Dissertations / Theses: 'Dictatorship'

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Yawnghwe, Chao-Tzang. "Ne Win's Tatmadaw dictatorship." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/29886.

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This thesis examines the nature of Burma's military regime which came to power in March 1962, and which has portrayed itself, somewhat successfully until 1988, as a regime which has constructed a "Burmese" socialist political order in Burma. Though this self-image was more or less accepted by many observers, there nonetheless could be detected in writings on the regime some degree of scholarly unease regarding the nature of the regime stemming from its many glaring failures not only in economic management, but also in arresting political decay which has transformed Burma into a poverty-stricken, debt-ridden, and almost pre-modern authoritarian polity. This thesis is an attempt to provide a less particularistic explanation of the regime, to show that such a regime is not unique, and that the downward slide of Burma can be understood with reference to existing theories and concepts derived from the study of Third World politics and conditions. Accordingly, the anti-colonial "nationalist" movement in Burma, the Dobama Asiayone of the Thakins, and the various Dobama "armies" which became the national armed forces, the Tatmadaw, and the underlying historical and socio-economic and political conditions are re-examined and analysed within the theoretical framework of comparative Third World politics. The thesis argues that the leaders who led the Tatmadaw to the summit of power in 1962 were not modernizing military leaders, but were foremostly politicians in military garb whose agenda was shaped by parochial Burman ethnonationalism, a peculiar kind of anti-foreign "Burmese" socialism, and the myth of their triumph over powerful foreign opponents — the British and the Japanese. The thesis examines the military regime -- Ne Win's Tatmadaw dictatorship -- and endeavors to explain the paradoxical configuration, subsequent to the military seizure of power, of a strongly autonomous and highly coercive state in Burma, on the one hand, and the clear evidence of political and economic decay (stemming from the regime's poor performance and/or capacity), on the other hand, from the perspective of Third World politics. The explanation is framed in terms of Ne Win's personal rulership; the transformation of the Tatmadaw, on which the state and the regime is based, into a patrimonialized personal instrument of the patrimonial ruler, Ne Win; the subsequent general and widespread erosion of the integrity of various institutions; the undermining of legal-rational norms; and the increasing reliance of Ne Win and the regime on the use of terror to maintain power as its legitimacy waned over time, and the corresponding greater degree of disengagement of society from the control and perview of the state.
Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate

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2

Medina, Bustos Ayeray Mirta. "Seeking Justice after a Dictatorship: Ethical Dilemmas." Thesis, Linköping University, Centre for Applied Ethics, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-6823.

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The meaning that Justice has after a conflict in a society might vary regarding the political development and cultural and shared values of a certain society.

Rawls, in his Theory of Justice gives his idea of what justice is and presents two principles of justice that he argues are required to live in a good society: a first principle that secures equal rights and liberties for all individuals and a second egalitarian principle that restrains the consequences of economic inequalities within societies. He also introduces the concept of “overlapping consensus” which I will use regarding the idea of Reconciliation, at the end of this paper.

In the cases presented in this paper (i.e. Argentina and South Africa), essential human rights were violated, therefore wrongdoers made the society unjust.

The aim of this thesis is to elucidate the conditions that are necessary to re-establish justice when a society goes through a conflict. I will introduce some ideas concerning that issue: ideas of retribution, reparation and reconciliation. These are seen as different paths for several countries when trying to tackle to the matter of achieving justice.

In my view, this question can be answered appealing first to an intuitive conception of moral justice that may exist at an individual and collective level, as well.

The ethical dilemmas both levels have are in relation to the harm done, punishments and how to balance them, limiting, for instance, the punishment in order to accomplish a just and a better society. I will also present how shared values can result from a process of reconciliation, which is considered as the ideal alternative to achieve justice.

However, when the equilibrium between members of a community is broken, some people claim that punishment can restore that lost equilibrium that existed before in the community.

Nevertheless, peace, reconciliation and justice cannot be constructed under the basis of silence. One way to keep memory alive is to let survivors, for instance, narrate what they have lived through; telling stories also creates a new space to share with others their experiences, revealing their fears and emotions. Regarding this theme, I will present the NUNCA MAS (Never Again) report, which is fundamental as it gives some testimonies, facts and proposals that will help to reach a consensus and therefore, future reconciliations.

Why is important to achieve justice? Because then members of a certain community will be able to interact in the present with common shared values and thus, deal with the past.

Not to consider reconciliation as one important step to achieve justice, and only think in terms of punishment, instead of giving way to peace and justice, could perhaps promote the possibility of further conflicts. To consider both punishment and reconciliation might just be one possible blueprint in the long and difficult way of searching for a just society.

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3

Walker, Ben. "Demanding dictatorship? : US-Philippine relations, 1946-1972." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2016. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/demanding-dictatorship-usphilippine-relations-19461972(d5aa59b7-a3b7-4472-8bf4-78805c40bb52).html.

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In 1898 the Philippines became a colony of the United States, the result of American economic expansion throughout the nineteenth century. Having been granted independence in 1946, the nominally sovereign Republic of the Philippines remained inextricably linked to the US through restrictive legislation, military bases, and decades of political and socio-economic patronage. In America’s closest developing world ally, and showcase of democratic values, Filipino President Ferdinand Marcos installed a brutal dictatorship in 1972, dramatically marking the end of democracy there. US foreign policy, from the inception of the US-Philippine partnership, failed to substantially resolve endemic poverty and elite political domination. During the Cold War, the discourse through which State Department policy was conceived helped perpetuate these unequal conditions, whilst also at times explicitly encouraging authoritarian solutions to domestic problems. As the Cold War escalated through the 1960s, especially in Vietnam, US officials insisted the Philippines provide military and ideological solidarity with US Cold War objectives at the expense of effectively addressing the roots of domestic instability. The Philippine example serves as the clearest case of the outcomes and impact of US foreign policy across the developing world, and thus must be considered an essential starting point when considering the United States’ Cold War experience. Based on extensive primary research from across the United Kingdom and the United States, this thesis re-examines and re-connects the historiography of colonialism, neo-colonialism, Southeast Asia, and Cold War studies. Nowhere did the US have such a long and intimate history of influence and partnerships than in the Philippines, and yet Marcos’s regime emerged there; this dissertation presents an analytical lens through which to measure the role of US foreign policy in creating a dictatorship.

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Lagos, Katerina. "The Metaxas dictatorship and Greek Jewry, 1936-1941'." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.419039.

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5

Yocelevzky, R. "Chile : political parties, democracy and dictatorship, 1970-1990." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2000. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/2321/.

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Kellner, Roger Yvon. "The Mapuche during the Pinochet dictatorship (1973-1990)." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1993. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272662.

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Doerre, Jason J. "The Post-Reunification Aufarbeitung of the SED-Dictatorship." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1210612137.

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Petrakis, Marina. "The Metaxas myth : dictatorship and propaganda in Greece /." London : Tauris academic studies, 2006. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb40159340x.

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Stillman, Lauren A. "Cold war dictatorship : racism in the German Democratic Republic /." Connect to online version, 2006. http://ada.mtholyoke.edu/setr/websrc/pdfs/www/2006/171.pdf.

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Moreno, Peracaula Xavier. "Nuevo flamenco : re-imaging flamenco in post-dictatorship Spain." Thesis, University of Newcastle upon Tyne, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/3231.

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This thesis is concerned with the study of nuevo flamenco (new flamenco) as a genre characterised by the incorporation within flamenco of elements from music genres of the African-American musical traditions. A great deal of emphasis is placed on purity and its loss, relating nuevo flamenco with the whole history of flamenco and its discourses, as well as tracing its relationship to other musical genres, mainly jazz. While centred on the process of fusion and crossover it also explores through music the characteristics and implications that nuevo flamenco and its discourses have impinged on related issues as Gypsy identity and cultural authenticity. Even though this project is rooted in popular music studies it also attempts to think through the issues covered in relation to concepts and methodologies of other disciplines such as postcolonial studies, anthropology, and cultural theory. The aim is to create a dialogue between these disciplines and explore the ways they can bring a new focus and a set of analytical tools to bear on the material of study.

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Ferris, Catherine. "Living dictatorship : everyday life in fascist Venice 1929-1940." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2005. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1444566/.

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This PhD thesis analyses the lived, everyday experience of Italian fascism in Venice from 1929-1940 through the examination of a number of collective cultural experiences, encountered by Venetians in their daily lives and over the life-course, in order to reveal how far the fascist regime succeeded in penetrating and appropriating the private spheres and 'collective memory' of Venetian society, as well as to demonstrate the complexities of 'ordinary' people's lived experience of fascism and their responses to the intrusion of the regime and its cultural products into their daily lives. To this end, the thesis is loosely structured according to the chronology of the life-course, with chapters addressing the experience of youth, adolescence and free time popular celebrations and festivals the impact of economic autarchy on food, drink, fashion etc. the experience of death and funeral rituals. Treading a line which seeks to heed Mossean exhortations to examine fascism from the inside as well as out- and to take seriously fascism's own understanding of itself whilst rejecting a reduction of the fascist project to nothing more than spectacle and discourse, this study aims to highlight the intricacies, complexities and potential creativity of life under Mussolini's dictatorship, drawing new attention to the distinction between, on the one hand, the regime's intentions and, on the other, the reception of fascist cultural products by its citizens. Using a theoretical framework informed by the work of Koselleck, Jauss, Said, Hoggart, Chartier and, in particular, Michel de Certeau, the results of this research ultimately reveal the limitations of the regime's reach: the lagunari of the 1930s emerge as 'consumer-producers' who used the fascist cultural products they encountered creatively, absorbing, accepting, modifying or rejecting their messages, mediated as they were through narratives - of the nation, the church and the Serenissima republic - with the potential to both strengthen and weaken their intended meaning, as these mingled and clashed with pre-existing and enduring mentalites.

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Raposo-Quintana, P. "Militant memories : family, gender and politics under Pinochet's dictatorship." Thesis, Nottingham Trent University, 2009. http://irep.ntu.ac.uk/id/eprint/129/.

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The purpose of this thesis is to analyse political memories, through the life stories of people who participated in political parties or movements during the time of Pinochet’s dictatorship. The analysis focuses on two aspects of activism which have usually been neglected, namely family and gender relations. Several questions were embraced along this research, around the central motivation of learning about the way in which people became politically active. What role family traditions and loyalties played? How gender has been constructed through political memories and political activism? And from a more historical point of view, how State terrorism during the Chilean dictatorship marked political militancy, both rightwing and leftwing, particularly for those who were defeated and suffered human rights violations? Methodological aspects determine the limits and richness of this work, based on memory narratives taken from interviews. Political identities are analysed through memory work, from the perspective of the ways in which people remember and construct their experiences of activism, through their own narratives. I examine how committed militants view their past participation, how they currently live their commitment, how they relate to the Chilean past, and how they construct their identities through the narrations of this particular and essential aspect of their lives. Political parties, particularly the leftwing, have been criticised because of their failure to stand as political referents and their inability to vindicate current struggles, to reflect new forms of exploitation and the lack of recognition for new social actors. Therefore, and taking the Chilean experience as an example, I also revise some reasons why ‘modern’ and western styles of militancy, in the last decades, may have become less popular. Finally, I would like to state that this research intended to stand as a space for the narratives of some Chilean political actors, to confront the official history of this painful period, a history that tends to forget that behind the facts that shocked Chile during the 1970s the protagonists were real and normal people, whose everyday life conditions drove them to live with a strong political commitment.

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Blackmore, Lisa. "¡Venezuela progresa! : dictatorship, spectacle and the construction of modernity." Thesis, Birkbeck (University of London), 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.601499.

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SERFILIPPI, ELENA. "Economic analysis of the NGOs- state relationships under dictatorship." Doctoral thesis, Università Politecnica delle Marche, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11566/242693.

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Negli ultimi decenni le Organizzazioni Non Governative (ONG) si sono imposte nel panorama dello sviluppo internazionale diventando uno dei principali fornitori di beni, sevizi pubblici e di aiuti ai paesi in via di sviluppo. La teoria economica ha recentemente mostrato un certo interesse per queste organizzazioni, ma gli studi teorici ed empirici al riguardo sono ancora minimi. Questa tesi è un contributo alla analisi teorica delle relazioni tra le ONG, i governi autoritari e la popolazione civile. La scelta dello specifico contesto dei governi autoritari è determinata dal fatto che nella maggior parte dei casi queste organizzazioni operano in contesti dove la presenza di istituzioni politiche deboli porta alla creazione di governi personalistici. L’analisi della attività delle ONG risulta dunque di particolare interesse nel contesto dello sviluppo e della democratizzazione di questi paesi. Il primo capitolo della tesi raccoglie diversi apporti della letteratura sulle ONG, dalle origini, alla sviluppo, alla fornitura di servizi, ai problemi connessi alla roccolta di fondi e alle relazioni con i governi. Questo capitolo serve ad acquisire familiarità con il mondo delle organizzazioni non governative. Il secondo capitolo propone un modello teorico nel quale si analizzando le ragioni alla base delle politiche, più o meno restrittive, implementate da governi autoritari nei confronti delle ONG. In particolare, dalla analisi emerge che governi autoritari deboli, sono più inclini ad adottare politiche volte all’esclusione delle ONG. Inoltre, governi deboli tendono a favorire ONG locali rispetto a ONG internazionali, per il pericolo di compromettere ulteriormente la stabilità del potere stesso. Il terzo capitolo propone una analisi dei vantaggi delle ONG nel panaroma degli aiuti internazionali rispetto ai classici aiuti bilaterali. Negli anni recenti la letteratura si è concentrata sulle inefficienze legate al sistema di aiuti bilaterali e alle conseguenti politiche distrorsive di distribuzione della ricchezza. La nostra analisi mette in luce che le ONG sono in grado di favorire lo sviluppo di politiche di distribuzione della ricchezza più eque rispetto ai tradizionali sistemi di aiuti allo sviluppo.
Recently Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) have been important providers of public goods, services and foreign aids, playing a fundamental role in development. At present, economic theory calls for a theoretical framework able to integrate the role of NGOs, national authorities and the citizens. This thesis analyses, in its three chapters, diverse topics related to the NGO sector. We consider the specific case of NGOs operating in weakly institutionalized States, where the absence of formal political institutions- such as constitution, legislative structure, or electoral rules- favorites the emergence of personalistic and authoritarian government. The starting point of the thesis, the chapter one, presents a literature review on NGOs that focus on origin, development and activities of these organizations. It helps understanding NGOs and their relationships with the hosting States. The second chapter presents a simple theoretical model analyzing the economic and the political reasons at the base of the different government policies, exclusionary or collaborative ones, towards NGOs. In particular, it highlights that in authoritarian States the NGO type and the stability of the power are the main factors affecting the policy choice toward NGOs. Finally, the third chapter proposes a theoretical analysis of the NGO aids delivery system and its comparative advantages respect to the classical bilateral donors. Recently the literature has been denouncing the inefficiency of the bilateral aids used by the recipient governments to buy political support rather than to redistribute resources. On the contrary, we show that the use of NGOs as the main channel to transmit foreign aids, enables a reduction of the unequal distribution of resources.

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Ottonicar, Flávio Gabriel Capinzaiki. "Locke contra as formas de poder arbitrário nos Dois tratados sobre o governo /." Marília, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/182001.

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Orientador: Ricardo Monteagudo
Resumo: John Locke é reconhecidamente um dos grandes autores da história da filosofia. Parte desse reconhecimento deve-se aos seus escritos políticos, entre eles, os Dois Tratados Sobre o Governo, publicados em 1689. O principal desígnio de Locke nesse texto é refutar a defesa do absolutismo monárquico de Robert Filmer, manifesta especialmente na obra Patriarcha, que ganhou grande notoriedade na Inglaterra durante a década de 1680. A obra de Locke, entretanto, para além da refutação do poder absoluto dos reis, pode ser lida como um ataque ao poder arbitrário em geral, caracterizado principalmente pela não observância da lei. O objetivo geral do presente trabalho é estabelecer possíveis correlações entre os argumentos de Locke contrários ao poder arbitrário e o debate, já corrente no século XVII, sobre as origens, os fundamentos e a extensão do poder político. Especificamente, este trabalho buscará analisar as formas de poder arbitrário propostas por Locke nos Dois Tratados: o poder arbitrário individual, que, no estado de natureza leva ao estado de guerra; o absolutismo, caracterizado pelo governo que não se submete às leis; e, finalmente, a tirania, situação em que o soberano age sem observar as leis existentes. Segundo Locke, no estado de natureza é a falta de conhecimento da lei da natureza que leva os indivíduos a agirem de forma arbitrária uns contra os outros. Esse fato os leva a instituírem uma sociedade política e confiarem o poder de julgar as controvérsias a uma só pessoa, ... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
Abstract: John Locke is recognisided like one of the biggest authors of the history of philosophy. Part of this recognizing is due to his political writings, among it, the Two Treatises on Government, published in 1689. The main aim of Locke in this text is to refuse the defense of monarchical absolutism of Robert Filmer, expressed mainly in the work Patriarcha, that got famous in the England across the 1680's decade. Thus, Locke's work, beyond of to refuse the absolut power of the kings, can be read like an attack to arbitrarian power in general, mainly caracterized by non-observation of law. The general purpose of this work is to establish possible correlations between Locke's arguments against arbitrary power and the debate, already current in the seventeenth century, on the origins, foundations, and extent of political power. Specifically, this work will seek to analyse the arbitrary forms of power proposed by Locke in Two Treaties: individual one, which, in the state of nature, leads to the state of war; the absolutism, characterized by a government that does not submit to laws; and, finally, the tyranny, a situation in which the sovereign acts without observing the existing laws. According to Locke, in state of nature, the absence of knowledge about the law of nature take the individuals to act in an arbitrarian way one against others. It takes them to establish a political society and trust in only one person the power of to judge controversies, the monarch. Monarch's government... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
Mestre

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Pizarro, Coloma Marcela Fernanda. "Revista de Critica Cultural : memory in the Chilean post-dictatorship." Thesis, University of London, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.500310.

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is dissertation studies memory in the aftermath of the Chilean dictatorship through the Revista de Critica Cultural, edited by the prominent cultural critic, Nelly Richard In response to officially sanctioned narrative forms of memory which appealed to notions such as 'reconciliation' and 'consensus', transforming political compromises into transcendental moral principles in order to establish a redemptive sense of closure, the journal insists on a notion of memory in a state of constant reactivation in the present. Distinctive because of its championing of neo-avantgarde art and literature, the journal's articulation of alternative approaches to memory has been charged with the aesthetics of postmodern fragmentation that sets ii apart from the militant orthodoxy of the traditional Left.

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Page, Philippa Jane. "Politics and performance in post-dictatorship Argentine film and theatre." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.611380.

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Soto, E. R. "(Un)veiling bodies : a trajectory of Chilean post-dictatorship documentary." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2014. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/62042/.

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This thesis analyses Chilean documentary films and videos of the post-dictatorial era from the restoration of democracy in 1990 until 2011, focusing on the audiovisual treatment of contested memories of the dictatorship and its legacies. The main argument is that documentary performs a trajectory of a revelation of bodies, oscillating between – at times intersecting with – the bodies of 'direct victims' and the film's body itself. Such an itinerary is deeply intertwined with Chile's own democratic transition. The study aims to transcend Chilean documentary's self-evident testimonial value and restrictive readings of the films as works about trauma, as these eclectic artistic reactions to the military coup present a broad range of affective responses. It establishes connections and disjunctions between different generations of documentarians and heightens the visibility of a number of under-researched productions. To unpack these heterogeneous documentary responses and their aesthetic features, close textual analysis of selected sequences from an extensive corpus is performed. This thesis adopts an interdisciplinary approach informed by the 'haptic turn' in film studies, trauma and memory studies, cultural studies, history and gender. After examining the strategies deployed to reveal the past and its atrocious images, the study reassesses the cinematic homecomings of exilic directors as key precedents of the current rise of first person documentary. The ensuing evaluation of younger directors' productions indicates that whereas childhood memories are mobilised to explore the (im)possibilities of recalling a past only tangentially experienced, a nostalgic approach to the 1980s seeks to claim an active role in the redemocratisation process. Two recent cases featuring rather disturbing voices (of a former agent of repression and of Pinochet’s supporters) shed further light on the transformations experienced both by non-fiction and Chile itself. This thesis thus illustrates a documentary shift from articulating a 'cinema of the affected' to a 'cinema of affect'.

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Deiser, Andrew J. "Barcelones/as : from dictatorship to democracy, from modernity to postmodernity /." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3202895.

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20

Palacios, Rosario. "Everyday practices in public places : embodied understandings of post-dictatorship Chile." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2008. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2016/.

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The thesis explores Chilean people's ways of making sense of their contemporary world in the post-dictatorship period at the level of the everyday. Drawing on the study of practices in two public places in Santiago, Chile, I unravel users' understandings of political, economic and cultural topics. Place is a central element in my approach to practices. My exploration of practices is rooted in a spatial analysis of my study sites, Plaza de Armas and Parque Forestal. I show how the way in which we make sense of the world is not an abstract construct but is based in ordinary experience situated in place. I affirm there is a sense of strangeness and marginality regarding present-day Chile because there is little common ground amongst the increasing diversity of understandings. The group of Chileans under study may have been linked in the past by the common reference of institutions, but now they are more distant from institutional frameworks and more involved with their personal lives in the present. In this light, social segregation is increasing and imagination appears as a constituent feature of Chilean subjectivity in the new times. On the one hand, regarding social segregation, I argue that a new form of social segregation has emerged in post-dictatorship Chile. It is a form that is linked not merely with material inequality, family origins, ethnicity and location within the city, but also with the impossibility of dialogue regarding people's different understandings of Chile's new times. On the other hand, I describe and analyse how individuals' deep, practical engagement with the material and social form of their world allows them to imagine in a way that is rooted within their everyday life. Their material imagination opens a door for new ways of belonging to their world. I argue that people's practices should be taken into account in order to understand the way they make sense of present-day Chile. Individuals' expectations and values are involved in their practices, together with their biographies and everyday social interactions. Hence, 1 disagree with theoretical reflections on Chile's new times or macrostructure analyses that miss the link between socially constructed understandings of Chile and people's everyday living.

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Fenemore, Mark. "Nonconformity on the borders of dictatorship : youth subcultures in the GDR." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.272763.

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SILVA, CAROLINE LYRIO. "INSTITUTIONAL RACISM AND MILITARY DICTATORSHIP: TURNING BACK AROUND THE OBLIVION TREE." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2016. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=29409@1.

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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO
CONSELHO NACIONAL DE DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTÍFICO E TECNOLÓGICO
O presente trabalho pretende pôr em evidência um repertório epistemológico e metodológico que considera a existência de mais de um lugar histórico e político de onde parte o conhecimento e se comprometa com a reorientação das investigações sobre relações raciais através do uso de testemunhos subalternizados. A utilização nessas narrativas como elemento central de análise permite a sua apropriação como dado essencial para a dissolução de relações de poder na sociedade e qualifica-os como estratégias de sobrevivência e meios de resistências, assim como a revisão de fatos históricos, contribuindo para a construção da memória.
This work aims to highlight an epistemological and methodological repertoire that considers the existence of more than one historical and political place to produce knowledge. It also commits to the reorientation of the race relations research through counter-storytelling. Apply these narratives as the central element of analysis allows its use as essential data for the dissolution of power relations in society and qualifies them as survival strategies and means of resistance, as well as the revision of historical facts, contributing to building memory.

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McQuaid, Thomas. "Sacred Dictators: A Wholly Unholy Relationship between Dictatorships and Religious Leaders." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2018. https://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/2543.

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How a single party and personal dictatorship survive has been a question of much debate among scholars. Geddes (1999, 2003) creates a model to determine which survives the longest. Within her model, she finds that a single party dictatorship – one with a party apparatus – survives longer than a personal dictatorship – one where a single person has sole policymaking ability. She argues that the fundamental difference between the two is how each treats the opposition. The party apparatus allows a single party dictatorship the means to silence the opposition by coopting it into the party structure whereas a personal dictatorship must rely on the wealthy and military to keep any opposition at bay. With a single party dictatorship being able to coalesce the opposition, this dictatorship is more stable and survives longer. I agree with Geddes’ reasoning and seek to clarify how this situation works in Sub-Saharan Africa. I argue that a single party dictatorship can silence and use religious leaders in the opposition to gain support from the religious leaders’ followers. This additional support from the religious leaders and the followers makes single party dictatorships survive longer than personal dictatorships in Sub-Saharan Africa. In this research, I explain the importance of religion as a variable for dictatorship survival research in Sub-Saharan Africa. I show that religious leaders have a certain level of control over followers and if coopted by a dictatorship, religious leaders’ control garners support among followers. I further explain how religious leaders are in the opposition and therefore can only be coopted by a single party dictatorship. I conclude by showing that religious leaders increase a single party dictatorship’s survival likelihood.

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Keys, Barbara Jean. "The dictatorship of sport : nationalism, internationalism, and mass culture in the 1930s." Full text available online (restricted access), 2001. http://images.lib.monash.edu.au/ts/theses/Keys.pdf.

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Blejmar, Jordana. "The truth of autofiction : second-generation memory in post-dictatorship Argentine culture." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610798.

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Conte, Carolina Siqueira. "THE INTERACTION OF ECONOMICS AND POLITICS IN BRAZIL DURING THE MILITARY DICTATORSHIP." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2001. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou988828185.

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Grogan, Bridget Meredith. ""Abject dictatorship of the flesh" : corporeality in the fiction of Patrick White." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001554.

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Bachmann, Rachel E. "Germans and Latin Americans trade places intercultural experience and writing against dictatorship /." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2008. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3344552.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Germanic Studies, 2008.
Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on Oct 5, 2009). Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 70-02, Section: A, page: 0575. Adviser: Marc Weiner.

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Castillo, Büttinghausen Barbara Andrea. "The urban chronicle in post-dictatorship Chile : a contested and contesting literary genre?" Thesis, University of Bristol, 2017. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.723492.

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Greenberg, Daniel Joseph. ""The Dictatorship of the Chimneys" : sugar, politics and agrarian unrest in Tucuman, Argentina /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/15499.

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Tyvela, Kirk A. "The Dictatorship Dilemma: The United States, Paraguay, and the Cold War, 1954-1989." View abstract, 2007. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3282050.

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Phillips, Thomas Peter. "The depiction of dictatorship and resistance in Augusto Roa Bastos's TrilogiÌa Paraguaya." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.414634.

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Mweso, Clemence. "Legacy of one party dictatorship : collective memory and contestation in Malawi 1994-2004." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/12836.

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This thesis explores the significance of the use of historical memory in shaping the nature and dynamics of the democratic dispensation in Malawi, particularly in relation to the legacy of the authoritarian past. The memory of the one-party dictatorship was reactivated on numerous occasions to address contemporary political challenges. Focusing on the period during the second term of the first democratic government when there was a debate on whether or not to extend the terms of office of the president, the thesis investigates how people, individually or as groups, chose to deal with the heritage of the authoritarian past in a democratic era. The proposals to extend the presidential term limit ignited political debates in the contemporary period, that involved collective remembering of the past dictatorship, and political contestation over the shared past in order to create a vibrant democratic process. The thesis shows how the new political elites in democratic Malawi tended to utilise the collective memory of the past dictatorship to legitimise their rule, mobilize support and at times push through agendas that were detrimental to the young democracy. While civil society actors building on strong antidictatorship and anti-authoritarian sentiments, relied on the same collective memory to criticise the actions of the new elite and protest against undemocratic political moves. It is demonstrated that the memory of the atrocities and abuses of the one-party regime played a major role in influencing the masses and civil society to fight against any relapse to authoritarianism. The study ultimately demonstrates the importance of collective memory and its preservation in ensuring that lessons from the past contribute to a better present and future for the nation.

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Brown-Bernstein, Julia. "After the Fact: El Mercurio and the Re-Writing of the Pinochet Dictatorship." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1244566093.

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Maguire, Geoffrey William. "Political postmemory : childhood, memory and politics in Argentina's post-dictatorship generation (2003-2013)." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709107.

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Lau, Daniel C. L. "Topological social choice : a critical survey of homotopic dictatorship = Topologisk social choice teori /." Aarhus : Institut for Økonomi, Aarhus Universitet, 2009. http://mit.econ.au.dk/Library/Specialer/2009/20060231.pdf.

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Gómez-Barris, Macarena. "Where memory dwells : trauma, memory, and representation in the aftermath of Chile's dictatorship /." Diss., Digital Dissertations Database. Restricted to UC campuses, 2004. http://uclibs.org/PID/11984.

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38

Piatt, Jennifer Lauren. "Pink Tides: Femininity, Dictatorship, and the Rise of the New Latin American Left." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/579025.

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During the second half of the twentieth century, military dictatorships came to power throughout Southern Cone Latin America and contributed to the continued patriarchal tradition of the region. A literary and art movement arose after these dictatorships fell, centered on the patterns of re-victimization of the feminine and criticism of the atrocities carried out by the dictatorships. In my honors thesis, I argue that along with the rise of the marea rosada, the New Left in Latin America, we have witnessed a turn in post-dictatorship literature towards a criticism of the society that fostered the dictatorships and that continued the patriarchal traditions of the region. I also argue that the authors and directors of these texts and films advocate that in order to change the patriarchal pattern of society, it is necessary to participate within that society and manipulate the society's discourses to one's own advantage.

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Schlyer, Krista. "Intellectual Dictatorship or Media Literacy: Establishing an Informed Citizenry in the Information Age." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/292123.

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40

Domper, Lasús Carlos. "Elections under dictatorship: Francoism and the New State in comparative perspective, 1945-1975." Doctoral thesis, Luiss Guido Carli, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11385/201175.

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This dissertation analyses the elections with a highest census that were held by the Portuguese New State and the Francoism between 1945 and 1975. Social scientists have analysed this type of elections from a functionalist perspective by using the concept of "political competition". On the contrary, historians have paid little attention to them since they consider them to be mere propagandistic farces. Our hypothesis is that these elections not only had a role in the process of institutionalization of both dictatorships. On the contrary, since the mid-sixties, they were part of the failed strategies of those groups that wanted to renew both regimes by adopting liberalizing measures. By using comparative history, we get the following conclusions. Both dictatorships used these elections to facilitate their integration into the International Community emerged after WWII. These votings were an evolution, influenced by fascisms, of the electoral mechanisms emerged in Europe during the 19th century. The single party of each country was responsible for controlling their organization. Even when they did not affect executive positions, they became a useful mechanism for forming second-line political elites in which representatives of all groups that supported them were integrated. From the mid-sixties, the desire to show their ability to evolve, on the one hand, and the real impossibility of liberalizing electoral mechanisms for fear of opening the door to pluralism, on the other, generated strong contradictions within these dictatorships.

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Druliolle, Vincent. "Commemorative practices and the (re-)construction of democracy in post-dictatorship Argentina : Envisioning politics." Thesis, University of Essex, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.531556.

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Mills, Anne-Maree. "A Dictatorship of Taste. Cultural Nationalism and the Function of the Critic 1947-1961." Thesis, University of Canterbury. English, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/4172.

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Although much has been written on the 1930s as a period of ferment and innovation in New Zealand’s literary culture, the immediate post-war period has remained largely unexamined. As an outcome, literary histories have tended to downplay the significance of the Centennial publications and overlooked the impact made by the literary-cultural periodical to the post-war literary economy. The formulation of a conversation within the pages of the journals and the associated creation of the culture-critic were central to the cultural nationalism of the period 1947-61. It is argued in this thesis that the ‘long fifties’, the years from the cessation of the Second World War through to the early sixties, were a discrete moment in New Zealand’s literary history. To understand the success of the journals as a form of intervention their founding needs to be traced not only to Phoenix and Tomorrow – journals of the thirties – but also to the programme of publishing that was part of the 1940 Centennial celebrations. Under the leadership of J. C. Beaglehole and E. H. McCormick, the Centennial publications contested the existing structures of cultural authority that lay with the amateur historian and the literary criticism of the ‘bookmen’. Beaglehole and McCormick professionalised the discourse of history writing and literary criticism through the introduction of academic practice, and, significantly, a rigorously critical engagement with the formation of national identity. Their critical engagement acted as an encouragement to the founding of the literary-cultural journal during the late 1940s: Landfall begun publishing in 1947 and Here & Now followed in 1949. This thesis argues, however, that alongside these two independent journals there needs to be placed the Listener under the editorship of M. H. Holcroft, and that these three publications created sites where the imaginative could sit next to the critical, and that this development was based on the belief that the absence of a critical undertaking would stunt the growth of the culture’s imaginative and creative undertaking. During the period 1947-61 the development of a specific form of intervention in the writing of the culture-critic can be detected. The culture-critics sought to actively engage the reading public in a conversation; therefore, they wrote for the periodicals in a style that was accessible but discriminating; they understood that they had a specific function within society. Furthermore, the primacy attached to the cultural authority of Brasch and Landfall is contested, and it is instead claimed that an exclusive focus on Landfall distorts the overall temper of the post-war years. Landfall was but one site where the developing national consciousness was published and assessed; it was a disputatious time.

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LOPES, ALINE CALDEIRA. "UNDER THE SPOILS OF HISTORY: BLACK TRADITIONAL TERRITORIES DURING THE MILITARY DICTATORSHIP IN BRAZIL." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2017. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=33833@1.

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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO
COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTS. DE ENSINO
PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTITUIÇÕES COMUNITÁRIAS DE ENSINO PARTICULARES
A pesquisa aborda o tema dos conflitos sócio jurídicos em territórios negros tradicionais situados em áreas militares no Brasil durante a década de 1970. Trata-se da análise e compreensão de documentos e relatos que narram parte do cotidiano de violência em áreas que são, contemporaneamente, reconhecidas como territórios remanescentes de quilombos. Buscou-se compreender os processos de dominação e de resistência durante a ditatura militar a partir da experiência empírica de Ilha da Marambaia (RJ) em diálogo com documentados relativos ao território de Rio dos Macacos (BA). Em ambos os casos, o início da ocupação pela Marinha do Brasil coincide com o ano de 1971. A pesquisa se insere, portanto, na perspectiva de construção e reconstrução da história dos vencidos, trata-se de uma abordagem que procura realizar a leitura da história à contrapelo, fazendo emergir os fragmentos de documentos e memórias que irão permitir releituras e o aprofundamento da compreensão sobre o passado. Nesse sentido, a pesquisa recomenda a consolidação de políticas de reparação às práticas de violação aos direitos humanos perpetradas nos referidos territórios em meio aos anos em que vigorou o regime ditatorial no Brasil, para tanto buscou um diálogo com as conclusões da Comissão Camponesa da Verdade.
The research addresses the issue of socio-legal conflicts in traditional black territories located in military areas in Brazil during the 1970s. It regards the analysis and understanding of documents and reports that narrate part of the daily violence in areas that are, at the same time, recognized as remainder communities of quilombos. The thesis aims to understand the processes of domination and resistance during the military dictatorship from the empirical experience of the Island of Marambaia (RJ) in dialogue with documents related to the territory of Rio dos Macacos (BA). In both cases, the beginning of the occupation by the Brazilian Navy starts in the year of 1971. Therefore, this research focus on the perspective of conscructing and re-constructing the loser s history. It is an approach that seeks to read the history against the grain, giving rise to the fragments of documents and memories that will allow re-reading and deepening of understanding about the past. In this sense, the research recommends to consolidate the human rights violations reparation policies to the practices perpetrated in those territories in the midst of Military Dictatorship in Brazil, for which it was sought a dialogue with the conclusions of the Peasant Commission of Truth.

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Older, Aguilar Sarah Michelle. "Witnessing media the reproduction and transmission of history in Southern Cone post-dictatorship fiction /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1872211281&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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45

Starkman, Juliana. "Caveat emptor, consumer culture and the post-dictatorship Nuevas narrativas of Argentina, Chile and Spain." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ57628.pdf.

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46

Shore, Zachary. "Dictatorship, information, and the limits of power : Hitler and foreign policy decision-making 1933-1939." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.302590.

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SIMI, GUSTAVO ARAUJO. "REFORMATORY AND INDIGENOUS POLICE: THE EXPERIENCE OF UNIFORMS AND DISCIPLINE OF INDIANS DURING THE DICTATORSHIP." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2017. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=32337@1.

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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO
COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTS. DE ENSINO
O presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar os acontecimentos transcorridos nos postos indígenas do estado de Minas Gerais – o Posto Indígena Guido Marlière (PIGM) e o Posto Indígena Mariano de Oliveira (PIMO) – durante a ditadura civil-militar, sobretudo entre os anos de 1967 e 1973, período no qual a Ajudância Minas-Bahia (AJMB), responsável pela administração desses postos, ficou sob o comando da Polícia Militar de Minas Gerais (PMMG). Nesse período, foi construído um reformatório para índios considerados delinquentes transferidos de várias regiões do país para o território demarcado ao povo indígena Krenak; foi formada uma tropa militarizada de policiais-indígenas conhecida como Guarda Rural Indígena (GRIN); e, finalmente, foi realizada a transferência forçada dos Krenak e dos confinados no reformatório para uma propriedade da PMMG chamada Fazenda Guarani. Esses acontecimentos atingiram diretamente a cultura política Krenak, levando o Ministério Público Federal (MPF) a pleitear uma inédita anistia política coletiva em prol do povo indígena Krenak junto ao Ministério da Justiça no ano de 2015. Essa dissertação procura descrever esses processos à luz de um conjunto de documentos colhidos em pesquisas no acervo do Museu do Índio e do Centro de Referência Indígena do portal Armazém Memória, sobretudo aqueles que permitem conhecer o funcionamento do órgão tutelar (primeiro o Serviço de Proteção ao Índio – SPI – e posteriormente a Fundação Nacional do Índio – FUNAI) naquela região, onde ocorriam frequentes conflitos fundiários.
This text aims to analyse the main facts which happened at Indigenous posts of Minas Gerais State- The Indigenous Post Guido Marliere (PIGM) and the Indigenous Post Mariano de Oliveira (PIMO)- during the civil-military dictatorship, mainly between 1967 and 1973, time in which the Ajudância Minas-Bahia (AJMB), responsible for administrating the mentioned posts, was under Military Police of Minas Gerais State s control (PMMG). During this time one reformatory was built for said offenders indians be transferred from several regions of the Country to the defined territory of Krenak indians. A militarised troop was organised with police Indians known as Rural Indigenous Guard (GRIN). All the Krenaks and the ones confined in the reformatory were forced to move to a PMMG s property know as Guarani Farm. These facts directly hit Krenak s political culture, leading the Ministério Público Federal (MPF) pleading an unique collective political amnesty to benefit the Krenak indigenous people. This litigation was submitted to Minister of Justice in 2015. This text describes all these processes under the lights of researched documents stored at Indian s Museum and Indigenous Centre of Reference collections both part of Armazem Memoria portal, mainly the ones which allow knowing how tutelary institutions such as initially SPI (Serviço de Proteção ao Índio) and later FNI (Fundação Nacional do Índio) worked in that region, where several conflicts over land had happened.

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Piffre, Oriana. "Understanding health policy change in post-dictatorship Chile (2000-2006) : an Advocacy Coalition Framework analysis." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2016. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/understanding-health-policy-change-in-postdictatorship-chile-20002006(f6426206-ab03-4fb0-a8bf-17bb2712d559).html.

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This thesis examines the political process of the health reforms enacted in Chile during the Presidency of Ricardo Lagos (2000-2006). The Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) is used to answer the question: How were the health reforms during the Lagos administration of 2000-6 achieved within the existing institutional arrangements that were put in place during the authoritarian period? As emphasised by the historical institutionalist literature, Chilean politics, since the return to democracy, has been characterised by inertia and limited transformation. My research seeks to understand how it was possible to bring about policy change in a context in which everything seemed fixed. The contribution of this thesis is twofold: first, examining the health policy reform through the lens of the ACF, this study contributes to expand the theoretical development of this framework. Second, this study contributes to enrich the existent literature about the Chilean case, analysing original data to identify the factors that enable policy change. Focusing on explanations for policy change suggested by the ACF, the findings suggest that health reform was achieved through a path of negotiated agreement. This agreement was facilitated by three main factors: an evolution of coalitions, the strategic mobilisation of resources, and the institutional arrangements inherited from the authoritarian regime. Using a qualitative case study, informed by the international health policy literature, and using the ACF as a theoretical framework, the Chilean case is scrutinised. Evidence was gathered through an appraisal of data collected from a variety of documentary sources, as well as the thematic analysis of transcriptions of congressional hearings and 26 semi-structured elite interviews. Applying ACF allowed me to identify and understand the dynamics of the Chilean health reforms, by examining how actors grouped into coalitions, shared belief systems, and acted strategically to determine the outcome of the reforms.

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Milin, Melita. "›Soft Dictatorship‹ and the Fate of New Music in Serbia, 1945–2000. An Atypical Case." Bärenreiter Verlag, 2012. https://slub.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A72020.

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Starkman, Juliana Carleton University Dissertation Comparative Literature. "Caveat emptor: consumer culture and the post-dictatorship nuevas narrativas of Argentina, Chile and Spain." Ottawa, 2000.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Dictatorship'

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