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1
Connell, Bruce, Firmin Ahoua, and Dafydd Gibbon. "Ega." Journal of the International Phonetic Association 32, no. 1 (June 2002): 99–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002510030200018x.
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Ega is an endangered language spoken in the south-central region of Côte d'Ivoire, in Divo Department. The precise number of speakers is not known at present; the 14th Ethnologue (Grimes 2000) reports 291 to 3,000, and notes that ‘the ethnic group is growing, but they are shifting to the Dida language because of intermarriage and other influences’. Our own preliminary and impressionistic work suggests the number of Ega speakers to be closer to the upper end of this range, perhaps around 2,000, but we note that Ega now serves a decreasing number of sociolinguistic functions, to the extent that in at least some villages Dida has replaced Ega as the primary language of daily use. It is also clear that the degree of intergenerational transmission is low in many, if not all, Ega villages.
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Puche Payá, Blanca. "Didactic proposal to deal with art contents through the English language in year 3 of Primary Education." Didáctica. Lengua y Literatura 32 (October 1, 2020): 41–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/dida.71783.
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Este trabajo se ha realizado en un entorno escolar de un nivel sociocultural de medio a alto con unos alumnos de tercero de Educación Primaria con gran nivel de inglés. Tiene como objetivo principal ver el arte de Picasso y sus principales periodos artísticos usando el inglés como lengua vehicular, integrando el contenido de arte y la lengua inglesa. El principal problema es la falta de horas de la asignatura de Plástica en el currículum, lo que la está dejando de lado. En este trabajo se exponen tres actividades con las que se trabajan contenidos de arte desarrollando las cuatro destrezas básicas de la lengua inglesa, a través de la metodología VTS, grupos de expertos y un dictado de dibujo. Se han obtenido buenos resultados, ya que los objetivos propuestos se han cumplido y los alumnos han sido capaces de expresarse usando terminología pictórica en inglés durante el desarrollo de las actividades, identificar figuras geométricas, y comprender la simbología de los colores cálidos y fríos. Este trabajo también posee algunas limitaciones como que la expresión escrita está menos desarrollada que el resto, por lo que se recomienda explotarla más en una futura puesta en práctica.
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Law, Danny. "Language mixing and genetic similarity." Diachronica 34, no. 1 (April 7, 2017): 40–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.34.1.02law.
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Abstract Definitions of ‘mixed’ or ‘intertwined’ languages derive almost entirely from studies of languages that combine elements from genetically unrelated sources. The Mayan language Tojol-ab’al displays a mixture of linguistic features from two related Mayan languages, Chuj and Tseltal. The systematic similarities found in related languages not only make it methodologically difficult to identify the source of specific linguistic features but also mean that inherited similarity can alter the processes and outcomes of language mixing in ways that parallel observed patterns of code-switching between related languages. Tojol-ab’al, therefore, arguably represents a distinct type of mixed language, one that may only result from mixture involving related languages.
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Bauer, Brigitte L. M. "Language sources and the reconstruction of early languages." Diachronica 37, no. 3 (July 15, 2020): 273–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.18026.bau.
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Abstract This article argues that with the original emphasis on dialectal variation, using primarily literary texts from various regions, analysis of Old French has routinely neglected social variation, providing an incomplete picture of its grammar. Accordingly, Old French has been identified as typically featuring e.g. “pro-drop”, brace constructions, and single negation. Yet examination of these features in informal texts, as opposed to the formal texts typically dealt with, demonstrates that these documents do not corroborate the picture of Old French that is commonly presented in the linguistic literature. Our reconstruction of Old French grammar therefore needs adjustment and further refinement, in particular by implementing sociolinguistic data. With a broader scope, the call for inclusion of sociolinguistic variation may resonate in the investigation of other early languages, resulting in the reassessment of the sources used, and reopening the debate about social variation in dead languages and its role in language evolution.
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Holman, Eric W. "Why are language families larger in some regions than in others?" Diachronica 21, no. 1 (July 30, 2004): 57–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.21.1.04hol.
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For most of the world’s language families that are not included in yet larger families, published sources were surveyed to determine the number of languages in the family, and also the lexical diversity among those languages as measured by cognate percentages in lexicostatistical wordlists. In this database, lexical diversity tends to be lower in American families than elsewhere; this result is consistent with several alternative explanations, some methodological and some historical. At any given level of diversity, however, African and Eurasian families tend to contain more languages than elsewhere; this result suggests faster historical expansion of language families, relative to lexical replacement within languages, in Africa and Eurasia.
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Munshi, Sadaf. "Contact-induced language change in a trilingual context." Diachronica 27, no. 1 (June 2, 2010): 32–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.27.1.02mun.
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This study provides a description and analysis of contact-induced language change in a dialect of Burushaski spoken in Srinagar (India). I present a unique situation in which contact outcomes are reflected via interplay of various sociolinguistic factors involving simultaneous contact with two languages — Kashmiri and Urdu, each affecting the language in a specific way: lexical borrowing from Urdu and structural borrowing from Kashmiri. The effects of contact are examined in a trilingual context where the contact languages are placed in a dominance relationship with Urdu occupying the top of the language hierarchy while Burushaski and Kashmiri are competing at the bottom. Data indicate that lexical borrowing and structural borrowing are two different types of contact phenomena which can occur independently of each other. The two processes are influenced by different sociolinguistic factors which may interact in different ways in different contact situations resulting in different types of contact outcomes.
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HOOKER, J. M. "WIDOW DIDO." Notes and Queries 32, no. 1 (March 1, 1985): 56—b—58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/nq/32-1-56b.
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Igartua, Iván. "Loss of grammatical gender and language contact." Diachronica 36, no. 2 (July 22, 2019): 181–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.17004.iga.
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Abstract Despite its alleged relative stability, grammatical gender has nevertheless been completely lost in a number of languages. Through the analysis of three case studies (Afrikaans, Ossetic, and Cappadocian Greek) and a brief survey of similar developments in other languages, this article investigates the link between the loss of gender and language contact, which appears to be a key factor in the decline of gender systems. Drawing on recent research within the framework of sociolinguistic typology, I focus on the specific influence that a particular type of language contact (namely, non-native or imperfect learning) usually exerts on the grammar of the languages being acquired. I also discuss the diachronic asymmetry between the loss and the development of gender in language contact settings: while gender loss seems to be contact-related in quite a number of cases, replication or borrowing of gender turns out to be a rather restricted or even rare phenomenon.
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Wichmann, Søren, André Müller, and Viveka Velupillai. "Homelands of the world’s language families." Diachronica 27, no. 2 (October 11, 2010): 247–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.27.2.05wic.
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A systematic, computer-automated tool for narrowing down the homelands of linguistic families is presented and applied to 82 of the world’s larger families. The approach is inspired by the well-known idea that the geographical area of maximal diversity within a language family corresponds to the original homeland. This is implemented in an algorithm which takes a lexicostatistically derived distance measure and a geographical distance measure and computes a lexical diversity measure for each language in the family relative to all the other related languages. The location of the language with the highest diversity measure is heuristically identified with the homeland.
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Law, Danny. "Pronominal borrowing among the Maya." Diachronica 26, no. 2 (July 30, 2009): 214–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.26.2.03law.
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A central concern in the study of language contact phenomena is the question of what linguistic features are more or less likely to be borrowed, and why. Pronominal borrowing, at least the direct borrowing of the phonological forms, is often ranked among the least common outcomes of language contact. This paper presents an extended case study of contact-induced changes in the system of person markers in several Mayan languages over nearly two thousand years of intense linguistic contact. The contact phenomena discussed appear to include the direct borrowing of pronominal ‘matter’, as well as the diffusion of structural and semantic ‘patterns’ that have led to a high degree of convergence in the overall system of pronominal reference in these languages. Possible social and linguistic motivations for the unusual contact-induced changes are considered.
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Dunn, Michael, Niclas Burenhult, Nicole Kruspe, Sylvia Tufvesson, and Neele Becker. "Aslian linguistic prehistory." Diachronica 28, no. 3 (October 5, 2011): 291–323. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.28.3.01dun.
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This paper analyzes newly collected lexical data from 26 languages of the Aslian subgroup of the Austroasiatic language family using computational phylogenetic methods. We show the most likely topology of the Aslian family tree, discuss rooting and external relationships to other Austroasiatic languages, and investigate differences in the rates of diversification of different branches. Evidence is given supporting the classification of Jah Hut as a fourth top level subgroup of the family. The phylogenetic positions of known geographic and linguistic outlier languages are clarified, and the relationships of the little studied Aslian languages of Southern Thailand to the rest of the family are explored.
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Heller-Roazen, Daniel. "Language, or No Language." diacritics 29, no. 3 (1999): 22–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dia.1999.0019.
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Simon, Ellen. "Laryngeal stop systems in contact." Diachronica 28, no. 2 (June 30, 2011): 225–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.28.2.03sim.
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This article examines the linguistic forces at work in present-day second language and bilingual acquisition of laryngeal contrasts, and to what extent these can give us insight into the origin of laryngeal systems of Germanic voicing languages like Dutch, with its contrast between prevoiced and unaspirated stops. The results of present-day child and adult second language acquisition studies reveal that both imposition and borrowing may occur when the laryngeal systems of a voicing and an aspirating language come into contact with each other. A scenario is explored in which socially dominant Germanic-speaking people came into contact with a Romance-speaking population, and borrowed the Romance stop system.
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Hualde Pascual, Pilar. "Dido y Fortunata." Bulletin hispanique, no. 119-2 (December 1, 2017): 693–714. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/bulletinhispanique.5184.
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Epps, Patience. "Growing a numeral system." Diachronica 23, no. 2 (December 15, 2006): 259–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.23.2.03epp.
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Numerals in many languages around the world can be argued to reflect a progressive build-up of historical stages (cf. Hurford 1987), each of which may also represent the synchronic upper limit of a numeral system in another language. This paper presents an intriguing test case of this claim by exploring the historical development of numerals in the languages of the Nadahup (Makú) family of the northwest Amazonian Vaupés region, in which the numeral strategies that can be inferred diachronically for one language are also represented synchronically in its sisters. The paper also demonstrates that even the most basic of the Nadahup numerals have transparent etymologies (a cross-linguistically unusual feature suggestive of their relatively recent development), and that areal diffusion contributed to the expansion of the systems, supporting the characterization of the Vaupés as a linguistic area.
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Holman, Eric W. "Do languages originate and become extinct at constant rates?" Diachronica 27, no. 2 (October 11, 2010): 214–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.27.2.03hol.
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The shape of phylogenetic trees of language families is used to test the null hypothesis that languages throughout a family originate and go extinct at constant rates. Trees constructed either by hand or by computer prove to be more unbalanced than predicted, with many languages on some branches and few on others. The observed levels of imbalance are not explainable by errors in the trees or by the population sizes or geographic density of the languages. The results suggest changes in rates of origination or extinction on a time scale shorter than the time depth of currently recognized families.
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Pelkey, Jamin. "Reconstructing phylogeny from linkage diffusion." Diachronica 32, no. 3 (November 27, 2015): 397–433. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.32.3.04pel.
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Linkage models of language diversification (Ross 1988, François 2014) represent the slow differentiation of closely related sister languages via dialect continua. Such historical relationships are said to prevent the reconstruction of branchinternal phylogeny. A newly defined mode of linkage variation challenges this restriction. In cladistic hinge diversification, speakers of a geographically central variety mediate innovations between isolated extremes of a sub-branch, while all three daughter branches maintain evidence of their own exclusive innovations. The resulting pattern blends linkage relations with family relations. Following a contextual review, the paper presents supporting evidence for the distinction from the Phowa languages of southwest China (Ngwi < Burmic < Tibeto-Burman). Data analysis includes sociohistory, dialectometry and genetic linguistic components. The argument affirms both wave and tree models of language change, enabling an enriched understanding of focal, relic and transition areas and their influence on the leveling, development and diffusion of linguistic innovations.
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Schwartz, Selby Wynn. "Bad Language: Transpositions in Mark Morris's Dido and Aeneas." Dance Research Journal 44, no. 2 (2012): 71–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0149767712000113.
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In the middle of Mark Morris's ballet Dido and Aeneas, set to the Henry Purcell opera of the same title, a female dancer mimes the story of the Greek goddess Diana and her unfortunate suitor, Actaeon. While hunting in the mountains, Actaeon catches sight of Diana bathing nude, and the fiercely chaste goddess transforms him into a stag; his own well-trained hounds, baying triumphantly, turn on their master. When the word “mountain” is sung, the dancer marks out two jagged peaks over her head with one hand. When the hunter Actaeon is mentioned by name, the dancer mimes a bow being arched and an arrow shot from it. Then, as the line “here, here, Actaeon met his fate,” is being sung, the dancer points one finger down at a spot on the ground, nodding emphatically. It was here, she is saying—right here, where I am pointing, see?
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Hammarström, Harald. "A full-scale test of the language farming dispersal hypothesis." Diachronica 27, no. 2 (October 11, 2010): 197–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.27.2.02ham.
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One attempt at explaining why some language families are large (while others are small) is the hypothesis that the families that are now large became large because their ancestral speakers had a technological advantage, most often agriculture. Variants of this idea are referred to as the Language Farming Dispersal Hypothesis. Previously, detailed language family studies have uncovered various supporting examples and counterexamples to this idea. In the present paper I weigh the evidence from ALL attested language families. For each family, I use the number of member languages as a measure of cardinal size, member language coordinates to measure geospatial size and ethnographic evidence to assess subsistence status. This data shows that, although agricultural families tend to be larger in cardinal size, their size is hardly due to the simple presence of farming. If farming were responsible for language family expansions, we would expect a greater east-west geospatial spread of large families than is actually observed. The data, however, is compatible with weaker versions of the farming dispersal hypothesis as well with models where large families acquire farming because of their size, rather than the other way around.
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Jacques, Guillaume, and Alexis Michaud. "Approaching the historical phonology of three highly eroded Sino-Tibetan languages." Diachronica 28, no. 4 (December 14, 2011): 468–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.28.4.02jac.
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Naxi, Na and Laze are three languages whose position within Sino-Tibetan is controversial. We propose that they are descended from a common ancestor (‘Proto-Naish’). Unlike conservative languages of the family, such as Rgyalrong and Tibetan, which have consonant clusters and final consonants, Naxi, Na and Laze share a simple syllabic structure (consonant+glide+vowel+tone) due to phonological erosion. This raises the issue of how the regular phonological correspondences between these three languages should be interpreted, and what phonological structure should be reconstructed for Proto-Naish. The regularities revealed by comparing the three languages are interpreted in light of potential cognates in conservative languages. This brings out numerous cases of phonetic conditioning of vowels by place of articulation of a preceding consonant or consonant cluster. Overall, these findings warrant a relatively optimistic conclusion concerning the feasibility of unraveling the phonological history of highly eroded language subgroups within Sino-Tibetan.
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Auderset, Sandra. "Interrogatives as relativization markers in Indo-European." Diachronica 37, no. 4 (October 27, 2020): 474–513. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.19030.aud.
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Abstract The use of interrogative pronouns as relative clause markers is often mentioned as a typical feature of European languages. This study presents an empirical approach to the distribution of interrogative pronouns as relative clause markers in time and space in the Indo-European language family. Based on a comprehensive sample of ancient and modern Indo-European languages, it is shown that interrogative-marked relative clauses are present in all stages of Indo-European within and outside of Europe. An analysis by branch suggests that this constitutes a case of parallel innovations subsequently spreading via language contact. The study also shows that interrogatives are used as relative clause markers independently of whether they are inflected pronouns or invariable markers.
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Andersen, Torben. "[ATR] reversal in Jumjum." Diachronica 23, no. 1 (June 29, 2006): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.23.1.03and.
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Jumjum, a Western Nilotic language, has an eight-vowel system divided into two sets by the feature [ATR] (Advanced Tongue Root), which is the basis of vowel harmony. A comparison with other Western Nilotic languages shows that (i) this vowel system goes back to a ten-vowel system in Proto-Western Nilotic (PWN), (ii) PWN high [−ATR] vowels have become high [+ATR] vowels in Jumjum, and (iii) conversely, PWN high [+ATR] vowels have become high [−ATR] vowels in Jumjum. The sequence of changes that resulted in this [ATR] reversal in Jumjum relative to PWN provides a historical explanation of synchronically odd, grammatically conditioned vowel-quality alternations in this language.
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Teil-Dautrey, Gisèle. "Et si le proto-bantu était aussi une langue … avec ses contraintes et ses déséquilibres." Diachronica 25, no. 1 (May 14, 2008): 54–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.25.1.04tei.
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This article aims to define the phonological structure of Proto-Bantu lexical units on the basis of frequencies of reconstructed consonant co-occurrences. Starting from the main reconstructions given in BLR3, I present evidence for the presence of unexpected frequencies indicating imbalances in two directions. Certain consonant co-occurrences have not been reconstructed, essentially consonants sharing the same place of articulation and differing by only one feature, either voicing or nasality. These “gaps” in the proto-lexicon turn out to correspond to more general constraints that tend, on the one hand, towards the differentiation of place of articulation and, on the other hand, on agreement in voicing and nasality. However, in cases where *C1 and *C2 share the same place of articulation, Proto-Bantu seems to prefer identity over similarity. In looking to establish a link between the phonotactic constraints of the mother language and those of daughter languages, the latter take different directions, either a direction identical to that of the mother language, or a divergent one. In the reconstructions, the constraints on the nasality feature show similarities to those present in contemporary languages: Ganda has extended the constraint reconstructed for alveolars to all co-occurrences between a voiced stop and a nasal with the same place of articulation. However, the constraints on voicing generated by the dissimilation rule known as Dahl’s Law go in a divergent direction. I bring support here for the view that Dahl’s Law is in fact a daughter-language innovation. Furthermore, I show that this innovation was probably induced by the imbalances of the mother language; the rule fills Proto-Bantu distributional gaps. Finally, I discuss the implications of this study for the Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP).
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Miller, D. Gary. "Where do conjugated infinitives come from?" Diachronica 20, no. 1 (August 14, 2003): 45–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.20.1.05mil.
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Although conjugated infinitives (CIs) occur in languages as diverse as Portuguese, Welsh, Hungarian, and West Greenlandic, the prototypical infinitive is nonfinite in the traditional sense: it has no subject person agreement. This paper argues that CIs are special in the sense that they cannot arise spontaneously in the course of language acquisition. Even in languages with obligatory agreement, CIs require salient triggers. Two common sources are identified: (1) purposive subjunctives; (2) pronominal elements (e.g., construed with a nominalization). These sources require one of two kinds of reanalysis, generally based on a surface ambiguity. In all of the cases documented here, more than one of these factors interacted to trigger a CI.
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Good, Jeff. "Reconstructing morpheme order in Bantu." Diachronica 22, no. 1 (July 29, 2005): 3–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.22.1.02goo.
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The morphological ordering relationships among a set of valence-changing suffixes found throughout the Bantu family have been of theoretical interest in a number of synchronic studies of the daughter languages. However, few attempts have yet been made to reconstruct the principles governing their ordering in the parent language. Based on a survey of over thirty Bantu languages, this paper proposes a reconstruction wherein the order of suffixes marking causativization and applicativization was fixed in Proto-Bantu. This reconstruction runs counter to approaches to morphosyntax where semantic scope is taken to determine the order of morphemes but is consistent with templatic approaches to morpheme ordering in the Bantu family.
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Heath, Jeffrey. "Innovation of head-marking in Humburi Senni (Songhay, Mali)." Diachronica 28, no. 1 (May 26, 2011): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.28.1.01hea.
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Humburi Senni (HS), the Songhay language spoken in the town of Hombori in Mali, has innovated not one but two suffixal pronominal-possessor paradigms for nouns (inalienable vs. alienable), a suffixal pronominal-complement paradigm for (original) postpositions, and a suffixal Imperative Singular for verbs. These are absent (with one very limited, but important, exception) in other Songhay languages, including HS’s nearest genetic neighbor. The effect is that HS has veered sharply toward head-marking, which is virtually absent in other Songhay languages. However, its specific typological profile is unusual, with head-marking well-developed for nouns and adpositions but absent from nonimperative verbs/clauses. We can reconstruct the sequence of events (crucially involving the encliticization of opportunistically appended independent pronouns) that result in the attested paradigms. As a result of these innovations, plus another innovation involving the morphology of unpossessed nouns, an original Definite Singular suffix *-òó now has four reflexes — none of which is now definite. Neither language contact nor demographic disruption played a role in the innovations; instead, the initial catalyst for the head-marking was probably the monophthongization of 1sg proclitic *ay to *i, merging segmentally with 3pl proclitic *i.
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Sussman, Charlotte. "Where Will Dido Rest?" Modern Philology 118, no. 2 (November 1, 2020): 213–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/711143.
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Ratliff, Martha. "Tone Language Type Change in Africa and Asia." Diachronica 9, no. 2 (January 1, 1992): 239–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.9.2.05rat.
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SUMMARY Tone languages can be characterized by the degree to which they realize one of two tone language prototypes defined in terms of tone function. Type A tone languages (usually Asian) employ tone lexically and in minor morphological patterns. Type B tone languages (usually African and Mesoamerican) employ tone to make major morphological distinctions in addition to performing type A functions. For communicative reasons, these functions are necessarily linked to other structural properties of the languages of each type. This paper discusses three tone languages which have undergone different degrees of tone language type change and, as a result, are genetically or areally atypical: !Xũ (Khoisan), Gokana (Niger-Congo), and Mpi (Tibeto-Burman). It is the claim of the author that the driving force behind tone language type change, as exemplified by these three languages, is a change in the role of segmental morphology. RÉSUMÉ On peut caractériser les langues tonales par le degré par lequel elles réalisent un des deux prototypes de langues tonales définis en terme de fonction tonale. Les langues tonales de type A (généralement asiatiques) emploient le ton pour des fonctions lexicales et des fonctions morphologiques mineures. Outre les fonctions de type A, les langues tonales de type B (généralement africaines et mésoaméricaines) emploient le ton pour des fonctions morphologiques majeures. La communication ayant ses exigences, ces fonctions sont inévitablement liées aux autres propriétés structurales de chaque type. Dans cette étude il s'agit de trois langues tonales qui ont subi différents degrés de changement de type tonal et qui sont, par conséquent, atypiques du point de vue génétique et régional: !Xũ (Khoisan), Gokana (Niger-Congo), et Mpi (Tibeto-Birman). Se fondant sur ces trois langues, l'auteur émet l'hypothèse que la causalité de l'évolution du ton se trouve dans un changement du rôle de la morphologie segmentate. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Tonsprachen kônnen nach dem Grade, nach dem sie einem der beiden Pro-totypen folgen, charakterisiert werden, und zwar im Sinne ihrer Funktion: Typ A Tonsprachen (meistens asiatische) verwenden Ton lexikalisch und in we-niger wichtigen morphologischen Strukturen; Typ B Tonsprachen (zumeist afrikanische und mittelamerikanische) hingegen verwenden Ton, um wichtige morphologische Unterscheidungen zu treffen, wâhrend sie gleichzeitig auch Funktionen des Typ A wahrnehmen. Aus kommunikativen Griinden sind die Funktionen notwendigerweise mit anderen Struktureigenschaften der Sprachen des jeweiligen Typs verbunden. Der Aufsatz analysiert drei Tonsprachen, die zu verschiedenen Graden Ànderungen in ihrem Tonsystemtyp erfahren haben und daher als entweder genetisch oder areal gesehen atypisch sind: !Xu (Khoi-san), Gokana (Niger-Kongo) und Mpi (Tibeto-Burmesisch). Die Autorin ist der Auffassung, daB die treibende Kraft hinter diesem Tonsprachentypwandel, wie er in diesen drei Sprachen aufgezeigt wird, in der Verânderung in der Rolle der segmentalen Morphologie in diesen Sprachen zu suchen sei.
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Bostoen, Koen, and Jean-Pierre Donzo. "Bantu-Ubangi language contact and the origin of labial-velar stops in Lingombe (Bantu, C41, DRC)." Diachronica 30, no. 4 (December 31, 2013): 435–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.30.4.01bos.
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We examine the origin of labial-velar stops in Lingombe, a language from the northern Bantu borderland. Labial-velar stops are uncommon in Bantu. It is generally believed that they were acquired through contact with neighbouring non-Bantu speakers, in casu Ubangi languages. We show that the introduction of labial-velar stops in Lingombe is indeed a contact-induced change, but one which could not happen through superficial contact. It involved advanced bilingualism, whereby Ubangi speakers left a phonological substrate in the Bantu language to which they shifted. Once adopted, these loan phonemes underwent a further language-internal extension to native vocabulary, a process known as ‘hyperadaptation’. Both conventional sound symbolism and the deliberate attempt to differentiate the speech of one’s own social group were important for the further proliferation of labial-velar stops in Lingombe. This type of conscious analogical sound change is at odds with Neogrammarian principles of regular sound change.
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Verstraete, Jean-Christophe. "Contact-induced restructuring of pronominal morphosyntax in Umpithamu (Cape York Peninsula, Australia)." Diachronica 29, no. 3 (October 10, 2012): 326–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.29.3.03ver.
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This paper analyses the morphosyntactic status of pronouns in Umpithamu, a language from Cape York Peninsula (Australia). The analysis shows that pronominal morphosyntax in Umpithamu deviates from what can be expected historically and typologically, and attributes this to restructuring under the influence of intensive contact with Lamalamic languages, to which it is not closely related. The evidence for contact-induced restructuring combines a clear linguistic case involving a rare morphosyntactic pattern with a rare function, with a well-documented anthropological case for long-standing language contact. The outcome of the process is morphologically hybrid, combining the external structure of enclitic forms with the internal structure of free forms, which testifies to the abrupt nature of the process that was involved.
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Khikmah Susanti and Mercy Lona Darwaty Ryndang Sriganda. "Gaya Komunikasi Ferdy Tahier dan Didi Riyadi dalam Tayangan Ferdy and Didi Show pada Kanal DiTivi." Communications 3, no. 1 (January 31, 2021): 58–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.21009/communications.4.1.4.
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YouTube channels that have sprung up in the last 15 years, you could say these channels are owned by the general public and artists. They become YouTubers offering content that is both informative and entertainment in nature. DiTivi is a YouTube channel owned by Didi Riyadi, a well-known Indonesian artist. Didi as DiTivi's content creator creates several contents, one of which is Ferdy and Didi Show. These impressions provide informative and entertaining content. The purpose of this research is to find out how the communication style of Ferdy and Didi as hosts on the Ferdy and Didi Show shows according to the indicators, namely, language selection, word selection, pronunciation techniques and message source delivery. The method used is a qualitative descriptive approach. Data collection was obtained from the YouTube channel Ditivi broadcast by Ferdy and Didi Show by selecting two episodes to be studied based on adjustments to time and situational context. The results of this study, the communication style developed by Ferdy and Didi is an aggressive and assertive communication style. With the concept of intimate talks in the sense that the conversation takes place in a friendly and informal atmosphere, the flow of two-way communication where both of them play their role well, when they become communicators or communicants so that the feed that is thrown gets a quick response. The language selection is Indonesian with the Betawi dialect, mixed with Sundanese and English. Selection of words contains entertainment and unstructured information, the delivery of words that are inverted and repeated. Pronunciation techniques, there are differences in the way of delivery, Ferdy uses a soft and calm voice, Didi uses a morefirm and clear voice. Delivery of the source of the message, both convey based on the field of their own experiences and frames of reference for other people's thoughts.
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Vennemann, Theo. "Language Universals." Diachronica 9, no. 1 (January 1, 1992): 47–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.9.1.04ven.
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SUMMARY It is traditionally believed that language universals have their source in the uniform genetic endowment of all human beings. In his keynote address "Investigating linguistic universals" presented at the 12th International Congress of Phonetic Sciences, held at Aix-en-Provence in 1991, Ian Maddieson has proposed a second source: the arbitrary features and idiosyncrasies of a primordial parent language of more than 100,000 years ago. He attempts to support his proposal with the claim that certain contingent properties of languages are stable and may thus be inherited from that parent language. It is shown in the present paper that Maddieson's stability claims are false. It is also pointed out that Maddieson's erroneous proposal derives from a specific perspective on languages whereby patterns are assigned a central role and change appears as an occasional disturbance of patterns. From the opposite perspective whereby change is the very nature of language and patterns are merely epiphenom-enal, it becomes clear that any contingent properties of a primordial parent language (if it ever existed) would have been changed or lost long ago in the perennial re-creation of all descended languages. It is maintained that language universals are not a matter of endowment and inheritance, but derive exclusively from the human linguistic endowment. RÉSUMÉ Il est traditionellement accepté que les universaux linguistiques ont leur source dans équipement génétique uniforme de la race humaine. Dans son allocution plénaire "Investigating linguistic universals", presentée au XIIe Congrès international des Sciences phonétiques (tenu à Aix-en-Provence en 1991), Ian Maddieson a proposé une deuxième source, à savoir les traits arbitraires et les idiosyncrasies du langage primordial d'il y a plus de 100000 ans (dont les langues qu'on connaît seraient issues). Maddieson s'efforce à donner appui à son hypothèse en déclarant que certaines propriétés contingeantes des langues sont stables et qu'il se peut qu'elles aient été héritées de cette langue mère primordiale. Dans le présent article Fauteur démontre que les hypothèses de Mad-dieson en ce qui concerne la stabilité de certains traits sont incorrectes. Ses propositions semblent avoir leur source dans une perspective particulière des langues où le rôle central est assigné à un maintien d'un certain nombre de structures comparativement fixes tandis que le changement linguistique est considéré comme un dérangement occasionnel de ces structures. Prenant une perspective opposée selon laquelle le changement est caractéristique de la nature même du langage et que ces structures sont plutôt des épiphénomènes, il semble évident que les propriétés contingentes d'une telle langue primordiale (si une telle langue a existé) auraient été changées où perdues longtemps à la suite de la re-création perpétuelle qui a lieu dans tous les langues descendues d'une telle langue 'mère'. L'auteur du présent article maintient que les univer-saux linguistiques n'ont pas leur source dans le don et l'héritage, mais dérivent exclusivement de cet équipement linguistique partagé par tout être humain. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Nach allgemeiner Auffassung haben sprachliche Universalien ihren Ur-sprung in der einheitlichen genetischen Grundausstattung der Menschen. In seinem Hauptvortrag zur Erforschung sprachlicher Universalien beim Interna-tionalen Phonetikerkongreß 1991 hat Ian Maddieson eine zweite Quelle vorge-schlagen: die zufälligen, idiosynkratischen Eigenschaften einer ursprünglichen Muttersprache aller lebenden Sprachen, die vor mehr als hunderttausend Jah-ren gesprochen worden sein soll. Zum Beweis macht er geltend, da8 gewisse kontingente Eigenschaften der Sprachen stabil seien und somit aus der Ursprache ererbt sein könnten. Im vorstehenden Artikel wird gezeigt, daß es die von Maddieson behauptete Stabilität nicht gibt. Ferner wird verdeutlicht, da8 Maddiesons irrige Annahme die Folge einer bestimmten Sehweise ist, der zufolge sprachliche Strukturen eine zentrale Rolle spielen und Sprachwandel lediglich als eine gelegentliche Störung von Strukturen erscheint. Die entge-gengesetzte Sehweise, der zufolge die Veränderung das eigentliche Wesen der Sprachen ausmacht und Strukturen lediglich als Epiphänomene erscheinen, macht von vornherein wahrscheinlich, daB sämtliche kontingenten Eigenschaften der Ursprache (falls es eine solche je gab) in dem ständigen Prozeß der Neuschaffung aller von ihr abstammenden Sprachen längst verändert oder beseitigt worden waren. Es folgt, daB sprachliche Universalien keine zweite Quelle im arbiträren Erbe einer postulierten Ursprache haben, sondern aus-schlieBlich der universellen linguistischen Grundausstattung der Menschen zuzuschreiben sind.
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Louden, Mark L. "Review article: Child language acquisition and language change." Diachronica 20, no. 1 (August 14, 2003): 167–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.20.1.09lou.
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Harvey, Mark. "Lexical change in pre-colonial Australia." Diachronica 28, no. 3 (October 5, 2011): 345–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.28.3.03har.
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Current analyses present lexical borrowing as a pervasive phenomenon in pre-colonial Australia. They propose that this follows from the high levels of multilingualism and language group exogamy which characterized pre-colonial sociality. This article shows that lexical borrowing was not pervasive in Australia, arguing that there is no necessary or even default relation between high levels of multilingualism and language group exogamy, and high levels of borrowing. These social phenomena may equally be accompanied by extremes of lexical differentiation between languages. Australia provides many examples of such differentiation. The paper also argues that there are no examples of the borrowing of lexical material from irregular paradigms in Australia. As such, the sharing of lexical material from irregular paradigms is a reliable guide to genetic relations in Australia.
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Gutting, Edward. "Marriage in theAeneid:Venus, Vulcan, and Dido." Classical Philology 101, no. 3 (July 2006): 263–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/511017.
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Pronk, Tijmen. "Language contact and prosodic change in Slavic and Baltic." Diachronica 35, no. 4 (December 31, 2018): 552–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.16038.pro.
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Abstract This paper discusses several Slavic and Baltic dialects which have undergone stress shifts as a result of language contact. Two types of change are discussed: (1) stress retractions from the final syllable onto the initial syllable of a prosodic word, and (2) the rise of fixed stress replacing earlier free stress. It is argued that in all cases discussed in the paper, contact with a language with fixed initial stress caused a stress shift. Examples from Croatian and Lithuanian demonstrate that pitch contours played an important role in these shifts. The results of the shifts are not always identical, but the underlying mechanism is the same in each of these cases: the lexical pitch contour of the donor language was imposed on the target language, thereby introducing constraints on the position of stress in the target language. It is argued that a similar mechanism operated in West Slavic, where languages with free stress introduced fixed stress on the initial or penultimate syllable due to contact with German and possibly Hungarian.
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Wichmann, Søren. "Languages and dialects represented in the study. Appendix B to Homelands of the world’s language families. A quantitative approach." Diachronica 27, no. 2 (2010): 1–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.27.2.05wic.app_b.
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Post, Mark W. "The distribution, reconstruction and varied fates of topographical deixis in Trans-Himalayan (Sino-Tibetan)." Diachronica 37, no. 3 (August 3, 2020): 368–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.19018.pos.
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Abstract Topographical deixis refers to a variety of spatial-environmental deixis, in which typically distal reference to entities is made in terms of a set of topographically-anchored referential planes: most often, upward, downward, or on the same level. This article reviews the genealogical and geographic distribution of topographical deixis in Trans-Himalayan (Sino-Tibetan) languages, reviews the conditions in which topographical deixis in Trans-Himalayan languages may be gained or lost, and concludes that (a) topographical deixis is overwhelmingly found in languages spoken in montane environments, and (b) topographical deixis most likely reconstructs to a deep level within Trans-Himalayan. The language spoken at that level – whose precise phylogenetic status cannot yet be specified – was overwhelmingly likely to have been spoken in a montane environment.
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Irastorza, L. J., P. Rojano, T. Gonzalez-Salvador, J. Cotobal, M. Leira, C. Rojas, G. Rubio, et al. "Psychometric properties of the Spanish version of the Diagnostic Interview for Depressive Personality." European Psychiatry 27, no. 8 (February 5, 2011): 582–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.eurpsy.2010.11.003.
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AbstractThe aim of this study was to evaluate the reliability and validity of the Spanish-language version of the Diagnostic Interview for Depressive Personality (DIDP). The DIDP was administered to 328 consecutive outpatients and the test–retest and inter-rater reliability were assessed. Factor analysis was used in search of factors capable of explaining the scale and a cutoff point was established. The DIDP scales showed adequate Cronbach's α values and acceptable test–retest and inter-rater reliability coefficients. Convergent and discriminant validity were explored, the latter with respect to avoidant and borderline personality disorders. The results of the factor analysis were consistent with the four-factor structure of the DIDP scales. The receiver operating characteristic (ROC) analysis revealed the area under the curve to be 0.848. We found 30 to be a good cutoff point, with a sensitivity of 74.5% and a specificity of 78.5%. The DIDP proved to be a reliable and valid instrument for assessing depressive personality disorder, at least among our outpatients. The psychometric properties of the DIDP support its clinical usefulness in assessing depressive personality.
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McWhorter, John. "Tying up loose ends." Diachronica 28, no. 1 (May 26, 2011): 82–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.28.1.04mcw.
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Since the introduction of the Creole Prototype hypothesis in 1998, much of the controversy it has occasioned has centered on a question as to whether it is scientifically appropriate to reconstruct creoles as born as pidgins, rather than as results of only moderately transformational second-language acquisition or as simply mixtures of ‘features’ from assorted languages coming together. This paper first outlines traits in creoles that reveal their origin in pidgins. Then, the paper refines the characterization of the Creole Prototype’s three features, regarding inflectional morphology, tone, and compositionality of derivation-root combinations. The inflectional component is refined to incorporate Booij’s (1993) distinction between contextual and inherent inflection and Kihm’s (2003) proposal that inflectional morphology can be either bound or free. The tonal stipulation is refined in view of traits of Mon-Khmer phonology that distinguish these languages from creoles despite their analyticity, and the grammatical uses of tone in some creoles such as Papiamentu and Principense. Finally, for the derivational component, an account is proposed for the noncompositionality of reduplicated forms that have been observed in many creoles. The conclusion is that there remains a synchronic characterization possible only in languages recently born from pidgins, and impossible of older (i.e. most) languages.
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Haynie, Hannah J. "Deep relationships among California languages." Diachronica 31, no. 3 (November 14, 2014): 407–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.31.3.04hay.
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The Hokan and Penutian language classifications, introduced by Dixon & Kroeber (1913), remain controversial nearly a century after they were first proposed. Recently developed computational methods for identifying historical relationships between languages are promising tools for assessing distant linguistic relationship proposals such as these. This paper uses a variation of the linguistic relatedness metric and multilateral clustering procedure developed by Kessler (1999, 2001) to study California language phylogenetics. The purpose is twofold: to evaluate the utility of this methodology for identifying deep relationships, and to re-examine the evidence for Hokan and Penutian groupings. While this paper illustrates several advantages of the methodology employed, it ultimately fails to provide any additional support for Hokan or Penutian. I conclude that while this result may be influenced by the sensitivity of the methodology to the composition of the input sample, it ultimately casts further doubt on the genealogical nature of the Hokan and Penutian classificatory groups.
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Campbell, Lyle, and Verónica Grondona. "Internal reconstruction in Chulupí (Nivaclé)." Diachronica 24, no. 1 (June 1, 2007): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.24.1.02cam.
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This paper is about internal reconstruction and the history of Chulupí, a Matacoan language of Argentina and Paraguay. We apply internal reconstruction and postulate several sound changes in the history of Chulupí. We bring the results of this internal reconstruction to bear on external comparisons based on cognates in other Matacoan languages, and in this way we check the validity of the internal reconstruction and contribute to aspects of Matacoan historical linguistics. We discuss some methodological implications for internal reconstruction in general and its relationship to the comparative method.
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Jacobson, Howard. "Vergil's Dido and Euripides' Helen." American Journal of Philology 108, no. 1 (1987): 167. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/294923.
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Sansò, Andrea. "Where do antipassive constructions come from?" Diachronica 34, no. 2 (July 14, 2017): 175–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.34.2.02san.
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Abstract The aim of this article is to provide an overview of the main sources of antipassive constructions based on a 120-language sample. The sample includes the 48 languages with an antipassive in the WALS (Polinsky 2013) + 72 further languages in which an antipassive or a functionally equivalent construction is attested (e.g., deobjective constructions, unspecified object constructions, etc.). The diachronic sources of antipassives are identified drawing on two kinds of evidence: (i) etymological reconstructions based on the comparative method; (ii) synchronic resemblance between (some features of) the source construction and (some features of) the target construction. Four main diachronic sources are recurrent in the sample: (i) agent nominalizations; (ii) generic/indefinite items filling the object position (e.g., “person” for animate objects, “(some)thing” for inanimate objects); (iii) action nominalizations, sometimes accompanied by a light verb like “do”; and (iv) morphemes encoding reflexive/reciprocal actions. For each of these sources, a diachronic scenario is proposed through which the antipassive construction might have come into existence. The article also explores the hypothesis that at least some of the functional and structural differences among antipassive constructions across languages may be explained by taking into account the diachronic sources of these constructions.
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Krummen, Eveline. "Dido Als Mänade und Tragische Heroine." Poetica 36, no. 1-2 (December 19, 2004): 25–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25890530-036-01-02-90000002.
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Krummen, Eveline. "Dido Als Mänade und Tragische Heroine." Poetica 36, no. 1-2 (June 27, 2004): 25–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25890530-0360102002.
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Potter, L. "Marlowe's Dido: Virgilian or Ovidian?" Notes and Queries 56, no. 4 (November 27, 2009): 540–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/notesj/gjp201.
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Golumbia, David. "The Language of Science and the Science of Language: Chomsky’s Cartesianism." diacritics 43, no. 1 (2015): 38–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dia.2015.0004.
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Comrie, Bernard. "Review of Lehmann (1990): Language Typology 1987: Systematic Balance in Language." Diachronica 7, no. 2 (January 1, 1990): 273–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.7.2.10com.
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RANNOUX, Catherine. "«Dis, Didi», variations surdiredansEn attendant Godotde Samuel Beckett." L'Information Grammaticale 124 (January 31, 2010): 42–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ig.124.0.2047013.
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