone Africa; Colonial; Tropical. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/LC2015.2015.978
Reports on the topic "Dictatorship (Rome)"
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Terzyan, Aram. State-Building in Belarus: The Politics of Repression Under Lukashenko’s Rule. Eurasia Institutes, December 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/psprp-2-2019.
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This paper explores the politics of repression and coercion in Belarus, with a focus on the Belarusian authorities’ brutal responses to dissident activities. While repressions are seen to be a backbone of authoritarian rule, there is a lack of case studies of repressions and repressive policies in different kinds of authoritarian regimes and their interaction with other mechanisms of authoritarian sustainability. As Belarus has demonstrated, Lukashenko’s effort’s at perpetuating his power have prompted his regime into increasing the role of repressions. Coercion and repression have been critical to suppressing dissent and pluralism across the country. Essentially, successful, mass-based opposition to the ruling elites, that led to 2014 Maidan Revolution in Ukraine and the 2018 “Velvet Revolution” in Armenia served as examples to discontented elements in Belarus. Meanwhile, to shield itself from the diffusion effects of ‘color revolutions’, the Belarusian regime has tended to reinforce its repressive toolkit through suppressing the civil society, coercing the opposition, and preventing the latter from challenging Lukashenko’s rule. This study enquires into the anatomy of repressive governance in Europe’s “last dictatorship.”