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Saluppo, Alessandro. "Paramilitary Violence and Fascism: Imaginaries and Practices of Squadrismo, 1919–1925." Contemporary European History 29, no. 3 (January 20, 2020): 289–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777319000390.
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AbstractThis article examines the violent imaginaries and practices of squadrismo in the period preceding the establishment of the Italian fascist dictatorship. Based on the examination of newly accessible documentary sources at provincial state archives, the article sheds light upon the ways in which squadristi imagined, performed, justified and ascribed meanings to their violent actions and the disintegrative impact of violence on local communities. The article concludes with a reflection on Blackshirt violence in the aftermath of the March on Rome and the persistence of the ideological and cultural fabric of squadrismo in the years of the dictatorship.
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Roth, Ulrike. "WAS CAMILLUS RIGHT? ROMAN HISTORY AND NARRATOLOGICAL STRATEGY IN LIVY 5.49.2." Classical Quarterly 70, no. 1 (May 2020): 212–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838820000385.
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This article deals with one particular aspect of Livy's narrative of the Gallic Sack of Rome, told in Book 5, and traditionally placed in 390 b.c.—namely the issue over the validity of the ransom agreement struck by the Romans with the Gauls. The broader context is well known—and needs only brief reiteration here. When the Gauls march on Rome, the Romans give battle at the river Allia, leading to a resounding Gallic victory. Most of the Romans flee the battlefield and then the city, except for a small group of both old and young, male and female, who hold out on the Capitoline Hill. That hill is subsequently put under siege by the Gauls. Following several months of beleaguerment, both sides are depicted as severely worn out by hunger and fighting. It is important for present purposes to stress that, when the Gauls stood at the gates and besieged the city, one of Rome's greatest heroes, Marcus Furius Camillus, was noticeably absent. Camillus was in neighbouring Ardea, some fifty miles south of Rome, training an army of Roman soldiers to challenge the Gallic invaders after his recent recall from exile and appointment to the dictatorship. But before Camillus’ return to Rome, the besieged Romans surrendered and agreed a ransom with the Gauls in order to liberate their city. The continuation of the story as given in Livy is equally well known. Camillus arrives in the middle of the ransom exchange, asking for the exchange to be stopped. Unsurprisingly, the Gauls are not keen on following Camillus’ orders, and insist on the ransom. Consequently, Camillus challenges the agreement between Romans and Gauls on a constitutional basis; the agreement was reached with a lesser magistrate after Camillus’ appointment to the dictatorship (5.49.2): cum illi renitentes pactos dicerent sese, negat eam pactionem ratam esse quae postquam ipse dictator creatus esset iniussu suo ab inferioris iuris magistratu facta esset, denuntiatque Gallis ut se ad proelium expediant.When they, resisting, said that they had come to an agreement, he [Camillus] denied that an agreement was valid which, after he himself had been made dictator, had been concluded by a magistrate of lower status without his instructions, and he announced to the Gauls that they should prepare themselves for battle.The constitutional argument has often been repeated by modern scholars. Ogilvie comments that ‘(t)he dictatorship was held to put all other magistracies into suspension.’ Feldherr notes similarly that, ‘(o)nce Camillus has been appointed dictator, his imperium supersedes that of the lesser magistrates who negotiated the surrender.’ And to explain why the Gauls nevertheless entered into negotiations in Camillus’ absence, Ross observes that ‘the Gauls, of course, could hardly have known either of Camillus’ appointment as dictator or of the fact that the dictatorship superseded all other magistracies.’
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Saresella, Daniela. "The Movement of Catholic Communists, 1937–45." Journal of Contemporary History 53, no. 3 (February 23, 2017): 644–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009417690595.
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This article examines the movement of Catholic Communists ( cattocomunisti), who emerged in 1937 and 1938 among a group of young Catholics in Rome. These Catholics maintained that the only way to defeat the Fascist dictatorship was to forge an alliance with the Communists. Marxism was, for these young Catholics, a canon to interpret reality, not a political philosophy. Thus they embraced historical materialism, but rejected dialectical materialism. During the war years, the church tolerated them as long as they remained a minority representing a minimal threat. However, from 1944 the ecclesiastical institution made them the target of criticism and censorship. The group disbanded in 1945 and most of its members decided to join the Communist Party.
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STEEL, C. E. W. "CICERO's BRUTUS: THE END OF ORATORY AND THE BEGINNING OF HISTORY?" Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 46, no. 1 (December 1, 2003): 195–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.2003.tb00741.x.
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Abstract The ostensible function of the Brutus is to record the history of oratory at Rome and thereby confirm that it has ceased to exist under Caesar's dictatorship. But the gulf between Cicero's ideal of oratory and its actual use mean that he is unable to implement his inclusive selection criteria, as the absences of Marius, Sulla, Catiline and Clodius from the catalogue indicate; and his discussions of speakers have to concentrate on technique and not content. And whilst the narrative logic of the work tends towards Cicero himself as the culmination of Roman eloquence, his ultimate failure to inscribe himself into the canon shows that he is not yet willing to withdraw from political activity and cease to be an orator.
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Welch, Kathryn E. "Antony, Fulvia, and the Ghost of Clodius in 47 B.C." Greece and Rome 42, no. 2 (October 1995): 182–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500025638.
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The creation of a political image based at best on a tenuous reality is a fragile and delicate process. None knew it better than Gaius Julius Caesar. Early in his career, he had fostered the belief that he was the heir of the ‘true’ Marian/popularis tradition with some credibility and lasting success. He presented himself as the great general in the Gallic commentaries and for good reasons this image too gained widespread popularity. There were other important but sometimes less convincing messages to follow. The commentarii on the civil war sought passionately to justify his part in the outbreak of hostilities: this was the published form of a process his intermediaries had begun in the first months of hostilities whereby they stressed his respect for peace and the traditional order, even when he himself was busy ignoring both. In an effort to reinforce this ‘constitutional’ regard, Caesar returned to Rome from Spain in 49 to establish a ‘properly elected’ government with himself and P. Servilius Isauricus as consuls; the correct number of praetors (all eligible to hold the office), aediles, and quaestors. The dictatorship was cast aside after a mere eleven days; Rome was to function as it always had. The uprising of Marcus Caelius Rufus and Titus Annius Milo in 48 B.C. ruined this admirable picture and brought home to Caesar the realities of attempting to dominate Rome by leaving the constitution in its traditional form and hoping for the best from the supporters he had entrusted with office. Moreover, the chaos of civil war and urban disorder combined to allow others to project their own policies and power struggles.
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Bartyzel, Jacek. "Nacjonalizm włoski — pomiędzy nacjonalitaryzmem a nacjonalfaszyzmem." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 40, no. 4 (February 18, 2019): 169–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.40.4.11.
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ITALIAN NATIONALISM: BETWEEN NATIONALITARIANISM AND NATIONAL-FASCISMThe subject of this article is the doctrine of Italian nationalism considered using the approach of the Polish italianist Joanna Sondel-Cedarmas. This doctrine found its most complete expression in the activity and journalism of Italian Nationalist Association Associazione Nazionalista Italiana; ANI, of which the main theorists and leaders were Enrico Corradini, Luigi Federzoni, Alfredo Rocco and Francesco Coppola. Although the organization was active relatively briefly, that is, for 13 years from 1910 to 1923, it played a key role in the transitional period between the parliamentary system and the fascist dictatorship. The historical role of ANI consisted in breaking with the nationalitarian ideology dominating in nineteenth-century Italy and related to the Risorgimento Rising Again movement, which was liberal, democratic and anti-clerical. Instead, ANI adopted integral nationalism, connected with right-wing, conservative, monarchist, anti-liberal and authoritarian ideology and favourable to the Catholic religion. However, in contrast to countries like France, Spain, Portugal or Poland, nationalism of this kind failed to retain its autonomous political position and organisational separation, because after World War I it encountered a strong competitor in the anti-liberal camp — fascism, which as a plebeian and revolutionary movement found a broader support base in the pauperised and anarchy-affected society. Nationalists, forced to cooperate with the National Fascist Party after the March on Rome and the coming to power of Benito Mussolini, modified their doctrine in the spirit of the national-fascist ideology. In spite of that, the nationalists active within the fascist system were preventing that system from evolving towards totalitarianism and defended the monarchy, as well as the independence of the Roman-Catholic Church.
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Sujatmoko, Andrey. "PEMULIHAN (REPARATIONS) KORBAN PELANGGARAN BERAT HAK ASASI MANUSIA DI ARGENTINA DAN CILE." Asy-Syari'ah 19, no. 2 (March 28, 2019): 175–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/as.v19i2.4368.
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AbstractReparation is an integral part of state responsibility for the past of gross human rights violations committed in any country and it is also legal obligation under international law. Those violations have ever committed in Argentina (1976-1983) and Chile (1973-1990) during the military dictatorship regime. The applied method in this study is descriptive-analytic with historical approach to the reparation efforts for the victims of the past gross human rights violations in those countries. The author concludes that the characteristic of the gross human rights violations committed in Argentina and Chile can be categorized as crime against humanity based on the Rome Statute 1998. Reparations programs by fullfiling economic and social rights of the victims of gross human rights violations have been done by both countries as well. Keywords: Reparation, Victim, Violation AbstrakPemulihan adalah bagian integral dari tanggung jawab negara atas pelanggaran berat HAM masa lalu yang terjadi di dalam suatu negara dan hal itu juga merupakan kewajiban hukum menurut hukum internasional. Pelanggaran-pelanggaran tersebut pernah terjadi di Argentina (1976-1983) dan Chile (1973-1990) selama rezim diktator militer berkuasa. Metode yang digunakan dalam kajian ini adalah deskriptif analitis dengan pendekatan historis terhadap upaya upaya-upaya pemulihan terhadap para korban pelanggaran berat HAM masa lalu di kedua negara tersebut. Penulis menyimpulkan bahwa karakteristik pelanggaran berat HAM yang terjadi di Argentina dan Cile dapat dikategorikan sebagai kejahatan terhadap kemanusiaan berdasarkan Statuta Roma 1998. Program-program pemulihan dengan memenuhi hak-hak ekonomi dan sosial dari para korban pelanggaran juga telah dilakukan oleh kedua negara itu. Kata Kunci: Pemulihan, Korban, Pelanggaran
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Welker, Michael. "Karl Barth: from fighter against the ‘Roman heresy’ to leading thinker for the ecumenical movement." Scottish Journal of Theology 57, no. 4 (November 2004): 434–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930604000341.
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Karl Barth saw himself as a ‘Randfigur’, a boundary figure, in ecumenical theology, while important members of the ecumenical movement regarded him as a ‘Wegbereiter de Okumene des 20. Jahrhunderts’, a pioneer of the ecumene in the twentieth century. Which characterisation is correct?The article sheds light on Karl Barth as an ‘ecumenical theologian’ in eight different phases of his life: his wrestling with Roman Catholicism in Göttingen and Munster, particularly with the help of the Munich Jesuit Erich Przywara; his encounter and interaction with ecumenical leaders such as Visser't Hooft and Pierre Maury at the beginning of the Nazi dictatorship and his disappointment about the failing resistance of the ecumenical institutions against Hitler; his search for a clear ecumenical course during the Second World War and the Cold War thereafter; his contribution to the meeting of the World Council of Churches in Amsterdam in 1948 and in the preparation of this meeting; his complex and complicated dealing with the ‘fundamental ecumenical question’ of church and Israel; the reception of his theology in Roman Catholicism in the 1950s and 1960s through von Balthasar, Kung and other young theologians and Barth's interaction with them; Barth's engagement with Vatican II and his trip to Rome; finally, his personal ‘ecumenical existence’ in the last years of his life.The contribution explores continuities and discontinuities in his stance towards ‘ecumenical theology’ – ecumenical theology in its various meanings. It depicts Barth in his journey from a fighter against the ‘Roman heresy’ to a critical pioneer of ecumenical theology in general and the institutionalised ecumene in particular.
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Rodman, Kenneth A. "Compromising Justice: Why the Bush Administration and the NGOs Are Both Wrong about the ICC." Ethics & International Affairs 20, no. 1 (March 2006): 25–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.2006.00002.x.
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The critics of the ICC in the Bush administration and its supporters within the human rights community have one thing in common: they assume that the ICC can evolve into a powerful institution independent of states, either to constrain American power or to act on a duty to prosecute to end impunity for perpetrators. Both overestimate the ability of the court to pursue a legalism divorced from power realities. The former attribute to the court powers it is unlikely to exercise, particularly if the United States remains outside the treaty. This is due, in part, to the safeguards within the Rome Statute, but more importantly, to the court's dependence on sovereign cooperation, which will lead it to place a high premium on cultivating the good will of the most powerful states. The latter overestimate the degree to which courts by themselves can deter atrocities. The ICC's effectiveness in any particular case will therefore be dependent on the political consensus of those actors capable of wielding power in that area. They also underestimate the need to compromise justice – at least, prosecutorial justice – in cases in which bargaining and compromise are the central means of facilitating transitions from armed conflict or dictatorship, and in cases in which the strength of the perpetrators and the limits of one's power would make legal proceedings either futile or counterproductive to other interests and values. Hence, decisions to prosecute must first be subjected to a test of political prudence, and then take place according to due process and the rule of law.
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Sarrabayrouse Oliveira, María José. "The role of the Judicial Morgue in Argentinas state terrorism: bureaucratic circuits of repression (1976–83)." Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal 3, no. 2 (2017): 38–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/hrv.3.2.4.
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The military coup of March 1976 in Argentina ruptured the prevailing institutional order, with the greater part of its repressive strategy built on clandestine practices and tactics (death, torture and disappearance) that sowed fear across large swathes of Argentine society. Simultaneously, the terrorist state established a parallel, de facto legal order through which it endeavoured to legitimise its actions. Among other social forces, the judicial branch played a pivotal role in this project of legitimisation. While conscious of the fact that many of those inside the justice system were also targets of oppression, I would like to argue that the dictatorship‘s approach was not to establish a new judicial authority but, rather, to build upon the existing institutional structure, remodelling it to suit its own interests and objectives. Based on an analysis of the criminal and administrative proceedings that together were known as the Case of the judicial morgue, this article aims to examine the ways in which the bodies of the detained-disappeared that entered the morgue during the dictatorship were handled, as well as the rationales and practices of the doctors and other employees who played a part in this process. Finally, it aims to reflect upon the traces left by judicial and administrative bureaucratic structures in relation to the crimes committed by the dictatorship, and on the legal strategies adopted by lawyers and the families of the victims.
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Bougrine, Hassan. "Fiscal austerity, the Great Recession and the rise of new dictatorships." Review of Keynesian Economics, no. 1 (October 1, 2012): 109–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/roke.2012.01.07.
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Janeiro, Ana. "The Archive is Present: Performing a Story of Dictatorship Through the Family Album." Master, Vol. 5, no. 2 (2020): 32–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.47659/m9.032.ess.
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This essay describes an investigation into a family photographic archive that belonged to my grandparents and represent a period in Portugal’s past (1940–1975) scarred by one of the longest dictatorships in history. The research carries out an ‘iconographic’ analysis of the photographs in the family albums and on how these were influenced by the consistent and highly visual propaganda of the New State regime (1933–1974). It demonstrates how the iconography of this visual propaganda embedded itself into the family album, specifically regarding its propaganda strategy and its ideology and politics towards women. Later these findings were explored through performance photography, creating a photographic body of work. Focusing mostly on the figure of my grandmother and exploring pose and gesture, which were subsequently re-performed for the camera. The information contained within the archive images is re-written within the performance images. Keywords: photography and performative, visual propaganda, dictatorship, archive, visualization of the role of women
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de Zárate, Verónica Valdivia Ortiz. "Were Women and Young People the Heart of the Pinochet Regime? Rise and Decline of the Secretariats." Hispanic American Historical Review 93, no. 4 (November 1, 2013): 547–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2351638.
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Abstract This article focuses on the political role of the Secretariats of Women and Youth, which were created by Augusto Pinochet’s military regime, in an effort to unearth their underlying rationale. It departs from previous interpretations of these organizations that privilege the influence of foreign models in their formation, highlighting instead factors internal to Chile and seeking a more complete understanding of the dictatorship’s actions in regard to the secretariats. This analysis portrays the Chilean secretariats as different from their counterparts in other Southern Cone dictatorships. The trajectories of the secretariats followed the Chilean regime’s political evolution, as they served different goals and strategies and changed course as the government developed a more clearly defined political project, along with policies to carry such a project out.
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Javanmardi, Leila. "Urbanism under dictatorship." Archnet-IJAR: International Journal of Architectural Research 13, no. 3 (November 11, 2019): 498–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/arch-05-2019-0128.
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Purpose By analyzing urbanism products, development plans and the process of modernization in Iran, the purpose of this paper is to critically trace the effect of dictatorial control on urbanism and the emergence of government-imposed urban segregation. Design/methodology/approach The main body of this work is concentrated on studying the history of urbanism in Iran, of which collecting data and descriptions played a crucial role. To prevent the limitations associated with singular methods, the methodology of this research is based on methodological triangulation (Denzin, 2017). With the triangulation scheme, the data are gathered by combining different qualitative and quantitative methods such as library, archival and media research, online resources, non-participatory observation and photography. For the empirical part, the city of Tehran is selected as the case study. Moreover, individual non-structured interviews with the locals were conducted to gain more insights regarding the housing projects. Findings The results reveal that despite the intense propaganda, the regime policies barely mentioned the urban poor. With the rise of new principles of architecture and urban planning, the regime tried to promote the image of an updated society; restructuring of the urban space was part of this process. However, the majority of the urban projects disregarded the financial ability of low-income groups and eventually benefited only the middle and upper classes. Also, by imposing a physical distance, low-income neighborhoods were located in the south in order to marginalize the urban poor who were in contrast with the idea of a modern city. Under these circumstances, severe economic inequality was provoked, which to this day has transformed into a complex socio-spatial segregation. Originality/value The works of general historical studies are not concentrated on urbanism and urban researchers have mostly focused on urbanism products during different periods, regardless, of the importance of urbanism as a tool in the service of hegemony. In other words, the majority of existing research investigates the evolution of urbanism and architecture in modern Iran, by questioning “what has been built?” and has ignored to trace the beneficiaries of the urban projects and to question “built for whom?”. Moreover, urbanism under the government of Mossadegh (1951–1953) has been largely overlooked, which could be due to his short time as Prime Minister of Iran. Mossadegh’s government was the first democratic government in Iran; hence investigating the policies used in this period has a great importance.
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Konovalov, Denis A. "Political and Economic Aspects of Symbolic Violence (On the Example of Modern African Dictatorship)." Herald of Omsk University. Series: Historical Studies 7, no. 1 (25) (July 7, 2020): 114–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.24147/2312-1300.2020.7(1).114-124.
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The article is devoted to the study of modern African dictatorship in the context of the political and economic aspects of symbolic violence. The main characteristics of the symbolic system of economic violence are formulated. The role of the institutional environment in the context of the reproduction of African dictatorship from the perspective of symbolic violence is shown.
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Biasillo, Roberta, and Claiton Marcio da Silva. "The Very Grounds Underlying Twentieth-Century Authoritarian Regimes: Building Soil Fertility in Italian Libya and the Brazilian Cerrado." Comparative Studies in Society and History 63, no. 2 (March 25, 2021): 366–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417521000086.
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AbstractThis article analyzes the role of soil in the making of authoritarian regimes and illustrates twentieth-century practices and discourses related to fertility across the globe. It compares two different approaches to and understandings of soil fertility: the first emerged in North Libya under Italian Fascist rule (1922–1943), the second in Central Brazil during the civil-military dictatorship (1964–1985). We compare two soil-forming processes that changed physical and chemical properties of the original matter and were embedded within specific ideologies of modernization. In both cases, state agendas of agrarian production played a paramount role not only in socioeconomic projects but also as an instrument to suppress opposition. Technocratic and political aspects of building and maintaining fertility were interwoven, although in different patterns in the two countries. We show how the rejuvenation of land bled into the regeneration of communities through processes that anchored the self-definition and development of these authoritarian regimes, and argue that attempts at landscape transformations through agricultural activity and strategies of fertilization are inescapable features of dictatorships. In so doing, we elaborate the concept of “authoritarian soil.” The juxtaposition of these non-synchronous cases reveals how agricultural modernization developed throughout the twentieth century. Our study is rooted in environmental history and contributes to the ongoing dialogue between that field and science and technology studies. Its cross-temporal, comparative methodology draws upon sources and historiographical debates in English, Italian, and Portuguese.
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Acemoglu, Daron, Davide Ticchi, and Andrea Vindigni. "A Theory of Military Dictatorships." American Economic Journal: Macroeconomics 2, no. 1 (January 1, 2010): 1–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/mac.2.1.1.
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We investigate how nondemocratic regimes use the military and how this can lead to the emergence of military dictatorships. The elite may build a strong military and make the concessions necessary for the military to behave as their perfect agent, or they may risk the military turning against them. Once the transition to democracy takes place, a strong military poses a threat against the nascent democratic regime until it is reformed. We study the role of income inequality and natural resources in the emergence of military dictatorships and show how the national defense role of the military may facilitate democratic consolidation. (JEL D72, H56)
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FIGUEROA CLARK, VICTOR. "The Forgotten History of the Chilean Transition: Armed Resistance Against Pinochet and US Policy towards Chile in the 1980s." Journal of Latin American Studies 47, no. 3 (June 1, 2015): 491–520. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x15000401.
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AbstractThe history of the transition to civilian rule in Chile largely overlooks or marginalizes the role of the armed and confrontational forms of resistance to the dictatorship. This article traces the pre and post-coup history of the Left's engagement with armed forms of struggle and evaluates the effects their incorporation into the struggle against the dictatorship had upon the regime and the Reagan administration. It concludes that armed resistance was a major factor in determining US policy to Chile during the 1980s, and therefore played an important role in the transition as a whole.
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Jiménez, Luis F. "The Dictatorship Game: Simulating a Transition to Democracy." PS: Political Science & Politics 48, no. 02 (April 2015): 353–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096514002108.
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ABSTRACTA central topic in the comparative-politics subdiscipline is the study of democratic transitions. Despite a growing role-playing literature, there are currently no simulations that illustrate the dynamics of democratic transitions. This article proposes a role-playing simulation that demonstrates to students why it is difficult for countries to transition to democracy and why protests are a necessary but not sufficient condition to topple a dictatorship. As surveys and teaching evaluations subsequently showed, this exercise succeeded in clarifying the more difficult theoretical concepts as well as in making a potentially dry subject more accessible.
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Gregory, Paul, and Mark Harrison. "Allocation under Dictatorship: Research in Stalin's Archives." Journal of Economic Literature 43, no. 3 (August 1, 2005): 721–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/002205105774431225.
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We survey recent research on the Soviet economy in the state, party, and military archives of the Stalin era. The archives have provided rich new evidence on the economic arrangements of a command system under a powerful dictator including Stalin's role in the making of the economic system and economic policy, Stalin's accumulation objectives and the constraints that limited his power to achieve them, the limits to administrative allocation, the information flows and incentives that governed the behavior of economic managers, the scope and significance of corruption and market-oriented behavior, and the prospects for economic reform.
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Ali Shaikh, Muhammad, Zahid Hussain Sahito, and Stephen John. "Role of Benazir Bhutto in Restoration of Democracy in Pakistan (1977-1988." Global Political Review V, no. I (March 30, 2020): 260–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(v-i).29.
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Benazir Bhutto has the distinction of being the first popularly elected female prime minister in any Muslim country in the world. But this distinction was preceded by her more than a decade long struggle against dictatorship of General Ziaul Haq. Aspiring to join diplomatic corps or media as a journalist, she entered in politics under the force of circumstances in 1977 after the government of her father, Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, was toppled in a coup. Gradually, she occupied the center stage in the politics of Pakistan through her sheer struggle against dictatorship and for restoration of democracy in the country. In the process, she was subjected to repeated detentions, intimidation, coercion as well as physical and mental hardships to abandon her struggle. However, she was able to sustain those hardships and finally paved the way towards restoration of democracy in Pakistan in 1988.
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Rodriguez Tejada, Sergio. "Surveillance and student dissent: the case of the Franco dictatorship." Surveillance & Society 12, no. 4 (July 29, 2014): 528–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/ss.v12i4.4145.
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The rising of a powerful democratic student movement in Spain in the sixties represented a substantial stimulus to the repressive modernization of the Franco dictatorship. New containment strategies were adopted in the context of the counter-subversion and intelligence policies that the USA administration and their allies were also implementing. From this assumption, this paper analyzes the specific dynamics of surveillance on student protest, exploring the previous situation at university,the challenges introduced by the youth upheaval, the diverse responses of the establishment, the role of the American aid, and finally the consequences both for the dissidents and for the dictatorship itself.
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Serwer, Daniel. "Iraq Untethered." Current History 111, no. 749 (December 1, 2012): 344–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2012.111.749.344.
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Iraq is still in search of internal equilibrium and its proper international role after the trauma of more than thirty years of Saddam Hussein’s dictatorship and eight years of American military occupation’ .
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Williams, Bruce. "Bemberg’s Third Sex: Argentine Mothers at the Dawn of Democracy." Hors dossier 15, no. 1 (December 6, 2005): 125–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/011662ar.
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Abstract The early features of Argentine director María Luisa Bemberg, Momentos and Señora de nadie, underscore the deployment of an ideology of motherhood in service of bourgeois social structure and military dictatorship. In these films, Bemberg posits the institution as balancing between containment and rebellion, her protagonists confronting the traditional ideological role of mother and asserting a stance against the repression of the waning dictatorship. Although entrenched in a conventional film discourse, these films set into motion the dynamics of diegetic radicalization which would define Bemberg’s subsequent work and would anticipate the redefinition of the social domain of the feminine for post-democracy Argentina.
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Huertas, Rafael. "Psychiatrists and mental health activism during the final phase of the Franco regime and the democratic transition." History of Psychiatry 30, no. 1 (November 1, 2018): 77–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957154x18808127.
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In the final years of the Franco dictatorship and during the period known as the democratic transition, there were a significant number of protests in the sphere of mental health in Spain. This article analyses the origins and functioning of the Psychiatric Network, which emerged in 1971, its connection to the formation of professional organizations and its role in the reception of anti-psychiatry ideas in Spain. We reach the conclusion that, although the Network’s activities took place within a left-wing political and ideological framework, and at such an important time of social change as the end of the dictatorship, its discourse and practices always demonstrated a marked professional approach.
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SEOANE, SUSANA SUEIRO. "Spain during the Transition from Dictatorship to Democracy." Contemporary European History 13, no. 3 (August 2004): 367–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077730400178x.
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Paloma Aguilar, Memory and Amnesia. The Role of the Spanish Civil War in the Transition to Democracy (Oxford and New York: Berghahn, 2002), 330 pp., $27.95 (pb), ISBN 1-571-814965.Pilar Ortuño Anaya, European Socialists and Spain: The Transition to Democracy (London: Palgrave, 2002), 273pp., $69.95 (hb), ISBN 0-333-94927-7.Julio Crespo MacLennan, Spain and the Process of European Integration, 1957–85. Political Change and Europeanism (London: Palgrave, 2000), 240 pp., £52.50 (hb), ISBN 0-333-928865.S. P. Mangen, Spanish Society after Franco: Regime Transition and the Welfare State (London: Palgrave, 2001), 254 pp., $65.00 (hb), ISBN 0-333-65462-5.Luis Moreno, The Federalization of Spain (London: Frank Cass, 2001), 192 pp., £17.50 (hb), ISBN 0-714-681644.
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Castillo Gallardo, Patricia Eliana, Nicolas Peña Fredes, María Paz Garrido, Antonia Gonzalez Bertran, and Florencia Trujillo Arredondo. "Recuerdos de infancia: niñez y dictadura en Chile (1973-1990) / Childhood memories: chilhood and dictatorship in Chile (1973-1990)." Kamchatka. Revista de análisis cultural., no. 10 (December 29, 2017): 447. http://dx.doi.org/10.7203/kam.10.9973.
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Resumen: Este artículo presenta resultados de una investigación en torno a la experiencia de la niñez en la última dictadura cívico-militar en Chile (1973-1990). Se discute el lugar que han ocupado los recuerdos de infancia en los estudios de memoria respecto a este periodo. Se acude a la perspectiva de los nuevos estudios de infancia para dirigir la mirada sobre aspectos poco visibles de la vida cotidiana. Se realizaron 24 entrevistas abiertas a personas que vivieron la niñez en dictadura. La entrevista fue concertada a propósito de un objeto (carta, diario de vida, tarjetas postales, grabaciones, etc.) producido o adquirido por el participante entre 1973-1990. En las conclusiones se reflexiona respecto al papel de la reconstrucción de los recuerdos de infancia mediante el uso de objetos ayuda-memoria y los aspectos universales de la experiencia de niñez en dictadura.
Palabras clave: Memoria, Dictadura cívico-militar, Infancia, Cultura Material.
Abstract: This article presents the results of a research on the experience of childhood during the last civil-military dictatorship in Chile (1973-1990). The role of childhood memories in memory studies of the period is discussed. Perspectives of new studies on childhood are used to draw attention on aspects of daily life that are not readily apparent. Twenty-four open interviews were conducted to persons who experienced childhood during the dictatorship. Each interview was centered around an object (letter, personal diary, postcards, recordings, etc.) made or acquired by the interviewee between 1973 and 1990. In the conclusion there is a reflection about the role of the reconstruction of childhood memories through objects that serve as memory aids and these universal aspects of the experience of childhood in dictatorship.
Keywords: Memory, civil-military dictatorship, childhood, material culture.
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RUDERER, STEPHAN. "Between Religion and Politics: The Military Clergy during the Late Twentieth-Century Dictatorships in Argentina and Chile." Journal of Latin American Studies 47, no. 3 (February 16, 2015): 463–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x15000012.
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AbstractThis article analyses the history of the military clergy and contrasts its role in the Argentine and Chilean dictatorships on the basis of new, previously inaccessible sources. It is argued here that, in addition to its ideological orientation, two further factors explain differences in the influence of the military clergy on the two regimes: first, the structural position that the Military Vicariates occupied between the Church and the armed forces, and, second, the two dictatorships’ different needs for legitimisation. The analysis provides information relevant to understanding the public role of the Catholic Church and the dimensions of violence during the regimes.
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Kim, Nam Kyu, and Jun Koga Sudduth. "Political Institutions and Coups in Dictatorships." Comparative Political Studies 54, no. 9 (March 3, 2021): 1597–628. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414021997161.
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Does the creation of nominally democratic institutions help dictators stay in power by diminishing the risk of coups? We posit that the effectiveness of political institutions in deterring coups crucially depends on the types of plotters and their political goals. By providing a means to address the ruling coalition’s primary concerns about a dictator’s opportunism or incompetence, institutions reduce the necessity of reshuffling coups, in which the ruling coalition replaces an incumbent leader but keeps the regime intact. However, such institutions do not diminish the risk of regime-changing coups, because the plotters’ goals of overthrowing the entire regime and changing the group of ruling coalition are not achievable via activities within the institutions. Our empirical analysis provides strong empirical support for our expectations. Our findings highlight that the role of “democratic” institutions in deterring coups is rather limited as it only applies to less than 38% of coup attempts.
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Richards, Patricia. "Women and Politics in Chile." Canadian Journal of Political Science 40, no. 3 (September 2007): 804–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423907071016.
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Women and Politics in Chile, Susan Franceschet, Boulder CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2005, pp. x, 203.The Pinochet dictatorship in Chile (1973–1990) was marked by a high degree of women's activism focusing on human rights, economic survival and feminism. Many women expected that their active role during the dictatorship would lead to a new way of doing politics and greater inclusion of women in the political process once democracy was restored. But despite the recent election of Michelle Bachelet as president of Chile, Chilean women continue to be vastly underrepresented in political party leadership and elected office. In this clearly written and cogently argued book, Susan Franceschet addresses the important question of the marginalization of women from Chilean politics under democracy.
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Basualdo, Victoria. "The Argentine Dictatorship and Labor (1976–1983): A Historiographical Essay." International Labor and Working-Class History 93 (2018): 8–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547917000242.
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AbstractThis article aims at briefly reviewing some of the main contributions on the transformations and role of the labor movement during the dictatorship in Argentina from 1976 to 1983. The analysis of the historiography will distinguish three main sub-periods: the 1980s, marked by the transition to democracy in Argentina; the 1990s, a decade during which neoliberal reforms were applied with full strength; and the post 2001-crisis, a time of economic growth and complex transformation of the academic sphere. It will examine approaches to two different complex and heterogeneous actors: the working class, its political and social role, as well as the labor force; and the trade-union movement, as the institutional organizations supposed to represent labor interests. In dialog with the historiographical analysis, the last part of the article will summarize some of the main existing open questions, as well as the possibly fruitful lines of research ahead.
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Khan, Arif, Saiful Islam, and Muhammad Alam. "The role of political opposition: A pre-requisite for democracy." Journal of Humanities, Social and Management Sciences (JHSMS) 2, no. 1 (August 24, 2021): 63–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.jhsms/2.1.6.
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No doubt for a democracy to be triumphant, multi-party system or, at least two party systems is obligatory. A country where there is one party system and lack observant and efficient opposition there are every chances for the incumbent party to become autocratic and domineering. One party system is most of the times susceptible to transform into dictatorship. Most of the times where there is one party system, the opposition is stifled and trampled and the dictatorship of the single party is established. Germany during Hitler’s rule and Italy during Mussoloni rule are the cases in point. One cannot imagine of a democratic set up without a healthy and watchful opposition. For the success of any parliamentary democracy, an effective opposition is must to carry out its functions courageously and effectively. The paper analyses the rights, responsibilities and obligations of opposition in a democratic system. For this purpose, the techniques adopted by the researcher for data collection include a detailed survey of the available literature covering different aspects of the topic. The internationally reputed authors and experts have been quoted. It is for the government to allow the opposition to fulfil their functions, which indicates a sign of democratic maturity on the part of government. The opposition has to focus on its democratic functions and if it fails to do so, it will be a sign of dysfunctional democracy.
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De Sousa, Luís, and Marcelo Moriconi. "The discursive use of the concept of ‘corruption’ in parliamentary debates during the PortugueseEstado Novo(1935–74)." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 45, no. 2 (June 17, 2015): 159–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2015.8.
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Corruption is deviant behaviour from legal and social norms, observable in both dictatorships and democracies, and salient in different periods of the history of mankind. Studying corruption in dictatorships is particularly challenging due to the fact that freedom of expression is censored and there is little (if any) reliable information about the enforcement of legal provisions. This article provides a contribution to the growing literature on the role of legislatures in dictatorships by focusing on parliamentary debates on corruption as a discourse control mechanism. The case of the Portuguese legislature during theEstado Novois paradigmatic in that regard. The National Assembly, as it will be demonstrated in this article, was able to shift the debate on corruption from the legal to the moral dimension and, thus, deprive citizens, and in particular the opposition, of objective standards to hold regime elites accountable for their misconduct.
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Ivata, Masajuki. "Historical meaning of party socialism and the logic of failure in planned economy." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 120 (2006): 51–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn0620051i.
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The paper consists of three parts. The first part discusses the socialist thought and practice, the second the theory of crisis in the economy with centralized planning, and at the end the author analyses the role of dollar black market in the planned economy in Poland. The first part has the following structure: Four methodological fields of research Socio-experimental cycles; Consumed legitimacy; Anorganic dictatorship versus the organic dictatorship; MPC triangle (market - plan - compromise) as the 20th century heritage. The second part investigates the conditions for the balance in planned economy, functional and non-functional processes in planned economy and finally the failure of planned economy. The third part discusses the issue of the relation between the black market course of dollar and the balance levels of domestic (in this case - Polish) planned prices.
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Yarrington, Doug. "Populist Anxiety: Race and Social Change in the Thought of Romulo Gallegos." Americas 56, no. 1 (July 1999): 65–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1008443.
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Novelist and statesman Rómulo Gallegos (1884-1969) played a key role in the emergence of Venezuelan populism, first by inscribing the populist rationale for change in a series of novels—most famously in Doña Bárbara (1929)—and later by lending his prestige to Acción Democrática (AD), the nation’s most successful populist party. A founding member of AD, Gallegos supported the coup that brought the party to power in 1945 and became the party’s standard bearer in 1947, winning Venezuela’s first presidential election based on universal suffrage and direct voting. As president, he advanced AD’s reform agenda for almost a year before the military removed him from office and imposed a reactionary dictatorship. Forced into exile, Gallegos returned to his homeland when the dictatorship fell in 1958 and spent his remaining years as a revered elder statesman and acclaimed cultural figure.
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Bibi, Ambreen, Saimaan Ashfaq, Qazi Muhammad Saeed Ullah, and Naseem Abbas. "Ajoka Theatre as an Icon of Liberal Humanist Values." Review of Education, Administration & LAW 4, no. 1 (March 31, 2021): 279–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.47067/real.v4i1.135.
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There are multiple ways of transferring human values, cultures and history from one generation to another. Literature, Art, Paintings and Theatrical performances are the real reflection of any civilization. In the history of subcontinent, theatres played a vital role in promoting the Pakistani and Indian history; Mughal culture and traditions. Pakistani theatre, “Ajoka” played significant role to propagate positive, humanitarian and liberal humanist values. This research aims to investigate the transformation in the history of Pakistani theatre specifically the “Ajoka” theatre that was established under the government of military dictatorship in Pakistan in the late nineteenth century. It was not a compromising time for the celebration of liberal humanist values in Pakistan as the country was under the rules of military dictatorship. The present study is intended to explore the dissemination of liberal humanist values in the plays and performances of “Ajoka” theatre. The research is meant to highlight the struggle of “Ajoka” theatre for enhancing the message of love, tolerance, peace and other humanist values in such crucial time.
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Shafiq, Kausar, Abdul Basit Khan, and Ali Shan Shah. "Role of Pakistan Peoples' Party in the Political Development in Pakistan. An Appraisal of Asif Ali Zardari Period (2008-2013)." Global Sociological Review V, no. IV (December 30, 2020): 41–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gsr.2020(v-iv).05.
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The denial of the institutionalization of political power by various civilian as well as martial law regimes has been a constant problem in Pakistan. Muhammad Ali Jinnah was the first person who could do so in an effective manner, but his eternal departure in the early phase of the history of Pakistan changed the entire course of the country, and the successor leadership had to pursue self-serving politics just to prolong their rule. The same is the case with the rule of General Pervaiz Musharraf (1999-2008), which converted the parliamentary system envisaged by the 1973 constitution of Pakistan into a quasi-presidential system just to prolong the military dictatorship. The subsequent rule of the Pakistan Peoples' Party (2008-2013) was a tough period for the political leadership since the preceding dictatorship had completely altered the socio-political landscape of the country; however, the political wisdom of Mr. Asif Ali Zardari helped the country to sail smoothly during the aftershocks of the martial law regime. In that perspective, the current study intends to analyze the political developments in Pakistan during the third rule of the Pakistan Peoples' Party over the country during the period 2008-2013.
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Petrovic, Jelisaveta, and Dalibor Petrovic. "Connective action as the new pattern of protest activism." Sociologija 59, no. 4 (2017): 405–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc1704405p.
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The aim of this paper is to examine the organizational background of the protests ?Against dictatorship? that took place in several Serbian towns, in the spring of 2017. The absence of the official organizers and the role social networking sites played in terms of communication, organization and coordination of the protest events, raises the following question: Could the protest ?Against dictatorship? be considered as an example of a digitally enabled ?connective? action? According to the ?connective action? approach (Bennett & Segerberg, 2012, 2013), in the information society a new ?connective? form of collective action is emerging as a result of personalization of political action that occurs within new sociotechnological environment. Connective action is enabled by innovative technological opportunities for individual participation in collective ventures and supported by the role that ICTs play as ?stitching? and organizing agents of collective action. In such circumstances, conventional social movement organizations and solid collective identities seem to become far less necessary. The analysis of the data collected in the field (N = 175) and in the online survey of the experiences and attitudes towards the protest (N=225), leads to the conclusion that the organizational background of the protest ?Against dictatorship? is closest to the ideal-type of ?self-organized network?, as one of the two basic models of connective action. In the concluding part of this paper, the authors argue that the ?connective action? model is adequate for the interpretation of the emergence of the digitally mediated protests. However, with the transformation of protests into more solid and stable forms of collective action, this model loses its explanatory power.
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FARALDO, JOSÉ M. "Entangled Eurocommunism: Santiago Carrillo, the Spanish Communist Party and the Eastern Bloc during the Spanish Transition to Democracy, 1968–1982." Contemporary European History 26, no. 4 (October 17, 2017): 647–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777317000339.
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The Spanish Communist Party (PCE), under the leadership of Santiago Carrillo (1960–1982), developed the path of Eurocommunism. This was in part a rethinking of communism's approach to Western parliamentary systems, as well as an indigenous strategy for adapting the party to the transition in Spain from dictatorship to democracy. However, the influence of Eastern European developments was clear not only in the development of the party's struggle against the dictatorship but also in its reaction to Eastern European dissidents and to Solidarność, when the PCE called for an aggiornamiento to align themselves to these new tendencies. This failed, and in the end more orthodox communists came to dominate the party. But the debates about the transformation in Eastern European communism played a major part in developing the new line of the Spanish communists, and in shaping their central role during the Spanish transition to democracy.
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Zec, Dejan. "The Sokol Movement from Yugoslav Origins to King Aleksandar’s 1930 All-Sokol Rally in Belgrade." East Central Europe 42, no. 1 (August 8, 2015): 48–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04201003.
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The Yugoslav Sokol movement was one of the most influential non-governmental organizations in the interwar Yugoslav Kingdom. In the course of the 1920s, it moved from an independent and idealistic organization which celebrated brotherhood between the South Slavs to being a still independent but Serb-centered organization whose version of Yugoslav integration pushed away Croats in particular. But it was only from 1929, when King Aleksandar’s royal dictatorship brought a reconstituted organization under direct state control, that it became a vehicle for official propaganda and an exponent of assimilating Serbs as well as non-Serbs under the banner of integral Yugoslavism. These efforts by the royal dictatorship in Belgrade from 1929 did not survive the king’s assassination in 1934. Helping to widen the political divide, particularly between Serbs and Croats, this official Sokol became a well-known focal point for Serb confrontation with non-Serb majorities in western and southern Yugoslavia. This article moves from the often neglected initial promise of the movement to concentrate on its role as a centerpiece in Aleksandar’s campaign to impose a Serbian-inspired Yugoslavism from Belgrade. And the centerpiece of that campaign was the all-Sokol rally organized at great expense and with great fanfare in Belgrade in 1930. This single event usefully illustrates the ambitions of the royal dictatorship to use Belgrade as a focal point for drawing the country together under a single authority.
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Guimarães, Marco Aurelio, Raffaela Arrabaça Francisco, Sergio Britto Garcia, Martin Evison, Maria Eliana Castro Pinheiro, Iara Xavier Pereira, Diva Santana, and Julie Alvina Guss Patrício. "Forensic investigation, truth and trust in the context of transitional justice in Brazil." Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal 3, no. 2 (2017): 74–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/hrv.3.2.6.
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Truth commissions are widely recognised tools used in negotiation following political repression. Their work may be underpinned by formal scientific investigation of human remains. This paper presents an analysis of the role of forensic investigations in the transition to democracy following the Brazilian military governments of 1964–85. It considers practices during the dictatorship and in the period following, making reference to analyses of truth commission work in jurisdictions other than Brazil, including those in which the investigation of clandestine burials has taken place. Attempts to conceal the fate of victims during the dictatorship, and the attempts of democratic governments to investigate them are described. Despite various initiatives since the end of the military government, many victims remain unidentified. In Brazil, as elsewhere, forensic investigations are susceptible to political and social influences, leading to a situation in which relatives struggle to obtain meaningful restitution and have little trust in the transitional justice process.
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Gaudêncio Soares, Elisa Maria. "Document supply and resource sharing in Portuguese libraries: the role of the National Library." Interlending & Document Supply 38, no. 1 (February 23, 2010): 31–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/02641611011025343.
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PurposeThe purpose of the paper is to describe the development of the Portuguese document supply system with particular emphasis on the role of the National Library but also in its academic and public library sectors.Design/methodology/approachThe paper is descriptive in nature.FindingsPortugal emerged from a long period of monarchy and dictatorship, profited from being a EU member, and libraries are now exploiting the advantages of information technology particularly for the benefit of remote users.Originality/valueThis is probably the first overview of historical and recent developments in document supply in Portugal.
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Srivastava, Himanshu. "World Peace - Role of UN." International Journal for Research in Applied Science and Engineering Technology 9, no. 9 (September 30, 2021): 245–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.22214/ijraset.2021.37952.
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Abstract: When we talk about world peace and issues that are to be addressed then we are talking about all the big and small issues which are directly or even indirectly related to human rights, health, international law, justice, migration, oceans and seas, peace and security, population, refugees, water, gender equality, democracy, climate change, e.t.c. The Purpose of the study is that we have to understand the cause of armed conflicts. We have to develop the ways to prevent the war like situations, genocide, terrorism, e.t.c. Furthermore, we have to develop some systems and societies which can take care of all these. We have to educate ourselves and others to increase the awareness of mutual survival. We have to work on the elimination of all biological, chemical, and nuclear weapons in the world. Furthermore, we have to promote democracy with education because democracy without education is dangerous. The adverse effect of this can be remembered by how the dictatorship of Hitler came to an end in Germany.
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Keller, Márkus. "Professionalization in Socialism : Architects and Architecture after 1945 in Hungary." socio.hu 10, Special Issue (2020): 95–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.18030/socio.hu.2020en.95.
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In my study, I investigate architects’ search for their place in the new society and the history of their profession after 1945 in Hungary with the help of professionalization theories. Through statistics, memoirs, interviews, archival documents, laws and decrees, I seek to discover what kind of role architecture and architects played in the dictatorship of the 1950s and how that role changed in the Kádár system. In addition to external analysis, I place particular emphasis on how this change of role is reflected in the lifestory interviews and in the identity of the architects of the era.
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Garrido, Felipe Andres Zurita. "Educación y Espacio Público en la experiencia histórica reciente de Chile: El caso de la transformación neoliberal y autoritaria del sistema educacional durante la Dictadura Militar (1973-1990)." Cadernos de História da Educação 17, no. 3 (November 17, 2018): 691. http://dx.doi.org/10.14393/che-v17n3-2018-6.
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Este artículo tiene como objetivo analizar algunas transformaciones sufridas por el sistema educacional chileno durante la Dictadura Militar (1973-1990), desde la perspectiva de la mutación del papel desempeñado por el Estado en el campo educacional. Para lograr dicho objetivo se siguen los siguientes pasos: en un primer momento, se caracteriza el sistema educacional chileno vigente hasta 1973. En un segundo momento, se analizan algunas Políticas Públicas Educacionales de orientación neoliberal diseñadas e implementadas por el equipo económico de la Dictadura Militar. Finalmente, se proponen conclusiones con respecto a los impactos de las acciones desarrolladas por la Dictadura Militar sobre el sistema educacional y el profesorado, resaltando un cuestionamiento en torno a la modificación de la comprensión oficial de lo educativo en el espacio público.Palabras clave: Políticas Públicas Educacionales; Dictadura Militar; Chile. ResumoEste artigo tem como objetivo analisar algumas transformações sofridas pelo sistema educacional chileno durante a Ditadura Militar (1973-1990), na perspectiva da mutação do papel desempenhado pelo Estado no campo educacional. Para atingir este objetivo, seguem-se os seguintes passos: num primeiro momento, é caracterizado o sistema educacional chileno em vigor até 1973. Em um segundo momento, são analisadas algumas Políticas Públicas Educacionais de orientação neoliberal desenhadas e implementadas pela equipe econômica da Ditadura Militar. Finalmente, são propostas conclusões sobre os impactos das ações desenvolvidas pela Ditadura Militar sobre o sistema educacional e o corpo docente, destacando um questionamento sobre a modificação do entendimento oficial da educação no espaço público.Palavras-chave: Políticas Públicas Educacionais; Ditadura Militar; Chile. AbstractThis article aims to analyze some transformations suffered by the chilean educational system during the Military Dictatorship (1973-1990), from the perspective of the mutation of the role played by the State in the educational field. To achieve this goal, the following steps are followed: Initially, the chilean education system in force until 1973 is characterized. In a second moment, some neoliberal-oriented Educational Public Policies designed and implemented by the economic team of the Military Dictatorship are analyzed. Finally, conclusions are proposed regarding the impacts of the actions developed by the Military Dictatorship on the educational system and the teaching staff, highlighting a questioning about the modification of the official understanding of education in public space.Keywords: Public Educational Policies; Military Dictatorship; Chile.
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Visconti, Giancarlo. "Reevaluating the Role of Ideology in Chile." Latin American Politics and Society 63, no. 2 (May 2021): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lap.2021.3.
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ABSTRACTVoters’ ideological stances have long been considered one of the most important factors for understanding electoral choices in Chile. In recent years, however, the literature has begun to call this premise into question, due to several changes in the Chilean political landscape: the current crisis of representation, the high programmatic congruence between the two main coalitions, the decline in the political relevance of the dictatorship, and the rise of nonprogrammatic electoral strategies. In addition to these transformations, Chile switched to voluntary voting in 2012. This article studies whether ideology still informs electoral choices in Chile in an era of voluntary voting. It implements a conjoint survey experiment in low-to-middle-income neighborhoods in Santiago, where voters would be expected to be less ideological. It shows that candidates’ ideological labels are crucial for understanding the electoral decisions of a large part of the sample, particularly among likely voters.
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Bartolini, Flaminia. "Fascism on display: the afterlife of material legacies of the dictatorship." Ex Novo: Journal of Archaeology 5 (December 31, 2020): 19–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/exnovo.v5i.409.
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The year 2015 marked the seventy-fifth anniversary of the end of World War II, a commemoration that prompted Italy to reconsider the complexity of the Fascist phenomenon and how the artistic creations and urbanism of the regime contributed to shaping city landscapes across the country. Fascist material legacies are an unequivocal presence in any Italian city, but the ways in which they have been preserved or not, reused or abandoned, provokes consideration of the complexities of the country’s renegotiation of its Fascist past, shifting from iconoclasm to present-day heritage status. Heritage designation and the restoration of Fascist works of art and architecture have posed questions regarding selectivity in heritage and whether Italy has yet to come to terms with its Fascist past. This paper will look at how Italy’s approach to Fascist heritage, which has recently been framed as ‘difficult heritage’ following Macdonald’s work on Nazi Germany, is an expression of the conflicting narratives that surround any renegotiation of the Fascist past, and how some recent conservation projects and exhibition have failed to demonstrate reflexivity over Fascism. It will also deconstruct the role of restoration and the heritage practices of preservation and management and will question the link between conservation and changes of attitude regarding a ‘difficult’ past.
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Herzog, Markwart. "Der FC Bayern München im „Dritten Reich“. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichtspolitik des deutschen Rekordmeisters." STADION 43, no. 1 (2019): 18–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0172-4029-2019-1-18.
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Since 1945, FC Bayern Munich has presented its role in the Third Reich as that of a victim of the National Socialist dictatorship. In contrast to many other football clubs, the club claims to have resisted the regime’s numerous expectations. Because of this allegedly courageous behavior, FC Bayern purports to have been “systematically discriminated against”. But since May 2016 have considerable doubts arisen. There is now evidence that FC Bayern’s self-image is a historical football myth that cannot withstand critical scrutiny. What is still missing, however, is a detailed description and critical analysis of the individual components of the historical myth. It is precisely this task that this article undertakes. Beginning with a brief historical overview of the current state of research on football clubs in the Third Reich, it then focuses on the various stages of the emergence of the historical myth from 1945 to the present day. It covers the arguments with which FC Bayern justified its alleged victim role. The most comprehensive section then goes through previously unknown archive sources, which prove that FC Bayern did not play the role of victim or even hero under the dictatorship. The penultimate section classifies FC Bayern’s history policy, insofar as it relates to the Nazi era, in the changing periods of the German culture of remembrance. The final section shows FC Bayern’s self-image in the Third Reich as a historical-political anachronism, and it also identifies future directions for research.
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Maurício, Jani. "The Parallel Circulation of Portuguese Modern Art during Salazar's Dictatorship (1956–61)." Cultural History 5, no. 1 (April 2016): 51–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/cult.2016.0109.
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Researching the subject of art's distribution under the New State dictatorship of the 1950s, this article focuses on the practices developed by two informal organizations of artists that carried out innovatory activities of modern art's socialization, which resulted in the creation of a parallel distribution system. Through an approach centred in the social and cultural aspects of the parallel distribution, the phenomenon's interpretation emphasizes the facilitating role of social relations and ethical values. Considering the exhibition and discursive practices developed by the artists’ collectives, this study defends that the existence of shared values and solidarity relationships, established within and outside the artistic sector, were deciding factors for the emergence and maintenance of a participatory behaviour attached to an important faction of the modern artistic sector.
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Ermolaeva, Ekaterina, and Aleksandr Gruzdev. "Christian Church in the movement for democracy in the Republic of Korea (1960s – 1970s)." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 3 (March 2021): 24–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2021.3.35293.
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The Republic of Korea underwent intensive industrialization in the 1960s – 1970s, followed by a range of sociocultural transformations. The society suffered changes, and the fact that the government restricted freedom in sociopolitical environment and undertook unpopular economic decisions made this process even more painful. This led to the formation of civil opposition. The composition of the participants in the movement against the dictatorship was diverse, and all of them to one or another extent infringed on their rights. An interesting nuance of the movement for democracy in South Korea is the role of the Christian Church in its consolidation. The subject of this research is the Christian Church in the movement against dictatorship in the Republic of Korea. The goal is to analyze the process of the Christian church's joining the protest movement. The questions of interaction between the society and religious circles, the level of Church engagement in the social processes remain on the agenda in many countries. The novelty of this work is defined by articulation of the problem. The emphasis is placed on the motives of social participation of the Christian Church in South Korea, its interaction with the society and government structures. The following conclusions were made: joining the antigovernment movement by the Protestant and Catholic churches in South Korea is first and foremost associated with their pursuit to expand their range of influence, increase the number of believers prevailing in the competition, and secondly – with the response to authoritarian methods of governing the country. The interaction between society and the Church within the framework of democratic movement was mutually advantageous. The level of involvement of various religious organizations differed, but all Christian denominations represented in South Korea in one way or another proved themselves in the fight against the dictatorship.