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Journal articles on the topic 'Dictatorship'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 31 July 2024

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1

Janković, Branimir. "Do the Dictatorships Ever End? Historians and Publishers under the Dictatorship in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia." History in flux 4, no. 4 (December 30, 2022): 113–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.32728/flux.2022.4.5.

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The theme of the paper are the ways in which the dictatorship of King Alexander influenced the politics of history, the educational system, historians, publishers of historical literature, and publishers in general in the late 1920s and early 1930s in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. In order to put this first dictatorship in the Yugoslav area in a diachronic perspective, I will analyze the presence of certain types of continuities and discontinuities. I will also show the trajectories of historians and publishers during King Alexanderʼs dictatorship and other dictatorships which followed in the 20th century’s Age of Extremes. Moreover, all these dictatorships inevitably referred to each other. I will also explore the contemporary attitude toward the first dictatorship in the Yugoslav area, the attitude which was shaped by the stance toward Serbo-Croatian conflicts and Yugoslavism as a whole. All this contributed to the constant presence of this dictatorship in the ongoing symbolic struggles over the interpretation of national history.

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2

Martins, Celina. "Cortázar et Saramago : la représentation de la dictature et l’affirmation de l’engagement." Interlitteraria 22, no. 1 (September 7, 2017): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/il.2017.22.1.2.

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Abstract. Cortázar and Saramago: the Representation of Dictatorship and the Strength of Engagement. Julio Cortázar and José Saramago create the poetics of compromise focused on a critique of the Argentinian and Portuguese dictatorships as paradigms of oppression and censorship. With this study, based on a comparatist analysis approach, we intend to show how the short stories “The Second Time Around” and “The Chair” denounce the evils of dictatorship, shaping fictions that explore the experience of impoverishment of the self. Cortázar’s text explores the practice of disappearance during Videla’s dictatorship from a absurd Kafkaesque perspective whereas Saramago’s writing focuses on the decline of Salazar’s dictatorship as a carnival game. Cortázar and Saramago assume the relevance of compromise, the aim of which is political disalienation in order to shape consciences enabling reassessing the evil effects of disalienating dictatorial regimes.

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3

Montag, Warren. "Introduction to Louis Althusser, ‘Some Questions Concerning the Crisis of Marxist Theory and of the International Communist Movement’." Historical Materialism 23, no. 1 (March 25, 2015): 141–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341387.

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In July 1976, Althusser delivered a lecture in Spain on the topic of the dictatorship of the proletariat. At the moment that many Western European Communist parties sought formally or informally to distance themselves from the dictatorships of both West and East, Althusser proposed to examine the emergence of the concept of the proletarian dictatorship in a specificity. The debates of the mid-seventies, he argued, obscured or repressed the concept’s corollary: the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, a notion that made visible the forms of coercion and control characteristic of ‘bourgeois democracy’. To ignore the latter was to risk squandering the opportunities the conjuncture offered and suffer both political and theoretical regression.

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Ferguson, James. "Haiti: from dictatorship to dictatorship." Race & Class 30, no. 2 (October 1988): 23–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030639688803000202.

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5

Wintrobe, Ronald. "The Tinpot and the Totalitarian: An Economic Theory of Dictatorship." American Political Science Review 84, no. 3 (September 1990): 849–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1962769.

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I use basic tools of economic theory to construct a simple model of the behavior of dictatorships. Two extreme cases are considered: a “tin-pot” dictatorship, in which the dictator wishes only to minimize the costs of remaining in power in order to collect the fruits of office (palaces, Mercedes-Benzes, Swiss bank accounts), and a “totalitarian” dictatorship, whose leader maximizes power over the population. I show that the two differ in their responses to economic change. For example, a decline in economic performance will lead a tin-pot regime to increase its repression of the population, whereas it will lead a totalitarian government to reduce repression. The model also shows why military dictatorships (a subspecies of tin-pots) tend to be short-lived and often voluntarily hand power over to a civilian regime; explains numerous features of totalitarian regimes; and suggests what policies will enable democratic regimes to deal with dictatorships effectively.

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6

Baturo, Alexander. "Cursus Honorum: Personal Background, Careers and Experience of Political Leaders in Democracy and Dictatorship—New Data and Analyses." Politics and Governance 4, no. 2 (June 23, 2016): 138–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v4i2.602.

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Politics in democracy and dictatorship is markedly different; democracy and dictatorship are also associated with distinct policy outcomes. Do political regimes also select different leaders, i.e., do democratic leaders have distinct personal backgrounds to those of their peers in dictatorships, do they tend to hold different prior careers and posts while climbing the “greasy pole” of politics? The aim of this paper is to introduce the new data on leaders’ careers in democracy and dictatorship and compare their personal background, experience in politics, careers and significant posts prior to their tenure, and details about their time in office, <em>inter alia</em>. In general, democratic leaders differ from nondemocratic ones in terms of their educational, social and career background. The paper also finds significant differences among leaders in different nondemocratic regimes, and suggests possible venues for further research.

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7

Knutsen, Carl Henrik. "Investigating the Lee thesis: how bad is democracy for Asian economies?" European Political Science Review 2, no. 3 (November 2010): 451–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773910000214.

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This paper discusses the hypothesis that democracy hurts economic growth and development, also known as the Lee thesis, and discusses why one could expect dictatorship to be particularly beneficial for growth in the Asian context. Three general theoretical arguments in support of the Lee thesis are then presented. However, the empirical results, based on panel data analysis on more than 20 Asian countries, do not support the hypothesis that dictatorship increases economic growth in Asia. There is no significant, average effect of democracy on growth. Asian dictatorships do invest a larger fraction of their GDP than democracies, but they are worse at generating high enrollment ratios in education after primary school.

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8

Anderson, Jr., Richard D. "The Colonialist Roots of Democratic Decay: Collective Action, Experimental Psychology, and Spatial Discourse." PCS – Politics, Culture and Socialization 9, no. 1 and 2-2018 (July 19, 2021): 35–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/pcs.v9i1-2.03.

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Democracy and dictatorship both depend on collective action, which humans avoid because it takes more effort than it is worth. Experimental psychology reveals that positive spatial discourse, explicit or implicit, reduces the effort that humans project a task to require. If so, dictatorships arise because explicit positive spatial cues, capable of retaining coherence only if assigning only to relatively few members of any population, generate the collective repression by a minority that establishes any dictatorship. Conversely the implicit cue to group size in a color metaphor, capable of assigning throughout a population, generates the universal franchise establishing a democracy. By supplementing spatial cues dividing Europeans with a metaphor of whiteness unifying Europeans and their settlers, colonialism made democracy possible once European withdrawal ended white dictatorship over colonial territories. But by erasing the condition that once secured the universal franchise among Europeans and their settlers, loss of colonies invigorates whites’ fears that hard won political rights have reverted to insecurity. That insecurity is responsible for the democratic decay now evident across Europe and its settler territories.

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9

Veronica, Valdivia. "Chile and Pinochetism, a popular dictatorship?" Latin-american Historical Almanac 28, no. 1 (November 9, 2020): 186–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2020-28-1-186-206.

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This article probes into the “popular” dimension of the Chilean dictatorship headed by General Augusto Pinochet, also branded “pino-chetista”, in its efforts to seek legitimacy among elite and middle-class groups, but especially among shantytown dwellers. In this it exhibited some peculiar traits, which set it apart from other dictatorships in Latin America’s Southern Cone. Its hypothesis suggests that the social support received by Chile’s dictatorship and “pinochetismo” was actively sought by its ruling circles, mainly on account of two factors: the urge of military officers and civilian backers to legitimize the coup d’état and the regime it set up, and the process of personalization that overtook it and eventually led to “pinochetismo”. Its aim was a re-socialization of the popular classes, turning them into adherents of its neoliberal authoritarian project. This venture implied the formation of state apparatuses capable of penetrating the popular world.

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10

Kamal, Assist Prof Hadel Adil. "Analisis personal del dictador en la novela la fiesta del Chivo." ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 218, no. 1 (November 9, 2018): 72–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v218i1.527.

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La Fiesta del Chivo is a story novel that portrays the Trujillo dictatorship in the Dominican Republic . Dictatorships have unfortunately been a constant feature in our continent This phenomenon also called Latin American caudillo has permeated the history of blood and violation of human rights . Usually of a dictatorship it is usually the result of a process of profound social upheaval and typically occurs through a military move against the power structures previously established movement that takes the form of coup. Terror and fascination of all Dominicans Trujillo and the facade of legality which is constructed to maintain an image of "democracy" against other states are observed in the novel , which is closely related to the question of the " crisis of sovereignty."

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11

Bivona, Kristal. "Installing Democracy." Latin American and Latinx Visual Culture 5, no. 4 (October 1, 2023): 41–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/lavc.2023.5.4.41.

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Transitional justice is a framework for dealing with past atrocities that are on such a large scale and so horrific that the usual institutions and justice system are unable to adequately address them. Countries in Latin America that transitioned from dictatorship to democracy in the 1980s pursued transitional justice when deciding how to meet the demands of victims and what to do with perpetrators. The interdisciplinary field of transitional justice studies is robust within the social sciences and law. Yet artistic production engages in dialogues with the official and unofficial stories of the dictatorships and their legacies and also contributes to understanding transitions to democracy. This essay examines how visual art in Uruguay engages with transitional justice and memory of the dictatorship (1973–85), taking as a case study the installation Artista de mierda (Artist of Shit, 2019) by Fernando Barrios (b. 1968). Nearly four decades after Uruguay began its democratic transition, the struggle over which narratives would dominate the collective memory of state terror and what society should do about the open wounds of the dictatorship continues to be negotiated. Beyond merely reflecting common discourses about the dictatorship and democracy, Artista de mierda engages with the memory of state violence and reveals how Uruguay’s incomplete transition to democracy and its embrace of neoliberalism exacerbate inequality and create conditions for certain political figures and artists to rise to prominence within their respective fields.

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12

Kressel, Daniel G. "The “Argentine Franco”?: The Regime of Juan Carlos Onganía and Its Ideological Dialogue with Francoist Spain (1966–1970)." Americas 78, no. 1 (January 2021): 89–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2020.106.

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AbstractThe article examines the ideological character of Juan Carlos Onganía's dictatorship by exploring its ties and dialogue with Francisco Franco's Spain. Known as the “Argentine Revolution,” Onganía's regime (1966-70) was, the article shows, one of the first Cold War Latin American dictatorship to overtly use Francoist ideology as its point of reference. While building on the conventional wisdom that the legacies of the Spanish Civil War informed right-wing thought in Latin America, the study then shifts its focus to Spain's 1960s “economic miracle” and technocratic state model, observing them as a prominent discursive toolkit for authoritarian Argentine intellectuals. Drawing on newly discovered correspondence and archival sources, the article first excavates the intellectual networks operating between Franco's Spain and the Argentine right during the 1950s and 1960s. Once handpicked by Onganía to design his regime, these Argentine Franco-sympathizers were to decide the character of the Argentine Revolution. Second, the article sheds light on the intimate collaboration between the two dictatorships, and further explores the reasons for Onganía's downfall. In doing so, the study adds to a burgeoning historiographic field that underscores the significance of the Francoist dictatorship in the Latin American right-wing imaginary.

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13

Andermann, Jens. "Showcasing Dictatorship." Journal of Educational Media, Memory, and Society 4, no. 2 (September 1, 2012): 69–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/jemms.2012.040205.

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This article compares two recently inaugurated museums dedicated to the period of dictatorial terror and repression in the Southern Cone: the Museum of Memory and Human Rights at Santiago, Chile (opened in 2009), and the Museum of Memory at Rosario, Argentina (2010). Both museums invoke in their very names the "memorial museum" as a new mode of exhibitionary remembrance of traumatic events from the past. They seek to sidestep the detachment and "objectivity" that has traditionally characterized historical museum displays in favor of soliciting active, performative empathy from visitors. Neither of the two institutions, however, complies entirely with the memorial museum's formal characteristics; rather, they reintroduce modern museographical languages of history and art, thus also challenging the emergent "global canon" of memorial museum aesthetics.

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14

Mrożek, Sławomir, Ela Kotkowska-Atkinson, and Karen Underhill. "The Dictatorship." Chicago Review 46, no. 3/4 (2000): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25304578.

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15

Quirk, William J. "Judicial dictatorship." Society 31, no. 2 (January 1994): 34–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02693213.

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16

Park, Sang-Hoon, Dae-Jin Yi, and Jae-Mook Lee. "Dictatorships and Redistribution : Empirical Analysis of Redistribution by Dictatorship Sub-regime Type." OUGHTOPIA 32, no. 1 (May 31, 2017): 271–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.32355/oughtopia.2017.05.32.1.271.

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17

Cheibub, José Antonio. "Political Regimes and the Extractive Capacity of Governments: Taxation in Democracies and Dictatorships." World Politics 50, no. 3 (April 1998): 349–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887100012843.

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Recent political and economic transformations in Latin America, Africa, Asia, and Eastern Europe have brought about a renewed interest in the incentives and capabilities of different types of political regimes to implement policies that are deemed necessary for economic development, in particular, policies aimed at increasing tax revenue. One central question is whether democracies can collect as much in taxes as dictatorships. This article addresses this question by examining whether regime type, classified as democracy or dictatorship, has a causal impact on a government's capacity to mobilize resources through taxation. On the basis of data gathered for 108 countries for the period between 1970 and 1990, the article concludes that observed differences across countries regarding the level of taxes collected by the government are not due to the fact that some are under a democracy and others under a dictatorship. Concerns about the inability of democratic regimes to collect taxes are, therefore, unfounded.

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18

Escribà-Folch, Abel, and Joseph Wright. "Human Rights Prosecutions and Autocratic Survival." International Organization 69, no. 2 (2015): 343–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818314000484.

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AbstractDo human rights prosecutions deter dictatorships from relinquishing power? Advances in the study of human rights show that prosecutions reduce repression in transition countries. However, prosecuting officials for past crimes may jeopardize the prospects of regime change in countries that have not transitioned, namely dictatorships. The creation of the International Criminal Court has further revitalized this debate. This article assesses how human rights prosecutions influence autocratic regime change in neighboring dictatorships. We argue that when dictators and their elite supporters can preserve their interests after a regime transition, human rights prosecutions are less likely to deter them from leaving power. Using personalist dictatorship as a proxy for weak institutional guarantees of posttransition power, the evidence indicates that these regimes are less likely to democratize when their neighbors prosecute human rights abusers. In other dictatorships, however, neighbor prosecutions do not deter regimes from democratizing.

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19

Behnen, Michael. "Democracy and Dictatorship." Philosophy and History 22, no. 2 (1989): 180–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philhist198922297.

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20

Poggi, Gianfranco. "Dictatorship Over Needs." Thesis Eleven 12, no. 1 (May 1985): 165–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/072551368501200112.

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21

Perez Soto, Carlos. "Democracy as Dictatorship." Athenea Digital. Revista de pensamiento e investigación social 15, no. 4 (December 31, 2015): 279. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/athenea.1579.

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22

Michnik, Adam. "Anatomy of dictatorship." Index on Censorship 41, no. 1 (March 2012): 32–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306422012438644.

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23

Sjöholm, Charlotte. "Film and Dictatorship." Film International 2, no. 2 (March 2004): 24–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/fiin.2.2.3.

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24

Avelar, Idelber. "Dictatorship and immanence." Journal of Latin American Cultural Studies 7, no. 1 (June 1998): 75–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569329809361925.

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25

Chipkin, Ivor. "Democracy and dictatorship." Social Dynamics 35, no. 2 (September 2009): 375–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02533950903116109.

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26

Harvey, E. "The Nazi Dictatorship." German History 6, no. 1 (January 1, 1988): 105–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/6.1.105.

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27

Grandin, Greg. "Darkness and Dictatorship." NACLA Report on the Americas 50, no. 3 (July 3, 2018): 240–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10714839.2018.1525029.

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28

Javanmardi, Leila. "Urbanism under dictatorship." Archnet-IJAR: International Journal of Architectural Research 13, no. 3 (November 11, 2019): 498–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/arch-05-2019-0128.

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Purpose By analyzing urbanism products, development plans and the process of modernization in Iran, the purpose of this paper is to critically trace the effect of dictatorial control on urbanism and the emergence of government-imposed urban segregation. Design/methodology/approach The main body of this work is concentrated on studying the history of urbanism in Iran, of which collecting data and descriptions played a crucial role. To prevent the limitations associated with singular methods, the methodology of this research is based on methodological triangulation (Denzin, 2017). With the triangulation scheme, the data are gathered by combining different qualitative and quantitative methods such as library, archival and media research, online resources, non-participatory observation and photography. For the empirical part, the city of Tehran is selected as the case study. Moreover, individual non-structured interviews with the locals were conducted to gain more insights regarding the housing projects. Findings The results reveal that despite the intense propaganda, the regime policies barely mentioned the urban poor. With the rise of new principles of architecture and urban planning, the regime tried to promote the image of an updated society; restructuring of the urban space was part of this process. However, the majority of the urban projects disregarded the financial ability of low-income groups and eventually benefited only the middle and upper classes. Also, by imposing a physical distance, low-income neighborhoods were located in the south in order to marginalize the urban poor who were in contrast with the idea of a modern city. Under these circumstances, severe economic inequality was provoked, which to this day has transformed into a complex socio-spatial segregation. Originality/value The works of general historical studies are not concentrated on urbanism and urban researchers have mostly focused on urbanism products during different periods, regardless, of the importance of urbanism as a tool in the service of hegemony. In other words, the majority of existing research investigates the evolution of urbanism and architecture in modern Iran, by questioning “what has been built?” and has ignored to trace the beneficiaries of the urban projects and to question “built for whom?”. Moreover, urbanism under the government of Mossadegh (1951–1953) has been largely overlooked, which could be due to his short time as Prime Minister of Iran. Mossadegh’s government was the first democratic government in Iran; hence investigating the policies used in this period has a great importance.

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29

SEIDMAN, MICHAEL. "The Longest Dictatorship." Contemporary European History 20, no. 1 (December 14, 2010): 97–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077731000038x.

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30

Bednay, Dezső, Anna Moskalenko, and Attila Tasnádi. "Dictatorship versus manipulability." Mathematical Social Sciences 101 (September 2019): 72–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.mathsocsci.2019.07.001.

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31

Schofield, Victoria. "Pakistan: benign dictatorship?" Asian Affairs 33, no. 1 (March 2002): 51–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714041463.

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32

Schiffbauer, Marc, and Ling Shen. "Democracy vs. dictatorship." Economics of Transition 18, no. 1 (January 2010): 59–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0351.2009.00371.x.

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33

Lisińska, Magdalena. "Nationalism and Dictatorship." Ad Americam 20 (December 31, 2019): 29–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/adamericam.20.2019.20.03.

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The goal of this paper is to re-examine the circumstances of the Falkland Islands crisis, caused by the Argentine annexation of the archipelago in 1982. It challenges the popular belief that the Falklands invasion was only aimed at distracting the society from the poor conditions of living caused by the deteriorating economy and lack of democracy. The paper takes into consideration a third factor: nationalism of the Argentine armed forces. The article takes both the domestic and international contexts of the Falklands crisis into consideration and presents how nationalist attitudes of the Argentine military influenced the Falklands conflict in 1982.

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Konstantin Kosachov. "REFERENDUMS AGAINST DICTATORSHIP." Current Digest of the Russian Press, The 74, no. 038 (September 25, 2022): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.21557/dsp.81113253.

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35

Chatterji, Shurojit, Arunava Sen, and Huaxia Zeng. "Random dictatorship domains." Games and Economic Behavior 86 (July 2014): 212–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.geb.2014.03.017.

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36

Liabedzka, Anatoly. "Europe's Last Dictatorship." European View 7, no. 1 (June 2008): 81–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12290-008-0029-7.

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37

Traverso, Antonio. "Dictatorship memories: Working through trauma in Chilean post-dictatorship documentary." Continuum 24, no. 1 (January 28, 2010): 179–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10304310903444037.

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Utami, Masita, and Mochammad Sa’id. "Negara dan Kediktatoran: Perspektif Psikologi Sosial." Flourishing Journal 2, no. 4 (September 12, 2022): 239–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.17977/um070v2i42022p239-246.

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Abstract: Leaders are almost always needed in a group or organizational situation, including a state, which has the purpose of making decisions. One style of leadership is authoritarian leadership. Leaders who embrace this leadership style are called dictators and the state or government led by dictators is called the dictatorship. However, empirical researches in psychology on dictatorship phenomena are still rarely done. Therefore, we expect this paper will encourage more empirical researches on this phenomenon in the field of psychology, especially social psychology. This article was written with a literature review approach from a variety of relevant sources: books, book chapters, review articles, and research articles. The perspective used is social psychological perspective because in our opinion it is more precise and comprehensive. The results of literature review show that dictatorship consists of three types: monarchic dictatorship, military dictatorship, and civilian dictatorship. The figure of a dictator in dictatorship state has narcissism trait classified in the Dark Triad characteristics. The dictatorship state has two main problems namely power-sharing and authoritarian control. Empirically, dictatorship practices have more negative than positive impacts on a state. In addition, dictatorship practices are also contrary to the nature of leadership should be played by a state leader. Abstrak: Pemimpin hampir selalu dibutuhkan dalam situasi kelompok atau organisasi, termasuk dalam sebuah negara, yang memiliki tujuan untuk membuat keputusan. Salah satu gaya kepemimpinan adalah kepemimpinan otoriter yang identik dengan kepemimpinan sewenang-wenang. Pemimpin yang menganut gaya kepemimpinan ini disebut dengan diktator dan negara atau pemerintahan yang dipimpin oleh diktator disebut dengan kediktatoran. Namun demikian, penelitian empiris di bidang psikologi mengenai fenomena kediktatoran masih jarang dilakukan. Oleh karena itu, tulisan ini diharapkan dapat mendorong lahirnya riset-riset empiris di bidang psikologi, khususnya psikologi sosial, mengenai fenomena kediktatoran. Artikel ini ditulis dengan pendekatan telaah literatur (literature review) dari berbagai sumber yang relevan, baik itu berupa buku, book chapter, artikel telaah, maupun artikel penelitian. Perspektif yang digunakan adalah perspektif psikologi sosial karena dianggap lebih tepat dan komprehensif. Hasil telaah literatur menunjukkan bahwa kediktatoran terdiri dari tiga jenis, yaitu monarchic dictatorship, military dictatorship, dan civilian dictatorship. Sosok diktator dalam negara kediktatoran biasanya memiliki trait kepribadian narsisisme yang tergolong dalam karakteristik Dark Triad. Negara kediktatoran memiliki dua masalah utama yaitu power-sharing dan authoritarian control. Secara empiris, praktik kediktatoran memiliki lebih banyak dampak negatif daripada positif bagi sebuah negara. Selain itu, praktik kediktatoran juga bertentangan dengan hakikat kepemimpinan yang harusnya diperankan oleh seorang pemimpin negara.

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39

Hadžialić, Sabahudin. "The dictatorship of democracy or democratic dictatorship in the new media." Cognitive Science – New Media – Education 1 (April 13, 2017): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/csnme.2016.001.

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40

Miró Quesada Rada, Francisco. "La dictadura como dominación política." Tradición, segunda época, no. 18 (January 8, 2020): 9–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.31381/tradicion.v0i18.2649.

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ResumenEn este artículo que titulamos La dictadura como dominación política, explicamos en qué consiste y cómo se organiza el uso arbitrario del poder a través de la forma de gobierno que el constitucionalista y politólogo alemán Karl Loëwenstain denomina con el nombre genérico de autocracias. Se refiere al autoritarismo y al totalitarismo que comúnmente llamamos dictadura y que los griegos llamaron tiranía. En otros términos, ambos son dos modalidades de autocracia. Cuando estudiamos esta forma de dominación política nos encontramos con una gran diversidad, pese a que hay algunos rasgos comunes. Esta diversidad se advierte en la monarquía, la autocracia que más ha durado a lo largo de la historia, pero que ahora se encuentra confinada en pocos países de cultura musulmana. También consideramos a las dictaduras individualizadas cuando un individuo, sin pertenecer a una aristocracia, concentra todo el poder como si fuera un monarca absoluto. Este sujeto puede ser civil o militar. Luego explicamos en qué consisten las dictaduras militares, cívicomilitares y el poder militar. En estos regímenes, igualmente, encontramos diversas expresiones políticas e ideológicas. Finalmente tratamos sobre las dictaduras institucionalizadas cuya máxima expresión es el totalitarismo, una forma política de dominación que se inició en el siglo XX y continúa en algunos países como China, Corea del Norte y Cuba. En esta categoría, aunque con una concepción ideológica distinta, están el nacional socialismo alemán y el fascismoitaliano. A las dictaduras de inspiración marxista leninista y maoísta se les llama comunistas; a nuestro modo de ver, un concepto equivocado porque el comunismo es la fase final del socialismo, una sociedad sin clases y sin Estado porque desaparece la dominación, y como esto no existe, en la práctica deberían denominarse dictaduras socialistas, o dictaduras socializantes; también podrían llamarse dictaduras en el socialismo realmente existente. No solo el totalitarismo es una dictadura institucionalizada, también hay formas institucionalizadas autoritarias, como el caso del Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) mexicano. Cabe notar que en el caso de los países asiáticos, sobre todo en China, se ha acentuado el culto a la personalidad, fenómeno que había disminuido luego de la reforma de Deng Xiaoping; en cambio, esto ha sido una tendencia constante en Corea del Norte. Ello determina que predomine la voluntad del líder sobre la institución,como ha sucedido en diversos casos en donde las dictaduras burocratizadas de partido único han sucumbido ante el poder de un líder máximo. Un hecho que no sucedió en México porque estaba prohibida la reelección presidencial que duraba siete años. Concluimos afirmando que muchas de estas formas de dominación política, que predominaron durante largos períodos de la historia, como por ejemplo las monarquías, sucumbieron por diversos movimientos de liberación que optaron por formas democráticas de gobierno. Pero también decimos al final del artículo que existe la dominación al interior de la democracia en un régimen económico capitalista que predomina en la globalización y que impera por medio del neoliberalismo.Palabras clave: Dominación, dictadura, autoritarismo, totalitarismo, liberación. AbstractIn this article, titled “The dictatorship as a political domination”, we explain what the arbitrary use of power consists of and how it is organized through the form of government, named by the German constitutionalist and political scientist Karl Loëwenstain with the generic term of “autocracies”. It refers to the authoritarianism and totalitarianism that we commonly call dictatorship and that the Greeks called tyranny. In other words, both are two modalities of autocracy. When we study this form of political domination, we find a great diversity, despite some common features. This diversity is evident in the monarchy, the autocracy that has lasted the longest throughout history but which is now confined to a few countries with a Muslim culture. We also consider individual dictatorships when an individual, without belonging to an aristocracy, concentrates all power as if he were an absolute monarch. This person can be civil or military. Then, we explainwhat military dictatorship, civic-military dictatorship and military power consist of. In these regimes, we also find diverse political and ideological expressions. Finally, we discussed the institutionalized dictatorships whose ultimate expression is totalitarianism, a political form of domination that began in the twentieth century and continues in some countries like China, North Korea and Cuba. In this category, although with a different ideological conception, are present the German National Socialism and Italian Fascism. Dictatorships with Marxist, Leninist and Maoist inspiration are called communists. In our point of view, this concept is wrong given the fact that communism is the final phase of socialism, a classless and stateless society due to the disappearance of domination. Hence, as this does not exist, they should be called socialist dictatorships, or socializing dictatorships. They could also be called dictatorships in the actual existing socialism. Totalitarianism is not the only institutionalized dictatorship; there are also other authoritarian institutionalized dictatorships such as the Mexican Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI).It is worth mentioning that in the case of Asian countries, especially in China, the cult of personality has been accentuated, a phenomenon that had decreased after the reform of Deng-Xiao-Pin, but which has been a constant trend in North Korea. This determines that the will of the leader predominates over the institution, as has happened in several cases where the bureaucratized one-party dictatorships have succumbed to the power of a maximum leader. This case did not happen in Mexico because of the prohibition of presidential re-election, which lasted seven years. In conclusion, we can agree that many of these forms of political domination, which predominated during long periods of history, such as monarchies, succumbed to various liberation movementsthat chose democratic forms of government. Nevertheless, we also mention at the end of the article that domination exists within democracy in the capitalist economic regime that predominatesin globalization, and that prevails through neoliberalism.Keywords: Domination, Dictatorship, Autoritarisms,Tatalitarism, Liberation

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LIM, JIE-HYUN. "Conference Report Coercion and Consent: A Comparative Study of ‘Mass Dictatorship’." Contemporary European History 13, no. 2 (May 2004): 249–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777304001705.

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What is the difference between pre-modern despotism and modern dictatorship? The answer is simple: despotism does not need massive backing from below, but dictatorship presupposes the support of the masses. This simple distinction is the starting point of the three-year ‘mass dictatorship’ project, launched in December 2002 with the financial support of the Korea Research Foundation and Hanyang University, Seoul. The project aims to position Korean debates about coming to terms with its dictatorial past in the context of other countries' experiences with dictatorship.

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Sondrol, Paul C. "Totalitarian and Authoritarian Dictators: A Comparison of Fidel Castro and Alfredo Stroessner." Journal of Latin American Studies 23, no. 3 (October 1991): 599–620. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00015868.

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Personal dictators remain a key feature of contemporary regimes termed ‘authoritarian’ or ‘totalitarian’, particularly in their early consolidating phases. But there is still disagreement over the seemingly ideological, polemical and indiscriminate use of the term totalitarian dictatorship as an analytic concept and tool to guide foreign policy formulation. Jeane Kirkpatrick elevated the taxonomy to a vociferous level of debate with a 1979 Commentary article. Entitled ‘Dictatorships and Double Standards’, the work raised anew semantic hairsplitting concerning the qualitative differences between all previous tyrannies and those bearing organisational similarities with the Nazi, Fascist or Stalinist prototypes.

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Almandoz, Arturo. "The intelligentsia's two visions of urban modernity: Gómez's Caracas, 1908–35." Urban History 28, no. 1 (May 2001): 84–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926801000153.

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This article focuses on the disparity between two urban reports of the Gómez regime (1908–35). Relying on the theoretical platform provided by European positivism, there is, on the one hand, the erudite ideologists' justification of the material achievements of the dictatorship. On the other hand, there is the critique present in the literary characters of the works written by the young political class, where the parochialism of Caracas served as an excuse to attack the social abuses and cultural obscurity of one of Latin America's longest dictatorships.

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Plesu, Andrei. "Intellectual Life Under Dictatorship." Representations 49, no. 1 (January 1995): 61–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rep.1995.49.1.99p0263r.

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Khilnani, Sunil. "Democracy, dictatorship and development." International Affairs 67, no. 4 (October 1991): 783. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2622470.

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Peskin, Alexander V. "Science and political dictatorship." Nature Reviews Genetics 2, no. 9 (September 1, 2001): 731. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/nrg0901_723a-c1.

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Yoder, Jennifer, and Corey Ross. "The East German Dictatorship." German Studies Review 26, no. 3 (October 2003): 692. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1432814.

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Dronicz, Stanisław, and Lesław Kawalec. "Dictatorship of the “Proletariat”." Dialogue and Universalism 21, no. 3 (2011): 137–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/du201121319.

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Olson, Mancur. "Dictatorship, Democracy, and Development." American Political Science Review 87, no. 3 (September 1993): 567–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2938736.

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Under anarchy, uncoordinated competitive theft by “roving bandits” destroys the incentive to invest and produce, leaving little for either the population or the bandits. Both can be better off if a bandit sets himself up as a dictator—a “stationary bandit” who monopolizes and rationalizes theft in the form of taxes. A secure autocrat has an encompassing interest in his domain that leads him to provide a peaceful order and other public goods that increase productivity. Whenever an autocrat expects a brief tenure, it pays him to confiscate those assets whose tax yield over his tenure is less than their total value. This incentive plus the inherent uncertainty of succession in dictatorships imply that autocracies will rarely have good economic performance for more than a generation. The conditions necessary for a lasting democracy are the same necessary for the security of property and contract rights that generates economic growth.

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Moyo, Last. "Blogging down a dictatorship." Communicare: Journal for Communication Studies in Africa 29, sed-1 (October 17, 2022): 42–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.36615/jcsa.v29ised-1.1673.

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This article examines the use of blogs to mediate the experiences of citizens during a violentelection in Zimbabwe. It focuses specifically on how people disseminated and shared informationabout their tribulations under a regime that used coercive measures in the face of its crumblinghegemonic edifice. The article frames these practices within theories of alternative media andcitizen journalism and argues that digitisation has occasioned new counter-hegemonic spacesand new forms of journalism that are deinstitutionalised and deprofessionalised, and whoseradicalism is reflected in both form and content. I argue that this radicalism in part articulates apostmodern philosophy and style as seen in its rejection of the elaborate codes and conventionsof mainstream journalism. The Internet is seen as certainly enhancing the people’s right tocommunicate, but only to a limited extent because of access disparities, on the one hand, and itsappropriation by liberal social movements whose configuration is elitist, on the other. I concludeby arguing that the alternative media in Zimbabwe, as reflected by Kubatana’s bloggers, lack thecapacity to envision alternative social and political orders outside the neo-liberal framework. This,I contend, is partly because of the political economy of both blogging as a social practice andalternative media as subaltern spaces. Just as the bloggers are embedded to Kubatana’s virtualspace to self-publish, Kubatana is likewise embedded to a neo-liberal discourse that is traceableto its funding and financing systems.

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