Journal articles on the topic 'Diel Lifecycle'

Pelagia noctiluca is the most common jellyfish in the Western Mediterranean Sea, living in oceanic waters with a holoplanktonic lifecycle. Frequent outbreaks have been well documented in coastal areas, yet little is known about their offshore distribution. In this study we address the relationship between oceanographic structures and the distribution of P. noctiluca ephyrae along the central continental slope of the Western Mediterranean, covering a wide latitudinal gradient, during July-August 2016. The region is characterized by a rich and complex mesoscale surface circulation driven by the inflow of Atlantic Water into the Western Mediterranean through the Strait of Gibraltar. The results revealed a high variability in the ephyrae spatial paterns related with different water masses and the resulting mesoscale hydrographic features. Their horizontal distribution showed a clear latitudinal gradient with high abundances in the south, associated with recent Atlantic Water, and low abundances or absence in the north, in coincidence with the old Atlantic Water transported by the Northern Current. Ephyrae showed diel vertical migrations of short-extent in the first 50 m, with a wide distribution above the thermocline and the Deep Chlorophyll Maximum during daytime, being more concentrated towards the surface at night. The results suggest the population connectivity of P. noctiluca between the Atlantic and the Mediterranean. In that case, the abundance variability of the species in the Mediterranean could be modulated by its entrance associated with the inflow of Atlantic Water through the Strait of Gibraltar.

Bioinspired optimization algorithms have been widely used to solve various scientific and engineering problems. Inspired by biological lifecycle, this paper presents a novel optimization algorithm called lifecycle-based swarm optimization (LSO). Biological lifecycle includes four stages: birth, growth, reproduction, and death. With this process, even though individual organism died, the species will not perish. Furthermore, species will have stronger ability of adaptation to the environment and achieve perfect evolution. LSO simulates Biological lifecycle process through six optimization operators: chemotactic, assimilation, transposition, crossover, selection, and mutation. In addition, the spatial distribution of initialization population meets clumped distribution. Experiments were conducted on unconstrained benchmark optimization problems and mechanical design optimization problems. Unconstrained benchmark problems include both unimodal and multimodal cases the demonstration of the optimal performance and stability, and the mechanical design problem was tested for algorithm practicability. The results demonstrate remarkable performance of the LSO algorithm on all chosen benchmark functions when compared to several successful optimization techniques.

Routineaufgaben automatisieren, Prozesse beschleunigen, Fehler reduzieren und die Prozesssicherheit erhöhen – dies sind nur einige Beispiele für Vorteile, die ein Product-Lifecycle-Management Systeme (PLM) mit sich bringt. Dennoch geht es mit der Nutzung nur zögerlich voran.

AbstractUsing novel microdata, we explore lifecycle consumption in Sub-Saharan Africa. We find that households' ability to smooth consumption over the lifecycle is large, particularly, in rural areas. Consumption in old age is sustained by shifting to self-farmed staple food, as opposed to traditional savings mechanisms or food gifts. This smoothing strategy indicates two important costs. The first cost is a loss of human capital as children seem to be diverted away from school and into producing self-farmed food. Second, a diet largely concentrated in staple food (e.g., maize in Malawi) in old age results in a loss of nutritional quality for households headed by the elderly.

The reproductive success of hibernators depends not only on food quality during reproduction but also on their body condition when emerging after hibernation, which, in turn, is highly dependent on the hibernation pattern. To date, no studies, to our knowledge, have fully investigated the role of macronutrients throughout the annual lifecycle of hibernators and the strong interdependency between its different phases. This study tested the effects of two diets with different lipid and protein composition on the prehibernation body condition, hibernation pattern, and reproduction of captive-reared European hamsters. Hamsters fed the high-lipid diet gained more body mass in the prehibernation period than those eating the high-protein diet, spent less time in torpor, and thus lost more body mass during hibernation. Despite similar body conditions in both groups at the start of reproduction, the group fed the high-protein diet had higher reproductive success, with more numerous and larger pups than in the high-lipid group. This study reveals that the macronutrient content of diets affects the different phases of the annual lifecycle in hamsters, each of which affects the next. Thus, a high-lipid diet induces less torpor use during hibernation because of a better prehibernation body condition and negatively impacts subsequent reproduction.

Abstract The Malmö Diet Cancer (MDC) group is a population-based cohort (n = 28 098) among Malmö inhabitants, aged 45-73 years at the time of baseline examinations in 1991-1996. Data collection regarding socio-demography, anthropometry and lifestyle was extensive, and included nonfasting blood samples. A high validity diet history was used to determine the usual diet. Information regarding cancer morbidity and mortality from the Swedish Cancer Registry is assessed yearly. Findings support the accepted hypotheses that a lifetime overexposure to sex hormones (modern reproductive patterns) and obesity promote postmenopausal breast cancer. Also, women with high intakes (compared to low intakes) of fibre, folic acid and fermented milk products have lower risk of postmenopausal breast cancer. High intakes of alcohol and energyadjusted fat are associated with increased risk. Also, high intakes of dried soup-sauce-powders and of fried potatoes are associated with increased breast cancer risk. The MDC has two unique assets: the high validity dietary data and the well maintained bio bank. Since a multitude and diverse processes likely contribute to chronic disease the active use of biomarkers has become increasingly important to nutrition epidemiology. Clear information about the diet-breast cancer link is important to many women, because unlike reproductive factors diet is changeable throughout the lifecycle.

It is estimated that by 2050 there will be 2 billion people aged 60 years and older in the world. The evidence base for the health benefits of good nutrition and physical activity, as well as weight loss among overweight and obese adults, is growing and a number of policies and guidelines are available to guide health professionals in serving older people at various stages of the lifecycle. There are many potential influences on dietary habits including individual factors, families and friends, community characteristics, the food and supplement industry, and public policy. This review focuses on the evidence base for factors influencing diet in older adults, food insecurity, Na, vitamin D, vitamin B12, protein, obesity and the benefits of energy restriction in overweight and obese older adults. Research is needed to continue to increase the evidence base for appropriate ways to improve diet and health in older people. Also, much of the available information is from the US, so there is a need to conduct research in other areas of the world.

Abstract Insect herbivores are more likely to successfully use a novel host if the plant is closely related to the ancestral host and the insect is polyphagous. Emerald ash borer (EAB), Agrilus planipennis (Fairmaire) (Coleoptera: Buprestidae), is a specialist wood borer of ash (Fraxinus spp., Lamiales: Oleaceae) trees and one of the most destructive forest pests in North American forests. Recent studies have found that larvae can develop in stems of two ash relatives; white fringetree (Chionanthus virginicus (L.) [Laminales: Oleaceae]) and cultivated olive (Olea europaea (L.) [Laminales: Oleaceae]). For EAB adults, the ability to consume, successfully mate, and lay viable eggs on foliage of these hosts is unknown. Thus, we conducted two no-choice assays with adult EAB on foliage of white fringetree and olive paired with positive controls of susceptible ash. Larval performance was also examined in a reciprocal study with cut stems of white fringetree and green ash (Fraxinus pennsylvanica Marshall) to determine whether adult diet impacted the success of progeny. Longevity, consumption rates, and fecundity of adults were similar on white fringetree and ash foliage. In contrast, adults consuming olive died quickly, consumed more over time, and females laid far fewer eggs compared to those on ash. Adult diet did not impact larval success, but larvae in white fringetree stems grew slower. These results indicate that white fringetree is a suitable host for EAB to complete its lifecycle, although larvae perform more poorly on this host than in susceptible ash species. In contrast, the more distantly related olive appears to be a poor host for adult EAB, although some viable eggs were produced by females.

The short-beaked echidna (Tachyglossus aculeatus) is generally considered to be myrmecophagous, consuming a diet consisting of ants and termites. The range and seasonal variation of food items consumed by echidnas in the Southern Midlands of Tasmania, an area where termites are absent, was examined using faecal scat analysis. Scat analysis indicated that echidnas in this region are not purely myrmecophagous. Whilst ants were present in 96% of scats and made up 55 ± 39% of scat contents by percentage volume, non-ant food items (scarab larvae and Oxycanus moth larvae) were found in 72% of scats. Scarab larvae were present in 68% of scats, and in those scats made up 46 ± 39% of the volume of prey material. The only significant seasonal variation of any dietary item was for scarab larvae, which can be attributed to variations in the abundance of these larvae throughout their lifecycle. The patterns of consumption indicate that echidnas are opportunistic foragers.

Im Rahmen des Sonderforschungsbereichs 653 „gentelligente Bauteile im Lebenszyklus“ wird am Institut für Umformtechnik und Umformmaschinen IFUM der Leibniz Universität Hannover zurzeit ein Schmiedegesenk mit sensorischen Fähigkeiten für die Warmmassivumformung entwickelt. Durch die Einbringung von Temperierkanälen in ein Schmiedegesenk sollen die Bauteilgenauigkeit und Werkzeuglebensdauer erhöht werden. Mit der Rückführung von Realdaten wird eine kontinuierliche Designoptimierung durchgeführt.   As part of the Collaborative Research Centre 653 “gentelligent components in their lifecycle”, the Institute of Forming Technology and Machines of the Leibniz University Hannover is currently developing a hot forging die with sensory capabilities. An integrated temperature channel allows the tool to control cyclically introduced process heat and also provides improved part accuracy as well as a longer lifetime. The design of these channels will be steadily improved by using real process data.

Abstract The paper is focused on additive manufacturing (AM) which is the process of producing objects from a three-dimensional (3D) model by joining materials layer by layer, as opposed to the subtractive manufacturing methodologies [1], directly from raw material in powder, liquid, sheet, or a filament form without the need for moulds, tools, or dies. The article demonstrates potential environmental implications of additive manufacturing related to the key issues including energy use, occupational health, waste and lifecycle impact. AM provides a cost-effective and time-efficient way to fabricating products with complicated geometries, advanced material properties and functionality. Based on this review, we identified that additive manufacturing will have a significant societal impact in the near future. A critical technical review of the promises and potential issues of AM is beneficial for advancing its further development.

AbstractNutrition during pregnancy can impact on the susceptibility of the offspring to CVD. Postnatal consumption of trans-fatty acids (TFA), associated with partially hydrogenated vegetable oil (PHVO), increases the risk of atherosclerosis, whereas evidence for those TFA associated with ruminant-derived dairy products and meat remain equivocal. In this study, we investigate the impact of maternal consumption of dietary PHVO (P) and ruminant milk fat (R) on the development of atherosclerosis in their offspring, using the transgenic apoE*3 Leiden mouse. Dams were fed either chow (C) or one of three high-fat diets: a diet reflecting the SFA content of a ‘Western’ diet (W) or one enriched with either P or R. Diets were fed during either pregnancy alone or pregnancy and lactation. Weaned offspring were then transferred to an atherogenic diet for 12 weeks. Atherosclerosis was assessed as lipid staining in cross-sections of the aorta. There was a significant effect of maternal diet during pregnancy on development of atherosclerosis (P=0·013) in the offspring with those born of mothers fed R or P during pregnancy displaying smaller lesions that those fed C or W. This was not associated with changes in total or lipoprotein cholesterol. Continuing to feed P during lactation increased atherosclerosis compared with that seen in offspring of dams fed P only during pregnancy (P<0·001). No such effect was seen in those from mothers fed R (P=0·596) or W (P=901). We conclude that dietary TFA have differing effects on cardiovascular risk at different stages of the lifecycle.

An unhealthy diet is considered to be one of the main causes for increases in obesity and chronic diseases. Food choices are frequently influenced by food systems and environments along with the availability and affordability of healthy and sustainable food. In this context, a major contemporary challenge lies in improving these aspects in order to support healthy dietary choices. Hence, to address this issue, here, we propose a small-scale approach called SANI (Italian for “healthy”) which involves experts in science and marketing. Two typical agri-foods of the Abruzzo area (center of Italy), tomato sauce and extra virgin olive oil, are characterized as high-quality products in terms of their nutrient content, absence of chemical contaminants (chromatographic, spectrophotometric, and magnetic resonance techniques), and ecological footprint (lifecycle assessment and carbon footprint). Hence, their consumption is promoted, with strict attention being paid to several aspects of the food system, such as production, processing, distribution, labeling, and promotion, as well as marketing strategies and dissemination activities. Overall, these SANI actions, especially labeling and dissemination, have proven to be a valuable learning tool for consumers moving toward more conscious consumption, which can be extended and applied to additional food products. Future applications of similar research strategies in a wider context could positively affect human and environmental health.

The rites of passage are the rites and ceremonies that mark a critical transition in the life cycle of an individual from one status to another in a given society. It covers birth, marriage and death. Death is the last crisis in the lifecycle of an individual. Siba means death in local dialect. It is believed that when the soul leaves the body permanently the man dies. The paper is an attempt to throw light on death and related customs of the Meiteis. There were four kinds of funeral systems such as disposal of dead body in the wild place, in the fire, in the earth (burial) and into the water (river). Disposal of dead in the fire (cremation) in Meitei society commenced from the time of Naophangba. But, the practice of cremation was prevalent among the Chakpas from the very early times. In ancient times, dead body was exposed; the dead body was kept throwing about in the Sumang (the space in front of the house) in the Khangenpham and a bird called Uchek Ningthou Lai-oiba which took away the dead body to a river called Thangmukhong in Heirok. Usually, funeral rites were considered as unclean; therefore, the performers had to wash and cleanse their body. They believe in a future life and in the survival of the soul. The data are based on available primary and secondary sources.

The Egyptian mongoose is a carnivore mammal species that in the last decades experienced a tremendous expansion in Iberia, particularly in Portugal, mainly due to its remarkable ecological plasticity in response to land-use changes. However, this species may have a disruptive role on native communities in areas where it has recently arrived due to predation and the potential introduction of novel pathogens. We report reference information on the cultivable gut microbial landscape of widely distributed Egyptian mongoose populations (Herpestes ichneumon, n = 53) and related antimicrobial tolerance across environmental gradients. The panel of isolated species is consistent with the typical protein-based diet of a carnivore: Firmicutes predominate (89% of individuals), while Clostridiales, Enterobacteriales, and Lactobacillales are the major classes. Forty-one individuals (77.4%) harbour Clostridium spp. A spatial influence on mongooses’ microbiota is confirmed by nonmetric multidimensional scaling analysis, with a significant contribution of municipality to their microbiota composition. Antimicrobial susceptibility testing of mongoose commensal bacteria to 28 compounds evidences xenobiotic tolerance of Escherichia coli (E. coli), enterococci, Salmonella Spartel and Mbandaka serotypes and Pseudomonas bacteria, among others. The common isolation of antimicrobial tolerant microbiota from the mongoose’s gut suggests this species is exposed to anthropogenic influence and is affected by forestry and agricultural-related practices, reflecting its easy adaptation to ecological gradients across agroecosystems. We thus propose regular microbial and phenotypic resistance profiling of widely distributed mongooses as a sentinel tool for xenobiotics’ lifecycle and ecosystem health in Portugal.

Insect microbial symbioses play a critical role in insect lifecycle, and insect gut microbiome could be influenced by many factors. Studies have shown that host diet and taxonomy have a strong influence on insect gut microbial community. In this study, we performed sequencing of V3-V4 region of 16S rRNA gene to compare the composition and diversity of 12 Ensifera from 6 provinces of China. Moreover, the influences of feeding habits and taxonomic status of insects on their gut bacterial community were evaluated, which might provide reference for further application research. The results showed that Proteobacteria (45.66%), Firmicutes (34.25%) and Cyanobacteria (7.7%) were the predominant bacterial phyla in Ensifera. Moreover, the gut bacterial community composition of samples with different feeding habits was significantly different, which was irrespective of their taxa. The highest diversity of gut bacteria was found in the omnivorous Ensifera. Furthermore, common and unique bacteria with biomarkers were found based on the dietary characteristics of the samples. However, the bacterial community structure of the Ensifera samples was significantly different from that of Caelifera. Therefore, we concluded that feeding habits and taxonomic status jointly affect the gut bacterial community composition of the samples from Orthoptera. However, the influence of feeding habit dominates when taxonomy category below the suborder level. In addition, the dominant, common and unique bacterial community structure could be used to predict the contrastic feeding habits of insects belonging to Ensifera.

The dietary change of Chinese residents is driven by increasing incomes and urbanization, which will bring about non-negligible changes in the food production of the land system. To explore how dietary changes might influence future land systems and the environment, this research hypothesizes two potential dietary change scenarios in the period 2010–2030, based on the current trends and Dietary Guidelines for Chinese Residents (DGCR), and applies the CLUMondo model to simulate the spatiotemporal patterns of land systems and estimates a lifecycle’s environmental impacts on dietary change. As shown in the results, dietary changes would obviously alter the land cover, agricultural intensity, and livestock density of land systems, and the changes in land use intensity are noteworthy. If the current trend of dietary change is unchecked, the intensification and expansion of agriculture and animal husbandry would be widely distributed in North China and Northwest China, where the intensity of cropland was low in the past and the ecosystem was relatively fragile. Moreover, the increasing demands for food lead to sharp increases in the carbon footprint, water footprint, and ecological footprint from food production. In contrast, the balanced diet recommended by DGCR could offer considerable environmental benefits. This diet is conducive to cutting down land use intensity, helping natural systems avoid intensification, and the expansion of agriculture and animal husbandry, which lower footprints from food production and have helped to implement the policy of returning croplands to grassland and forests in China. Therefore, popularizing balanced diets could be a win–win for human health and environmental sustainability.

Patients routinely seek physicians’ guidance about diet and the relation between nutrition and the prevention and treatment of disease. However, the adequacy of nutrition instruction in undergraduate medical education is questionable. The purpose of this study was to investigate Canadian medical students’ perceptions of and satisfaction with their education in nutrition. At 9 universities across Canada, a 23-item survey questionnaire was distributed in English and French to undergraduate medical students after at least 8 months of medical school. Overall, 9 of 17 universities participated in the survey, and 933 of the 3267 medical students approached completed the survey (response rate, 28.6%). Mean satisfaction with nutrition instruction received during medical school was 4.7 (±0.06) on a scale of 1–10, where 1 is very dissatisfied and 10 is very satisfied, and there were significant differences among schools (p < 0.0001). Students were comfortable in their ability to counsel patients regarding basic nutrition concepts and the role of nutrition in prevention of disease, but were much less comfortable discussing the role of nutrition in the treatment of disease and nutrient requirements across the lifecycle, and in identifying credible sources of nutrition information. Of the 933 respondents, 87.2% believe that their undergraduate program should dedicate more time to nutrition education. The amount of nutrition instruction correlated with student satisfaction (p < 0.0001), but varied among schools. A significant number of students are dissatisfied with the nutrition education they receive and their ability to provide relevant and appropriate nutrition counselling. This study paves the way for further discussions and development of strategies to improve nutrition education in medical schools in Canada.

Background: Inadequate evidence is found about dyslipidaemia from smoking in India. The jeopardy of dissimilar medical complications is regularly reflected as augmented in the circumstance of cig burning. The pervasiveness amongst countryside and town Indians of beedis and tobacco often gives rise to the occurrence of coronary artery illnesses. Aim: the study aims to assess the variation of lipid profile and dose-related vicissitudes among the non-smokers and smokers by assessing the number of daily amount of beedis and cigarette’s. Materials and methods: We performed a cross sectional investigation for a period of one year in our hospital. The participants of this study were mostly of age 15-55 and their BMI is below 25. Patients suffering from medical illness were excluded from the study. Our study included 100 non-smokers and 200 smokers. We conducted a semi-structured interview in a form of questionnaire to collect material about smoking habits and diet. Serum samples were collected upon twelve hours of fasting to estimate the lipid profile. The collected serum was centrifuged and 3 ml of blood kept in a vial for lipid profile estimation. Results: All the lipid variables except HDL-C were found high among smokers when compared to the non-smokers, while in the smoker group the HDL-C levels were lower than non-smokers and statistically important differences were observed. Likewise, most lipid parameters are favourably associated to the numbers of pack years, with the increase in triglyceride level, total cholesterol levels, LDL, VLDL being statistically important, and a clear negative association between HDL-C and pack years. Conclusion: The study concluded that there is a variation in lipid variables in the smokers serum such as VLDL, TGs, TC and LDL were elevated and that of reduction in HDL is found. This variability causes adverse cardiovascular events and cerebrovascular disease. Lipid profile should be evaluated in smokers to mitigate the risk of coronary artery and the related disease. They will be briefed on the health risks of smoking. They should be convinced to leave cigarette consumption to healthier lifecycle and embrace better lives.

Sound nurture requires skills concerning nutrition and emotions, skills that are particularly important in key stages relating to brain development. We are recognizing more clearly the way that serious changes from our hunter-gatherer waterside lifestyle are affecting both our diet and our emotional relationships: first the changes a few hundred generations ago in the agricultural revolution; and more recently in the industrial revolution. These effects have been aggravated in the last century by excessively profit-driven intensive farming, and recently by intensive food-marketing – particularly to children. People are gradually becoming aware how very susceptible is the most vulnerable stage of the lifecycle, the reproductive phase. From long before fertilization and conception, parental nutrition affects a person's development and health for life. Controlled trials show marked effects of nurture on the brain's subsequent acuity. Brain structure throughout development has become visible through modern scans, and also brain activity and mental response. The neural tube, forming at around 3 weeks, if undernourished may be inadequately sealed and demarcated, leading to incomplete interconnection between brain regions. Results vary, but can emanate as: autism or attention-deficit/hyperactivity-disorder (AD/HD); difficulty with relationships and social sense; poor self-control, with risk of violence. Evidence indicates that over 80% of current reproductive hazards, including infertility and malformations, might be prevented purely by sound all-round nurture. Between the embryonic stage and adulthood the brain makes several developmental spurts. Particularly during these spurts, sound nutrition and activity help the brain reach its full genetic potential for capacity, acuity, and connections between regions. From the beginning, hormones and nutrients, or their deficits, are setting gene-switches for life. Good bonding and feeding sets gene-switches positively; shock, stress or poor nutrition, negatively. Forceps delivery combined with serious early separation, correlates with over 4 times the risk of criminal violence by the age of 18. So disruptions of nurture set at risk not only body and brain but a person's very spirituality. Understanding of the biochemistry and epigenetics highlights our urgent need to learn from our evolutionary ways, not only of childbearing, but of a physically active life nourished by foods from the water and the wild.

Patient engagement in cancer research involves the inclusion of patient voices into research to ensure knowledge generated will improve the lives of all cancer patients. Patients involved in research have an interest in science, an experience with cancer and want to work directly with researchers to ensure patient concerns are heard. There are many opportunities for patient engagement in laboratory and clinical research, throughout the lifecycle of the project from conception to completion. Researchers and patient advocates can take practical steps to ensure their engagement is effective and meaningful. Adding the patient voice in research honors those who have died, so future cancer patients have access to new therapies to live longer and better lives.

Stamping dies one of the essential industries in engineering. The sheet metal blanking procedure is a shearing operations. In the blanking procedure the sheet metal is detached from the bulky portion of stock through the application of shearing force on the sheet. Nowadays, the increase of gadgets and smart phone is because of the 4th industrial revolution. This situation leads the demand for micro parts that will include in electronic devices. The main problem occurred in sheet metal stamping is damage to the punch after running thousands of stamping process. This paper focuses on designing a micro blanking dieset that meet the industrial demand. The study is conducted using solidworks to design the micro blanking dieset and perform analysis using FEM. The result of FEA will be calculated using e-fatigue to get the lifecycle for the punch.

AbstractFeeding management in dairy animals is crucial for ensuring optimal production apart from making the farming as a whole, a more sustainable activity. In our study we evaluated the production and environmental effects of two different feeding regimens i.e., one dominated by traditional cottonseed meal (CSM) and other with coated urea (slow release urea - SRU) as a replacement for CSM on dairy buffalo production. The SRU at 2% level was evaluated by conducting two different trials using twelve lactating Murrah buffaloes and four adult Murrah buffalo bulls. Neither diet nor dry period management showed any substantial effect on milk components, intakes, nutrients’ digestibility coefficients, and nutritive values. The SRU diet revealed increased (P < 0.01) rumen pH, ammonia nitrogen, volatile fatty acids, and microbial nitrogen yield, which were interacted with time of post-prandial sampling. The dynamics of nitrogen metabolism revealed unaltered N-based parameters, except for degradable-N intake and serum urea-N at 3 hr post-feeding. The CSM replacements did not influence (P > 0.05) the residual feed intake, but led to an enhanced milk retention efficiency of nitrogen, calcium, and phosphorus contents, thus reducing their impact on soil pollution and eutrophication of water bodies. Despite an unaltered (P > 0.05) enteric methane emission, SRU diets achieved in decreasing manure methane and nitrous oxide emission. Furthermore, the virtual water flow and lifecycle assessment revealed a water sparing effect and low carbon foot print per unit milk production. In summary, the CSM replacements with SRU could achieve an economical and eco-friendly production system from animal nutrition perspective.

Abstract Background Early exposure to unhealthy lifestyles and environmental risk factors is known to affect health throughout the life-course. There is also evidence that the exposure patterns are influenced by the socioeconomic position (SEP). Methods We use the data of the Turin participants of the Italian NINFEA birth cohort (n∼2500) to study how family SEP drives the early life exposome. SEP at birth is measured through the EHII (Equivalized Household Income Indicator), while the exposome includes urban environment, diet and lifestyle exposures measured during infancy. We use standard regression models to evaluate the effect of EHII on each exposome variable accounting for multiple comparison and potential confounders (Drivers-Exposome Wide Association Study – DExWAS) and the hierarchical clustering on the principal components approach to identify groups with similar exposure pattern. Results The DExWAS show that low EHII is associated with lower consumption of fruit and vegetables, lower levels of NO2, building and facilities densities, traffic, walkability and connectivity index, higher land-use diversity index, and higher exposure to pets. The hierarchical cluster analysis identifies three groups, with subjects belonging to the cluster characterized by higher level of urban environment risk factors and a healthier diet having a higher mean EHII. Conclusions These SEP-early life exposome analyses will be replicated in several European birth cohorts participating in the H2020 ATHLETE and LifeCycle projects. Key messages In the Italian city of Turin children from low SEP family are exposed to higher levels of environmental risk factors and unhealthy lifestyles during infancy.

The benthic scyphopolyp population is an important stage in the scyphozoan lifecycle. Nevertheless, few studies have detailed the natural feeding and quantified the energy flux of polyps based on field research. To better understand the scyphopolyp natural diet and seasonal variation patterns in the ingestion rate, in situ feeding experiments were conducted on Aurelia coerulea polyps in Jiaozhou Bay, China from August 2018 to April 2019. The diet of A. coerulea polyps was determined by gut content analysis. Digestion rates were also measured. Ingestion rates, based on the gut contents and digestion rates, were assessed monthly. Copepods, copepod nauplii, and ciliates were identified in the guts of A. coerulea polyps. Copepods with the bulk of total prey intake in number are an important source of nutrition for A. coerulea polyps in Jiaozhou Bay. Prey capture of A. coerulea polyps (prey polyp–1) varied among months, and was highly dependent upon the abundance of planktonic prey in the habitat. Copepods and copepod nauplii were digested more rapidly as temperature increased. Carbon weight-specific ingestion rate exhibited an obvious seasonal change, with the mean value of 0.13 ± 0.12 μg C μg C–1 d–1. More rapid digestion of prey at higher temperatures and larger prey availability would cause a higher ingestion rate in polyps. Scyphopolyps are widely distributed predators in littoral ecosystems and they may play an important role in plankton–benthos coupling by transferring energy from the water column to the benthos. Massive scyphopolyps blooms may influence pelagic ecosystems.

The larvae of black soldier fly (Hermetia illucens L.) (BSFL) is an excellent decomposer for industrial and agricultural applications capable of converting low-value waste into nutritional biomass. Sesame residues is industrial food waste possess high protein and lipid content. To investigate the bioconversion process of BSFL, the larvae were raised on a low-bioburden diet consisting of sesame residue, and liquid chromatography-mass spectrometry (LC-MS) analysis was performed on the BSFL and faeces at various instars. The obtained metabolomes were subsequently evaluated through principal component analysis and orthogonal projection to latent structure-discriminant analysis to explore the differential components. Diacylglycerol was the main component of the sesame residues utilised by BSFL during metabolism. The phenylalanine, arginine, oleic acid and 10-hydroxy-8E-octadecenoic acid were identified as the major components in various instars of the BSFL metabolites. We thus concluded that BSFL have different nutritional compositions at different instar stages. Another compound with a molecular weight of 278.224 prevalent in both the larvae and faeces might play vital roles in BSFL development. The present study revealed a part of metabolic changes important in the BSFL lifecycle. Through this pioneering metabolomics profiles, the discovery of highly-valuable biomolecules on BSFL for food industrial application can be anticipated.

AbstractThe forward rod extrusion of ferritic stainless steel X6Cr17 (DIN 1.4016) is here investigated with the objectives to experimentally identify and numerically verify the effect of the lubrication system and die opening angle on residual stresses. Three lubricants – MoS2, soap and polymer – are considered whose tribological properties are characterized via double cup extrusion tests. The effect of material flow is also studied by forming in conical dies featuring three different opening angles. The extrusion experiments revealed a decrease in the near-surface tensile stresses with decreasing friction for all the considered opening angles. An opening angle of 2α = 90° led to the highest tensile residual stresses. Both an increase to 2α = 120° and a decrease to 60° resulted in reduced tensile stresses and even a shift to compressive stresses.Furthermore, a previously developed numerical model of forward rod extrusion is optimized and validated against the experimentally measured residual stresses. The effect of the spatial and temporal discretizations of the model on the predicted residual stresses is investigated. Based on the experimental and numerically verified results, the recommendation to reduce friction in forward rod extrusion is derived as a means to obtain a less detrimental to the lifecycle of extruded parts residual stress state.

The distribution, abundance, size distribution and diurnal activity patterns of invasive land snails, Theba pisana, in the West Coast National Park (WCNP), South Africa, were investigated. The park was divided into 1 km2 grids, within each of which five 1 m2 quadrat counts of live snails were recorded. Of 106 grids sampled, 19% contained live snails. The average density of snails was 4.04 m-2 ± 24.9, significantly lower than in disturbed habitats adjacent to the park (57 m-2 ± 96.25), but very high densities were recorded at two sites. Snails were most abundant along roadsides and densities decreased dramatically with distance from roads. T. pisana in the WCNP appear to have an annual lifecycle, breeding in autumn to winter and growing to adult size of about 14 mm diameter by the end of the following summer. Snails were observed on a wide variety of endemic and introduced plant species and appeared to have a catholic diet. They are active mostly at night and especially during periods of high humidity, irrespective of temperature. Given the very high densities that T. pisana can attain at some sites, plus their apparently catholic feeding habits, their potential impact on the vegetation of the park is cause for concern and should be further investigated. Control of the main colonies should also be considered.

Abstract Objectives The climate impacts of human food systems have been well documented. Guidance to individuals to reduce their dietary carbon footprint would benefit from simple advice, but little is known about the impact of simple changes on self-selected diets. Here we examine a random sample of high-impact diets from the U.S. to test the effects of a single change in each diet on greenhouse gas emissions (GHGE) and nutritional quality. Methods Based on an extensive review of lifecycle assessment studies in the environmental sciences literature, we created a database of Food Impacts on the Environment for Linking to Diets (dataFIELD). We matched impact data from dataFIELD to the 24-hour recall dietary data in the 2005–2010 waves of the National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (NHANES). For all adults with reliable diets (N = 16,800), we calculated their dietary carbon dioxide equivalents per 1000 kcal (kg CO2-eq 1000 kcal−1), a density measure of GHGE. A 10% random sample (N = 330) of all diets in the top quintile of this variable was selected. The single food item with the highest GHGE was identified in each of these high-impact diets and was substituted for an equal-calorie amount of a similar, but lower impact food (e.g., chicken for beef). Each of the 330 diets were then re-evaluated on total GHGE/1000 kcal and on the Healthy Eating Index, a summary measure of nutritional quality developed for the U.S. population. Results The food with the highest impact in each of the randomly chosen diets was most often a type of beef (52%), a mixed dish with beef (33%), or a shellfish/shellfish mixed dish (10%). After single-item substitutions were made for these foods with equivalent poultry-based items, the mean impact from this sample of diets dropped (p < .001) from 4.35 ± 0.1 to 1.95 ± 0.8 kg CO2-eq 1000 kcal−1. This represents a 54% reduction in average dietary greenhouse gas emissions from diets. Healthy Eating Index values for the revised diets showed slight improvements. Conclusions Simple substitutions can be made in individuals' diets to reduce their carbon footprints, without sacrificing dietary quality. If promoted on a wide-scale basis, such a strategy could substantially reduce greenhouse gas emissions from the U.S. diet. Funding Sources Wellcome Trust.

ObjectiveTo identify the correlates of opioids as an underlying cause of death by linking coroner/medical examiner vital death records with emergency medical service (EMS) ambulance run data. By combining death data to EMS ambulance runs, the goal was to determine characteristics of the emergency response—particularly for opioid overdose events—that may connect to increased mortality.IntroductionOpioid abuse has increased exponentially in recent years throughout the United States, leading to an increase in the incidence of emergency response activities, hospitalization, and mortality related to opioid overdose. As a result, states that have been hit particularly hard during this period—such as Wisconsin—have allocated considerable resources to addressing this crisis via enhanced public health surveillance and outreach, procurement and administration of medical countermeasures, prescription drug monitoring programs, targeted preventive and acute treatment, first responder and hospital staff training, cross-agency collaboration, and Incident Management System activities. Central to these efforts is the identification of the primary drivers of opioid overdose and death to improve the precision and efficacy of targeted public health interventions to address the opioid crisis. The present study sought to accomplish this end by syncing rich data sources at the point of emergency response (EMS ambulance runs) to ultimate mortality outcomes (vital death records).MethodsIn the State of Wisconsin, data systems supporting the surveillance of EMS ambulance runs and coroner/medical examiner death records are both maintained under the Department of Health Services, enhancing the ability of public health researchers to connect these records using matched identifiers. Two years of EMS ambulance run data (2016-2017) were matched to three years of vital death records (2016-2018) that listed opioids as a contributing cause of death. Ambulance runs and death records for individuals aged 10 years or younger were removed from the data prior to matching and were not included in the final analytic set. Records between these two systems were matched using patient first and last name, gender, date of birth, and zip code. Ambulance runs for a suspected opioid overdose were identified by mining text fields from EMS primary and secondary impressions as well as incident narrative details that identified an opioid as a likely cause of the event. Ambulance runs resulting in Narcan/naloxone administration were also identified as opioid-related overdose. Coroner/medical examiner death records that identified opioids as a contributing cause were classified as an opioid-related death. Analyses examining correlates of deaths with opioids as a contributing cause focused on patient demographics, Narcan/naloxone administration rates and dosage, date and time of the ambulance run, lag between EMS response and time of opioid-related death, physical location and urbanicity of the incident, and the type of response by EMS personnel (i.e. treated and transported, treated and released, no treatment, patient refusal, DOA).ResultsFrom 2016-2017, there were over 800,000 emergency ambulance runs among those aged 11 years and older. Opioid overdose ambulance runs accounted for 1.1% (9,761) of those runs. There were over 100,000 deaths in Wisconsin and 1.7% (1,797) were related to opioids (i.e. opioids were a contributing cause). Linking resulted in 268 people with opioid overdose ambulance runs who had an opioid-related death. Of these, 34% died at the scene of the ambulance run, 12% died later that day, 16% died within a week of the ambulance run, and 37% died after a week. While all of these deaths had a contributing cause of opioids, 97% also had an underlying cause of death of drug overdose. Comparing those who died to those who didn’t die, those who died were more likely to be male, younger, and had the event occur on a Saturday. Additionally, while there were no differences in the likelihood of Narcan/naloxone receipt by opioid-related death, individuals who died were more likely to have received multiple Narcan/naloxone doses during the ambulance run than those who did not. Of those who died at the scene, the majority (32%) were aged 30 to 39 years. Of those who died later, the majority (32%) were aged 20 to 29 years. Also, for those who died at the scene, the majority of the events occurred from eight pm to midnight while for those who died later, the majority of events occurred from four to eight pm.ConclusionsThe majority of linked deaths to opioid ambulance runs were due to an underlying cause of drug overdose with opioids as a contributing cause. This demonstrates that the impressions of the EMS personnel were correct. The fact that so many of those who died did so at the scene highlights the continued need for community naloxone distribution. Additionally, there appear to be characteristic differences between those who died, those who died at the scene, and those who didn’t die. The results from this study highlight the benefits of connecting multiple sources of data to facilitate the identification of emergency health care drivers of opioid-related death, but there is still work to be done. Future analyses from this project will seek to link the existing data to hospitalization and post-discharge care records to capture a more complete picture of opioid-related deaths across the entire patient lifecycle. This future work will serve to fill key gaps in the surveillance process, particularly for instances opioid overdose and death where EMS was not called into service.

Abstract Understanding the relationships between feed efficiency traits measured in different stages of production is necessary to improve feed efficiency across the beef value chain. The objective of this study was to evaluate relationships among feed efficiency traits measured as growing heifers and breeding females and in their progeny in three full production cycles, and relationships of dam residual feed intake (RFI) with lifetime and lifecycle cow efficiency traits. Data were collected on 160 mixed-breed heifers from 240 d of age to weaning of their third progeny, and postweaning performance of progeny until harvest in experiments initiated in 1953, 1954, 1959, 1964, 1969, and 1974. Individual feed offered was recorded daily, and feed refusals measured every 28 d. Milk yield was measured at 14-d intervals throughout lactation by machine or hand milking. Females and progeny were weighed at 28-d intervals and progeny were harvested at a constant endpoint of live grade or age depending upon the experiment. Feed efficiency traits of RFI and residual BW gain (RG) were computed as the residual from linear regression for developing heifers, dams (RFI and residual energy-corrected milk [RECM]), and postweaning progeny. Feed:gain ratio (FCR) was computed for developing heifers and postweaning progeny, and feed:milk energy ratio (FME) was computed for dams. Various measures of cow efficiency were calculated on either a life cycle or lifetime basis using ratios of progeny and dam weight outputs to progeny and dam feed inputs. Pearson correlations were computed among traits adjusted for a random year-breed-diet group effect. Heifer RFI (0.74) and RG (−0.32) were correlated (P ≤ 0.05) with dam RFI in parity 1 only, but were not correlated (P &gt; 0.05) with dam RECM in any parity. Heifer RFI was correlated (P ≤ 0.05) with progeny RFI (0.17) in parity 3 only. Heifer FCR was not correlated with dam FME or progeny FCR in any parity. Dam RFI was weakly correlated (r = 0.25 to 0.36; P ≤ 0.05) among parities, whereas dam FME and RECM were strongly correlated (r = 0.49 to 0.72; P ≤ 0.05) among parities. Dam RFI in parity 1 and 2 was weakly correlated (r = −0.20 to −0.33; P ≤ 0.05) with cow efficiency ratios that included dam weight as an output, whereas dam RFI in parity 3 was not correlated with any cow efficiency ratio. In conclusion, feed efficiency traits were poorly correlated across production segments, but moderately repeatable across production cycles.

AbstractThe establishment of planetary outposts and habitats on the Moon and Mars will help foster further exploration of the solar system. The crews that operate, live, and work in these artificial constructions will rely on bio-regenerative closed-loop systems and principles, such as algae reactors and higher plant chambers, in order to minimize resupply needs and improve system resiliency. Greenhouse modules will play a major role in closing not only the oxygen, carbon-dioxide, and water supply loops, but also by providing fresh food for the crew. In early mission scenarios, when the habitat is still in its build-up phase, only small greenhouse systems will be deployed, providing a supplemental food strategy. Small quantities of high water content crops (e.g. lettuce, cucumber, tomato) will be cultivated, improving the crew’s diet plan with an add-on option to the pre-packed meals. The research results of a 400-day biomass and crew time simulation of an adapted EDEN ISS Future Exploration Greenhouse are presented. This greenhouse is an experimental cultivation system that will be used in an analogue test mission to Antarctica (2018-2019) to test plant cultivation technologies for space. The Future Exploration Greenhouse is a high-level analogue for cultivation systems of early mission scenarios on Moon/ Mars. Applying a net cultivation area of 11.9 m², 11 crops have been simulated. Biomass output values were tailored to a tray cultivation (batch) strategy, where 34 trays (0.4x0.6 m) have been integrated into the overall production plan. Detailed work procedures were established for each crop according to its production lifecycle requirements. Seven basic crew time requiring work procedures (e.g. seeding, pruning and training, harvesting, cleaning, post-harvesting) were simulated. Two cultivation principles were the focus of the analysis: The In-Phase Cultivation approach where all trays start at the same time, and the Shifted Cultivation approach, where trays start in a specific sequential manner. Depending on the approach, different biomass output patterns emerged and were analysed with respect to crew consumption, crop shelf-life, and the risk of food spoilage. Crew time estimates were performed with respect to the overall production process, which resulted into 208.9 min per day for the planned cultivation area. When applying normal terrestrial work-times, this equates to approximately 50% of a crew member day for system operation. Biomass and crew time results were analysed in relation to each other, creating specific productivity factors for each crop type. This way, future mission planning, crop selection, and greenhouse design studies can better tailor the implementation challenges of small greenhouse modules into the habitat infrastructure.

Introduction Discourses of queer youth suicide regularly represent non-heterosexual young men as vulnerable and as victims who are inherently without strategies for coping with adversity (qv. Rasmussen; Marshall; Driver 3). Alternatively, queer youth are sometimes marked as fundamentally resilient, as avid users of tools of resilience and community such as the internet (Smith & Gray 74; Wexler et al. 566; Hillier & Harrison; Bryson & McIntosh). In the latter approach, protective factors are typically presented as specific to queer youth (e.g., Russell 10), therefore also minoritising and essentialising resilience. Both approaches ignore the diversity of queer young lives and the capacity for a subject to be both vulnerable and resilient—concepts which need to be unpacked if we are to further our understanding of minority lives. Significantly, both approaches also ignore the fact that growing up occurs in a series of transitions, cultural encounters and circumstantial changes. Queer (LGBT) youth are neither all victims and vulnerable, nor are they all self-reliant and resilient. Recent research has indicated that non-heterosexual youth continue to have a higher rate of suicide and self-harm (Cover, Queer Youth Suicide), although this is by no means indicative that vast numbers of LGBTI require support, intervention or preventative measures throughout all aspects of the transition into adult life. This article has two objectives, both of which are best addressed together in order to come at an understanding as how best to frame approaches to queer youth suicide as an ongoing social concern. Firstly, to ask what human, psychological and subjective ‘resilience’ might be said to mean in the context of public discourses of queer youth suicidality, and secondly to ask what a concept of ‘resilience’ does for queer youth identity in terms of relationality. Neither objective, of course, can be met alone in a short article—the purpose here is to open thinking on the topic in ways that question normative assumptions about the conditions of queer youth in the context of liveable lives and the positioning of resilience as reliant on normative accounts of identity. The article begins with a brief overview of the different uses of resilience in the context of broad social representations of queer youth. It goes on to discuss the It Gets Better video site which aimed to produce resilience among predominantly bullied queer youth by ‘imparting hope’. Some remarks on the relationship between identity, sexuality, sociality and resilience will conclude. Resilience and the Queer Youth Subject Developed by Crawford Holling in the 1970s, the concept of resilience was used to describe the capacity of a system to “absorb change and disturbance and still maintain the same relationships between populations or state variables” (Holling 14). In terms of ecology and the physical sciences, the notion of resilience operates within an assumption that future events will not be known but will be unexpected, thereby requiring a capacity to accommodate those events whatever form they take (21). When later used in the psychological sciences, the term resilience likewise assumes disruption and uncertainty in lived experience, requiring a resilient subject to be capable in both learning and adaptation. In the context of queer youth, resilience, then, can be applied to mean an adaptation to new situations which exacerbate vulnerability to suicidality for those who are positioned to seek escape from intolerable emotional pain or the perception of life as unliveable (Cover, Queer Youth Suicide 10, 148). Resilience in this use presumes that, for example, bullying has a detrimental causal relationship with suicidality when it newly occurs if the subject does not have the capacity to adapt and incorporate it into everyday life. Bullying, however, is generally related to suicide only by virtue of its ongoingness rather than it being a sudden shift in social relations. Striking about much of the discourse of resilience in the psychological sciences is that the concept of resilience presumes a unitary subject who is a subject prior to relationality and sociality (e.g. Leipold & Greve; Singh et al.; Smith & Gray). Resilience is thus seen as a capacity to cope with adversity as if adversity arises prior to the subject rather than being a form of relationality that conditions the subject. In that context, the queer youth subject is understood in essentialist terms, whereby sexual subjectivity is represented simultaneously as both a norm and abnormal, and is a factor of subjectivity that is understood to pre-exist sociality. That is, the queer youth subject is queer before relationality with others, thereby before the kinds of relationalities that might demand resilience. An alternative is to understand queer youth not as vulnerable because they are queer, but as subjects constituted in the (inequitably distributed) precarity of corporeal life in sociality, and thereby already formed in (inequitably distributed) resilience to the sorts of shifts, changes and adversities that shift one from an experience of vulnerability to an experience of a life that is unliveable (Butler, Precarious Life; Frames of War). Approaching queer youth suicide from a perspective not of risk but through the simultaneous fostering and critique of resilience opens the possibility of providing solutions that aid younger persons to resist suicidality as a flight from intolerable pain without articulating the self as inviolable and thereby losing the ethical value of the recognition of vulnerability. The question, then, is whether such critique can be found in sites of resilience discourse in relation to queer youth. Queer Youth and It Gets Better The video blogging site It Gets Better (http://www.itgetsbetter.org) was begun by columnist Dan Savage in response to a spate of reported queer student suicides in September/October 2010 in the United States. The site hosts more than a thousand video contributions, many from queer adults who seek to provide hope for younger persons by showing that queer adulthood is markedly different from the experiences of harassment, bullying, loneliness or surveillance experienced by queer youth in school and family environments. This is among the first widely-available communicative media form to address directly queer youth on issues related to suicide, and the first to draw on lived experiences as a means by which to provide resources for queer youth resilience. The fact that these experiences are related through video-logs (vlogs) provides the texts with a greater sense of authenticity and a framework which often addresses youth directly on the topic of suicidality (Cover, Queer Youth Suicide). Savage’s intention was to produce resilience in queer youth by imparting ‘hope for young people facing harassment’ and to create ‘a personal way for supporters everywhere to tell LGBT youth that … it does indeed get better’ (http://www.itgetsbetter.org/pages/about-it-gets-better-project/). Hope, in this context, is represented as the core attribute of queer youth resilience. The tag-line of the site is: Many LGBT youth can’t picture what their lives might be like as openly gay adults. They can’t imagine a future for themselves. So let’s show them what our lives are like, let’s show them what the future may hold in store for them (http://www.itgetsbetter.org/). Hope for the future is frequently presented as hope for an end to school days. In the primary video of the site, Dan Savage’s partner Terry describes his school experiences: My school was pretty miserable … I was picked on mercilessly in school. People were really cruel to me. I was bullied a lot. Beat up, thrown against walls and lockers and windows; stuffed into bathroom stalls. . . . Honestly, things got better the day I left highschool. I didn’t see the bullies every day, I didn’t see the people who harassed me every day, I didn’t have to see the school administrators who would do nothing about it every day. Life instantly got better (http://www.itgetsbetter.org/pages/about-it-gets-better-project/) Such comments present a picture of school life in which the institutional norms of secondary schools that depend so heavily on surveillance, discriminative norms, economies of secrecy and disclosure permit bullying and ostracisation to flourish and become, then, the site of hopelessness in what to many appears at the time as a period of never-ending permanency. Indeed, teen-aged life has often been figured in geographic terms as a kind of hopeless banishment from the realities that are yet to come: Eve Sedgwick referred to that period as ‘that long Babylonian exile known as queer childhood’ (4). The emphatic focus on the institutional environment of highschool rather than family, rural towns, closetedness, religious discourse or feelings of isolation is remarkably important in changing the contemporary way in which the social situation of queer youth suicide has been depicted. The discourse of the It Gets Better project and contributions makes ‘school’ its object—a site that demands resilience of its queer students as the remedy to the detrimental effects of bullying. Here, however, resilience is not depicted as adaptability but the strength to tolerate and, effectively, ‘wait out’, a bullying environment. The focus on bullying that frames the dialogue on queer youth suicide and youth resilience in the It Gets Better videos is the product of a mid-2000s shift in focus to the effects of bullying on LGBT youth in place of critiques of heterosexism, sexual identity, coming out and physical violence (Fodero), regularly depicting bullying as directly causal of suicide (Kim & Leventhal 151; Espelage & Swearer 157; Hegna & Wichstrøm 35). Bullying, in these representations, is articulated as that which is, on the one hand, preventable through punitive institutional policies and, on the other, as an ineradicable fact of living through school years. It is, in the latter depiction, that experience for which younger LGBT persons must manage their own resistance. In depicting school as the site of anti-queer bullying, the It Gets Better project represents queer youth as losing hope of escape from the intolerable pain of bullying in its persistence and repetition. However, the site’s purpose is to show that escape from the school environment to what is regularly depicted as a neoliberal, white and affluent representation of queer adulthood, founded on conservative coupledom (Cover, “Object(ives) of Desire”), careers, urban living, and relative wealth—depictions somewhat different from the reality of diverse queer lives. The shift from the school-bullying in queer youth to the liberal stability of queer adulthood is figured in the It Gets Better discourse as not only possible but as that which should be anticipated. It is in that anticipation that resilience is articulated in a way which calls upon queer youth to manage their own resiliency by having or performing hopefulness. Representing hope as the performative element in queer youth resilience has precedence as a suicide prevention strategy. Hopelessness is a key factor in much of the contemporary academic discussion of suicide risk in general and is often used as a predictor for recognising suicidal behaviour (Battin 13), although it is also particularly associated with suicidality and queer teenagers. Hopelessness is usually understood as despair or desperateness, the lack of expectation of a situation or goal one desires or feels one should desire. For Holden and colleagues, hopelessness is counter to social desirability, which is understood as the capacity to describe oneself in terms by which society judges a person as legitimate or desirable (Holden, Mendonca & Serin 500). Psychological and psychiatric measurement techniques frequently rely on Aaron T. Beck’s Hopelessness Scale, which utilises a twenty-question true/false survey designed to measure feelings about the future, expectation and self-motivation in adults over the age of seventeen years as a predictor of suicidal behaviour. Beck and colleagues attempted to provide an objective measurement for hopelessness rather than leave it treated as a diffuse and vague state of feeling in patients with depression. The tool asks a series of questions, most about the future, presenting a score on whether or not the answers given were true or false. Questions include: ‘I might as well give up because I can’t make things better for myself’; ‘I can’t imagine what my life would be like in ten years’; ‘My future seems dark to me’; and ‘All I can see ahead of me is unpleasantness rather than pleasantness’. Responding true to these indicates hopelessness. Responding false to some of the following also indicates hopelessness: ‘I can look forward to more good times than bad times’; and ‘When things are going badly, I am helped by knowing they can’t stay that way forever’ (Beck). While these questions and the scale are not used uncritically, the relationship between the discursive construction through the questions of what constitutes hopelessness and the aims of the It Gets Better videos are notably comparable. The objective, then, of the videos is to provide evidence and, perhaps, instil hope that would allow such questions to be answered differently, particularly to be able to give a true response to the last question above. Hallway Allies liaison support group, which operates across university campuses and high schools to prevent bullying, stated in this representative way in the introduction to their video contribution: ‘Remember to keep your head up, highschool doesn’t last forever’ (http://www.itgetsbetter.org/video /entry/5wwozgwyruy/). Or, as Rebecca in the introductory statement of another video contribution put it: You may be feeling like this pain will last forever, like you have no control, it’s dark, oppressive and feels like there is no end. I know – I get it. but I promise … hang in there and you’ll find it … Wait – you’ll see – it gets better! (http://www.itgetsbetter.org/video/entry/wxymqzw3oqy/). As can be seen, such video examples respond to a discourse of hopelessness aligned with the framework exemplified by Beck’s scale, prompting queer youth audiences of these videos to imagine a future for themselves, to understand hope in temporal terms of future wellbeing, and to know that the future does not necessarily hold the same kinds of unpleasantness as experienced in the everyday high school environment. Sexual Identity, Resilience and the Normative Lifecycle In the It Gets Better framework, resilience is produced in the knowledge of a queer life that is linear and patterned through stages in relation to institutional forms of belonging (and non-belonging). That is, a queer life is represented as one which undergoes the hardship of being bullied in school, of leaving that institutional environment for a queer adulthood that is built on a myth of safety, pleasure, success and a distinctive break from the environment of the past (as if the psyche or the self is re-produced anew in a phase of a queer lifecycle). Working within a queer theoretical and cultural understanding of identity, sexual subjectivity can be understood as constituted in social and cultural formations. Overturning the previously-held liberal notion of power as the power which represses sex and sexualities, Foucault’s History of Sexuality provided queer theory with an argument in which power, as deployed through discourse and discursive formations, produces the coherent sexual subject. This occurs historically and only in specific periods. In Foucault’s analysis, homosexual identities become conceivable in the Nineteenth Century as a result of specific juridical, medical and criminal discourses (85). From a Foucauldian perspective, there is no subject driven by an inner psyche or a pre-determined desire (as in psychoanalysis). Instead, such subjectivity occurs in and through the power/knowledge network of discourse as it writes or scripts the subject into subjectivity. Canonical queer theorist Judith Butler has been central in extending Foucault’s analysis in ways which are pragmatic for understanding queer youth in the context of growing up and transitioning into adulthood. Her theory of performativity has usefully complexified the ways in which we can understand sexual identity and allowed us to overcome the core assumption in much queer youth research that heterosexual and homosexual identities are natural, mutually-exclusive and innate; instead, allowing us to focus on how the process of subject formation for youth is implicated in the tensions and pressures of a range of cultural, social, organisational and communicative encounters and engagements. Butler projects the most useful post-structuralist discussion of subjectivity by suggesting that the subject is constituted by repetitive performances in terms of the structure of signification that produces retroactively the illusion of an inner subjective core (Butler, Gender Trouble 143). Queer identity becomes a normative ideal rather than a descriptive feature of experience, and is the resultant effect of regimentary discursive practices (16, 18). The non-heterosexual subject, then, is performatively constituted by the very ‘expressions’ that are formed as recognisable identity performances in the context, here, of a set of lifecycle expectations built through a vulnerable queer childhood, being bullied, attaining hope, leaving school and fruition in queer adulthood. Resilience, in the It Gets Better discourse, then, is seen to be produced in understanding the stages of a normative queer life. An issue emerges for how queer youth suicide is understood within this particular formation that posits non-heterosexuality as the problematic source of suicidality emerges in the assumption that the vulnerability to suicidal behaviours for queer youth is the result singularly of sexuality, rather than looking to the fact that sexuality is one facet of identity – an important and sometimes fraught one for adolescents in general – located within a complex of other formations of identity and selfhood. This is part of what Diana Fuss has identified as the “synecdochical tendency to see only one part of a subject’s identity (usually the most visible part) and to make that part stand for the whole” (116). This ignores the opportunity to think through the conditions of queer youth in terms of the interaction between different facets of identity (such as gender and ethnicity, but also personal experience), different contexts in which identity is performed and different institutional settings that vary in response and valuation of non-normative aspects of subjectivity, thereby allowing a vulnerability not to be an attribute of being a queer youth, but to be understood as produced across a nuanced and complex array of factors. While the very concept of resilience invokes both an individualisation of the subject and a disciplinary regime of pastoral care (Foucault, Abnormal), queer youth in the It Gets Better discourse of hope are depicted multiply as: Inherently vulnerable and lacking resilience as a result of an essentialist notion of sexual orientation.Constituted in a relationality within a schooling environment that is conditioned by bullying as the primary expression of diverse socialityFinding resilience only through a self-managed and self-articulated expression of ‘hope’ that is to be produced in the knowledge that there is an ‘escape’ from a school environment. What the discourse of that which we might refer to as “resilient hopefulness” does is represent queer youth reductively as inherently non-resilient. It ignores the multiple expressions of sexual identity, the capacity to respond to suicidality through a critique of normative sexual subjectivity, and the capabilities of queer youth to develop meaningful relationships across all sexual possibilities that are, themselves, forms of resilience or at least mitigations of vulnerability. At the same time, “resilient hopefulness” is produced within a context in which a normative sociality of bullying culture is expressed as timeless and unchangeable (rather than historical and institutional), thereby requiring queer younger persons to undertake the task of managing vulnerability, risk, resilience and identity as an individualised responsibility outside of communities of care. Whether the presentation of a normative lifecycle is genuinely a preventative measure for queer youth suicidality is that which suicidologists and practitioners must test, although one might argue at this stage that resilience is better produced through a broader appeal to social diversity rather than the regimentation of a queer life that must ‘wait in hope’ for a liveability that may never come. References Battin, Margaret Pabst. Ethical Issues in Suicide. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1995. Beck, Aaron T., Arlene Weissman, Larry Trexler, and David Lester. “The Measurement of Pessimism: The Hopelessness Scale” Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 42.6 (1974): 861–865. Bryson, Mary K., and Lori B. MacIntosh. “Can We Play ‘Fun Gay’?: Disjuncture and Difference, and the Precarious Mobilities of Millennial Queer Youth Narratives.” International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education 23.1 (2010): 101-124. Butler, Judith. Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity. London & New York: Routledge, 1990. Butler, Judith. Precarious Life. London: Verso, 2004. Butler, Judith. Frames of War: When Is Life Grievable? London and New York: Verso, 2009. Cover, Rob. “Object(ives) of Desire: Romantic Coupledom versus Promiscuity, Subjectivity and Sexual Identity.”Continuum: Journal of Media & Cultural Studies 24.2 (2010): 251-263. Cover, Rob. Queer Youth Suicide, Culture and Identity: Unliveable Lives? London: Ashgate, 2012. Driver, Susan. “Introducing Queer Youth Cultures.” Queer Youth Cultures. Ed. Susan Driver. Albany, NY: SUNY Press (2008). 1-18. Espelage, Dorothy L., and Susan M. Swearer. “Addressing Research Gaps in the Intersection between Homophobia and Bullying.” School Psychology Review 37.2 (2008): 155–159. Fodero, Lisa. “Teen Violinist Dies after Student Internet Lark.” The Age, 1 Oct. 2010. 1 Oct. 2010 ‹http://www.theage.com.au/world/>. Foucault, Michel. The History of Sexuality: An Introduction. Trans. Robert Hurley. London: Penguin, 1990. Foucault, Michel. Abnormal: Lectures at the Collège de France, 1974–1975. Eds. Valerio Marchetti and Antonella Salmoni. Trans. Graham Burchell. New York: Picador, 2004. Fuss, Diana. Essentially Speaking: Feminism, Nature & Difference. New York and London: Routledge, 1989. Hegna, Kristinn, and Lars Wichstrøm. “Suicide Attempts among Norwegian Gay, Lesbian and Bisexual Youths: General and Specific Risk Factors.” Acta Sociologica 50.1 (2007): 21–37. Hillier, Lynne, and Lyn Harrison. “Building Realities Less Limited than Their Own: Young People Practising Same-Sex Attraction on the Internet.” Sexualities 10.1 (2007): 82-100. Holden, Ronald R., James C. Mendonca and Ralph C. Serin. “Suicide, Hopelessness, and social desirability: A Test of an Interactive Model.” Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology 57.4 (1989): 500–504. Holling, C. S. “Resilience and Stabity of Ecological Systems.” Annual Review of Ecology and Systematics 4 (1973): 1-23. Kim, Young Shin, and Bennett Leventhal. “Bullying and Suicide. A Review.” International Journal of Adolescent Medical Health 20.2 (2008): 133–154. Leipold, Bernhard, and Werner Greve. “Resilience: A Conceptual Bridge between Coping and Development.” European Psychologist 14.1 (2009): 40-50. Marshall, Daniel. “Popular Culture, the ‘Victim’ Trope and Queer Youth Analytics.” International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education 23.1 (2010): 65-86. Rasmussen, Mary Lou. Becoming Subjects: Sexualities and Secondary Schooling. New York: Routledge, 2006. Russell, Stephen T. “Beyond Risk: Resilience in the Lives of Sexual Minority Youth.” Journal of Gay & Lesbian Issues in Education 2.3 (2005): 5-18. Sedgwick, Eve Kosofsky. “Queer Performativity: Henry James’s The Art of the Novel.” GLQ 1.1 (1993): 1–14. Singh, Anneliese A., Danica G. Hays, and Larel S. Watson. “Strength in the Face of Adversity: Resilience Strategies of Transgender Individuals.” Journal of Counseling & Development 89.1 (2011): 20-27. Smith, Mark. S., and Susan W. Gray. “The Courage to Challenge: A New Measure of Hardiness in LGBT Adults.” Journal of Gay & Lesbian Social Services 21.1 (2009): 73-89. Wexler, Lisa Marin, Gloria DiFluvio, and Tracey K. Burke. “Resilience and Marginalized Youth: Making a Case for Personal and Collective Meaning-Making as Part of Resilience Research in Public Health.” Social Science & Medicine 69.4 (2009): 565-570.

IntroductionWe are increasingly being told to make ethical food choices, often by high-profile chefs advocating what they view as ethical consumption habits. Some actively promote vegetarian or vegan diets, with a growing number of high-profile restaurants featuring only or mainly plant-based meals. However, what makes food or restaurant menus ethical is not assessed by most of us using one standardised definition. Our food values differ based on our outlooks, past experiences, and perhaps most importantly, how we balance various trade-offs inherent in making food choices under different circumstances and in diverse contexts.Restaurants can face difficulties when trying to balance ethical considerations. For instance, is it inconsistent to promote foraging, seasonality, local products, and plant-based eating, yet also serve meat and other animal-derived protein products on the same menu? For example, Danish chef Rene Redzepi, co-owner of the Michelin-starred restaurant Noma in Copenhagen who recently had an extended stay in Australia (Redzepi), recently offered a purely vegetarian menu featuring foraged native ingredients. However, Redzepi followed this with a meat-based menu including teal, moose leg, reindeer tongue, and wild duck brain. These changes make clear that although Redzepi was still conflicted about serving animal products (Ankeny and Bray), he thinks that options for ethical eating are not limited to plants and that it is important to utilise available, and especially neglected, resources in novel ways.In this article, we argue that celebrity and other high-profile chefs have roles to play in conversations about the emerging range of new meat consumption norms, which might include humanely produced meat, wild meat, or other considerations. However, we contend that restaurants and popular media may be limited spaces in which to engage consumers in these conversations. Ultimately, celebrity and high-profile chefs can help us not only to reflect on our eating habits, but also to engage us in ways that help us to ask the right questions rather than encouraging reliance on set answers from them or other supposed experts.Chefs and New Meat NormsChefs are now key voices in the politics of lifestyle, shaping both the grammars and the practices of ethical consumption, which is further reinforced by the increasing mediatisation of food and food politics (Phillipov, Media). Contemporary trends toward ethical consumption have been much critiqued; nevertheless, ethical consumption has become a dominant means through which individuals within contemporary marketised, neoliberal economies are able to invest lifestyle choices with ethical, social, and civic meanings (Barnett et al.; Lewis and Potter). While vegetarianism was once considered a central pillar of ethical diets, the rise of individualized and diverse approaches to food and food politics has seen meat (at least in its “ethical” form) not only remain firmly on the menu, but also become a powerful symbol of “good” politics, taste, and desirable lifestyles (Pilgrim 112).Chefs’ involvement in promoting ethical meat initially began within restaurants catering for an elite foodie clientele. The details provided about meat producers and production methods on the menu of Alice Waters’ Californian restaurant Chez Panisse and her cookbooks (Waters), or the focus by Fergus Henderson on “nose to tail” eating at his London restaurant St. John (Henderson) has led many to cite them as among the originators of the ethical meat movement. But the increasing mediatisation of food and the emergence of chefs as celebrity brands with their own TV shows, cookbooks, YouTube channels, websites, sponsorship deals, and myriad other media appearances has allowed ethical meat to move out of elite restaurants and into more quotidian domestic spaces. High profile UK and US exposés including “campaigning culinary documentaries” fronted by celebrity chefs (Bell, Hollows, and Jones 179), along with the work of popular food writers such as Michael Pollan, have been instrumental in the mainstreaming of diverse new meat norms.The horrifying depictions of intensive chicken, beef, and pork farming in these exposés have contributed to greater public awareness of, and concern about, industrialised meat production. However, the poor welfare conditions of animals raised in battery cages and concentrated animal feeding operations often are presented not as motivations to eschew meat entirely, but instead as reasons to opt for more ethical alternatives. For instance, Hugh’s Chicken Run, Hugh Fearnley-Whittingstall’s 2008 television campaign for chicken welfare, resulted in making more free-range products available in British supermarkets (Johnston). More recently, there have been significant expansions in markets for variously defined categories such as grass-fed, free-range, organic, welfare-certified, humane, and/or environmentally friendly meat products in Australia and elsewhere, thanks in part to increased media attention to animal welfare issues (Arcari 169).As media has emerged as a “fundamental component of contemporary foodscapes, how they ‘perform’ and function, and the socio-material means by which they are produced” (Johnston and Goodman 205), ethical meat has increasingly been employed as a strategic resource in mainstream media and marketing. Ethical meat, for example, has been a key pillar in the contemporary rebranding of both of Australia’s major supermarkets (Lewis and Huber 289). Through partnerships that draw upon the “ethical capital” (290) of celebrity chefs including Jamie Oliver and Curtis Stone, and collaborations with animal welfare organisations such as the RSPCA, ethical meat has become central to supermarket advertising campaigns in recent years. Such campaigns have been especially successful for Coles supermarkets, which controls almost 30% of Australia’s highly concentrated grocery market (Roy Morgan). The retailer’s long-term sponsorship of MasterChef Australia (Network 10, 2009–)—a show that presents meat (or, as they term it, “protein”) as an essential component of most dishes and which regularly rates in the top 10 of Australian television programs (OzTAM)—further helps to emphasise that the solution to ethical problems is not to avoid meat, but to choose (Coles’) “better” meat (see fig. 1). This is promoted on the basis of a combination of ethics, price, and taste, and, remarkably, is able to deliver “better welfare at no extra cost to you” (Parker, Carey, and Scrinis 209). In short, chefs are making major contributions to awareness of ethical norms relating to meat consumption in a variety of settings. Figure 1: An example of a current meat product on the shelf at a major Australian retailer with packaging that makes a range of claims relating to production practices and quality, among other attributes. (Emily Buddle)“The Good Life”Lifestyle media has been a key site through which meat eating is normalised and recuperated into “ethical” frameworks (Arcari 169). Utopian visions of small-scale animal agriculture are a key feature of popular texts from the River Cottage Australia (Foxtel Networks, 2013–) series to Gourmet Farmer (SBS, 2010–) and Paddock to Plate (Foxtel Networks, 2013–). These programs are typically set in bucolic rural surrounds and centre on the host’s “escape” from the city to a more fulfilling, happier existence in the country (Phillipov, “Escaping”). Rural self-sufficiency is frequently framed as the solution to urban consumers’ alienation from the sources of their food, and a means of taking responsibility for the food they eat. The opening credits of Gourmet Farmer, for instance, outline host Matthew Evans’s quest to “know and trust what [he] eat[s]”, either by growing the food himself or being “no more than one degree of separation from the person who does”.This sense of connection to one’s food is central to how these programs make meat consumption ethical. Indeed, the production of animals for food reinforces particular notions of “the good life” in which the happiness of the animal is closely aligned with the happiness of its human producer. While texts sometimes show food animals’ full lifecycle from birth to slaughter, lifestyle media focuses mainly on their happy existence while still alive. Evans gives his pigs names that foreground their destiny as food (e.g., Prosciutto and Cassoulet), but he also pampers them as though they are pets, feeding them cherries and apples, and scratching them behind the ears much like he would his dog. These bucolic televisual images serve to anchor the programs’ many “spin-off” media texts, including blog posts, cookbooks (e.g. Evans), and endorsements, that instruct urban audiences who do not have the luxury of raising their own meat on how to source ethical alternatives. They also emphasise the deliciousness of meat raised and killed in humane, “natural” conditions, as opposed to those subjected to more intensive, industrialised production systems.Some argue that the notion of “ethical meat” merely masks the realities of humans’ domination over animals (Arcari). However the transition from “happy animals” to “happy meat” (Pilgrim 123) has been key to lifestyle media’s recuperation of (certain kinds of) meat production as a “humane, benevolent and wholly ‘natural’ process” (Parry 381), which helps to morally absolve the chefs who promote it, and by extension, their audiences.The Good DeathMeat consumption has been theorised to be based on the invisibility of the lives and deaths of animals—what has been termed the “absent referent” by feminist philosopher Carol J. Adams (14; see also Fiddes). This line of argument holds that slaughter and other practices that may raise moral concerns are actively hidden from view, and that animals are “made absent” within food consumption practices (Evans and Miele 298). Few meat consumers, at least those in Western countries, have seen animal slaughter first hand, and a disconnect between meat and animal is actively maintained through current retail practices (such as pre-packaged meat with few identifying cues), as well as in our language use, at least in English where most of the names of the meat are different to those of the animal (Plous; Croney) and where euphemisms such as “harvesting” abound (Abrams, Zimbres, and Carr). In many locales, including Australia, there is squeamishness about talking about slaughter and the processes by which “animal” becomes “meat” which in turn prevents open discussion about the origins of meat (Bray et al., “Conversation”).Campaigning culinary documentaries by chefs, including Matthew Evans’s recent For the Love of Meat (SBS, 2016), aim to reconnect animal and meat in order to critique modern meat production methods. In addition, Gourmet Farmer and River Cottage Australia both feature depictions of hunting (skinning and butchering of the animals is shown but viewers are rarely exposed to the kill itself) and emphasise the use of highly skilled hunters in order to bring about a quick death. By highlighting not only a good life but also what constitutes a “good death”, celebrity chefs and others are arguably generating discussion about what makes meat ethical by emphasizing that the quality of death is as important as the quality of life. In many of these programs, the emphasis is on more boutique or small-scale production systems which typically produce meat products that are higher priced and more difficult to source.Given that such products are likely out of reach for many potential consumers because of price point, convenience, or both, perhaps unsurprisingly the emphasis in many of these programs is on the consumer rather than the consumed. Hence these programs tend to be more about constructing an “ethical meat consumer”, defined implicitly as someone who acknowledges the meat/animal connection through conscious exposure to the realities of animal slaughter (for example, by watching a documentary), by “meeting your meat” such as in the BBC series Kill It, Cook It, Eat It (BBC, 2007; Evans and Miele), or by actively participating in the slaughter process as Evans did with his own chickens on Gourmet Farmer. As anthropologist Catie Gressier notes in her study of wild meat consumers in Australia, “hunting meat is seen as more noble than purchasing it, while wild meat is seen as preferable to farmed” (Gressier 58). Gressier also describes how one of her participants viewed hunting (and eating locally) as preferable to veganism because of the “animal violence that is the inevitable outcome of mass-crop agriculture” (58). However some scholars have argued that highly graphic depictions of slaughter in the popular media are becoming more commonplace as a masculinised type of “gastro-snuff” (a term referring to food-related visual depictions of brutal killings) (Parry 382). These types of efforts thus may fail to create dialogue about what constitutes ethical meat or even an ethical meat consumer, and may well reinforce more traditional ideas about human/non-human hierarchies.In contrast to coverage in popular media, detailed descriptions of commercial slaughter, in particular pre-slaughter (lairage) conditions, are yet to make it on to restaurant menus, despite the connections between meat quality and pre-slaughter conditions being well recognised even by consumers (Evans and Miele). Commercial slaughter conditions are one of the reasons that hunting is framed as more ethical than “ethically farmed” animals. As an Internet post, quoted in Adams (“Redneck” 50), puts it: “Hunting? A creature is peacefully in its own domain, it is shot. How is that worse than being carried for hours in a truck, being forced into a crush, hearing the bellows of other creatures, being physically restrained at the peak of terror, then culled?” Although determining precise rates of consumption of wild meat is methodologically difficult (Conservation Visions 28), available rates of hunting together with limited consumption data indicate that Australians currently eat less game or wild-caught meat per capita than those in Europe or North America. However, there is a sector of the community in Australia who pursue hunting as part of their ethical food habits (Bray et al., “Ferals”) with the largest proportion of wild-meat consumers being those who hunted it themselves (Gressier).In many cases, descriptions of animal lives (using descriptors such as “free range” or “grass fed”) serve implicitly as proxies for assurances that the animals’ deaths also have been good. One exception is the increasing awareness of the use of halal slaughter methods in part due to more transparent labelling, despite limited public awareness about the nature of these methods, particularly in the Australian context where they in fact comply with standard animal welfare requirements such as pre-slaughter stunning (Bergeauld-Blackler). Detailed descriptions of post-mortem conditions (e.g., aging conditions and time) are more common on restaurant menus, although arguably these no longer draw attention to the connections between the animal and the meat, and instead focus on the meat itself, its flavour and other physical qualities, rather than on ethical attributes.Thus, although it would seem obvious that ethical meat consumption should involve considerations about slaughter conditions or what makes a “good death”, most efforts have focused on encouraging people to make better and more reflexive consumer choices, rather than promoting deeper engagement with slaughter processes, perhaps underscoring that this domain may still represent one of the final food taboos. Although it might seem to be counterintuitive that wild or hunted meat could be viewed as an ethical food choice, particularly if vegetarianism or veganism is taken as the main point of comparison, these trends point toward the complexities inherent in food choice and the inevitable trade-offs in values that occur in these processes.Problems with Promoting Ethical Meat Norms: Ways ForwardIt is undeniable that many people are reflecting on their consumption habits in order to pursue decisions that better reflect their values. Attempting to be an “ethical meat consumer” clearly fits within these broader trends. However there are a number of problems associated with current approaches to ethical meat consumption, and these raise questions as to whether such efforts are likely to result in broader changes. First, it is not clear that restaurants are the most appropriate spaces for people to engage with ethical considerations, including those relating to meat consumption. Many people seek to try something new, or to treat themselves when dining out, but these behaviours do not necessarily translate into changes in everyday eating habits. Reasons are varied but include that people cannot reproduce the same types of dishes or concepts at home as what they get at restaurants (or see on TV shows for that matter), and that many products may be out of an acceptable price range or inconvenient for daily consumption. Others want to escape from ethical decisions when dining out by relying on those preparing the food to do the work for them, and thus sometimes simply consume without necessarily investigating every detail relating to its production, preparation, and so on.Perhaps more importantly, many are sceptical about the promotion of various meat-related values by high-profile or celebrity chefs, raising questions about whether ethical categories are merely packaging or window dressing designed to sell products, or if they are truly tied to deeper values and better products. Such concerns are reinforced by tendencies to emphasize one type of meat product—say free-range, grass-fed, or humanely-raised—as better than all others, or even as the only right choice, and thus can at times seem to be elitist in their approaches, since they emphasize that only certain (often extremely expensive boutique products) count as ethical. As scholars have noted about the classed nature of many of these consumption practices (see, for example, Bell and Hollows; Naccarato and LeBesco), these types of value judgments are likely to be alienating to many people, and most importantly will not foster deeper reflections on our consumption habits.However it is clear that celebrity and other high-profile chefs do get the public’s attention, and thus can play important roles in shaping conversations about fostering more ethical ways of eating, including meat consumption. We contend that it is important not to emphasize only one right way of eating, but to actively consider the various trade-offs that we make when choosing what to buy, prepare, and consume. Promoting answers by nominating certain meat products or production methods as always better in all circumstances, no matter how these might be in conflict with other values, such as preferences for local, organic, alignment with cultural or religious values, sustainable, fair trade, and so on, is not likely to result in meaningful public engagement. Critiques of Pollan and other food activists make similar points about the potential elitism and hence limited value of promoting narrow forms of ethical eating (e.g., Guthman et al.; Zimmerman).In addition, such food categories often serve as proxies for deeper values, but not necessarily for the same values for all of us. Simply relying on categories or types of products thus fails to allow engagement with the underlying rationale for various choices. More generally, promoting individual consumer decision-making and market demand as the keys to ethical consumption overlooks the broader systemic issues that limit our choices, and in turn limits attention to changes that might be made in that system (e.g., Lavin; Guthman et al.; DeLind; Ankeny).Thus instead of promoting one right way of eating meat, or a narrow number of acceptable choices, celebrities, chefs, and restauranteurs should consider how they can help to promote dialogue and the posing of the right types of questions to consumers and diners, including about trade-offs inherent in meat consumption and choices of other products, ethical and otherwise. They also should use their roles as change-makers to consider how they might influence the broader food system, but without promoting a single right way of eating. Parallel to recent calls from scientists for a new planetary health diet which promotes increased vegetable consumption and reduced meat consumption for environmental, health, and other reasons, by providing a range of trade-offs to support a diet that that allows individuals to make personalised choices (Willett et al.), hybrid approaches to ethical eating are more likely to have influence on consumers and in turn on changing eating habits.ReferencesAbrams, Katie M., Thais Zimbres, and Chad Carr. “Communicating Sensitive Scientific Issues: The Interplay between Values, Attitudes, and Euphemisms in Communicating Livestock Slaughter.” Science Communication 37 (2015): 485–505.Adams, Carol. The Sexual Politics of Meat: A Feminist Vegetarian Critical Theory. London: Continuum, 2000.Adams, Michael. “‘Redneck, Barbaric, Cashed Up Bogan? I Don’t Think So’: Hunting and Nature in Australia.” Environmental Humanities 2 (2013): 43–56.Ankeny, Rachel A. “From Food Consumers to Food Citizens: Reconceptualising Environmentally-Conscious Food Decision-Making.” Food Justice, the Environment, and Climate Change. Eds. Erinn Gilson, and Sarah Kenehan. New York: Routledge, 2019. 267–79.Ankeny, Rachel A., and Heather J. Bray. “Red Meat and Imported Wine: Why Ethical Eating Often Stops at the Restaurant Door.” The Conversation 8 Jan. 2019. 28 Mar. 2019 <https://theconversation.com/red-meat-and-imported-wine-why-ethical-eating-often-stops-at-the-restaurant-door-106926>.Arcari, Paula. “The Ethical Masquerade: (Un)masking Mechanisms of Power behind ‘Ethical’ Meat.” Alternative Food Politics: From the Margins to the Mainstream. Eds. Michelle Phillipov and Katherine Kirkwood. London: Routledge, 2019. 169–89.Barnett, Clive, Nick Clarke, Paul Cloke, and Alice Malpass. “The Political Ethics of Consumerism.” Consumer Policy Review 15 (2005): 45–51.Bell, David, and Joanne Hollows. “From River Cottage to Chicken Run: Hugh Fearnley-Whittingstall and the Class Politics of Ethical Consumption.” Celebrity Studies 2 (2011): 178–91.———, Joanne Hollows, and Steven Jones. “Campaigning Culinary Documentaries and the Responsibilization of Food Crises.” Geoforum 84 (2017): 179–87.Bergeauld-Blackler, Florence. “The Halal Certification Market in Europe and the World: A First Panorama.” Halal Matters: Islam, Politics and Markets in Global Perspective. Eds. Florence Bergeauld-Blackler, Johan Fischer, and John Lever. London: Routledge, 2016. 105–26.Bray, Heather J., Sebastian Konyn, Yvette Wijnandts, and Rachel Ankeny. “Ferals or Food? Does Hunting Have a Role in Ethical Food Consumption in Australia?” Wild Animals and Leisure: Rights and Wellbeing. Eds. Neill Carr and Jeanette Young. London: Routledge, 2018. 210–24.———, Sofia C. Zambrano, Anna Chur-Hansen, and Rachel A. Ankeny. “Not Appropriate Dinner Table Conversation? Talking to Children about Meat Production.” Appetite 100 (2016): 1–9.Conservation Visions. State of Knowledge Report: Consumption Patterns of Wild Protein in North America. A Literature Review in Support of the Wild Harvest Initiative. St John’s: Conservation Visions, April 2016.Croney, C.C. “The Ethics of Semantics: Do We Clarify or Obfuscate Reality to Influence Perceptions of Farm Animal Production?” Poultry Science 87 (2008): 387–91.DeLind, Laura B. “Are Local Food and the Local Food Movement Taking Us Where We Want to Go? Or Are We Hitching Our Wagons to the Wrong Stars?” Agriculture and Human Values 28 (2011): 273–83.Evans, Adrian B., and Mara Miele. “Between Food and Flesh: How Animals Are Made to Matter (and Not Matter) within Food Consumption Practices.” Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 30 (2012): 298–314.Evans, Matthew. For the Love of Meat. Richmond: Hardie Grant Books, 2016.Fiddes, Nick. Meat: A Natural Symbol. London: Routledge, 1991.Gressier, Catie. “Going Feral: Wild Meat Consumption and the Uncanny in Melbourne, Australia.” The Australian Journal of Anthropology 27 (2016): 49–65.Guthman, Julie, et al. “Can’t Stomach It: How Michael Pollan et al. Made Me Want to Eat Cheetos.” Gastronomica 7 (2007): 75–9.Henderson, Fergus. Nose to Tail Eating: A Kind of British Cooking. London: Bloomsbury, 2004 (1999).Johnston, Ian. “Campaign Leads to Free Range Chicken Shortage.” The Telegraph 13 Apr. 2008. 20 Mar. 2019 <https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/1584952/Campaign-leads-to-free-range-chicken-shortage.html>.Johnston, Josée, and Michael K. Goodman. “Spectacular Foodscapes: Food Celebrities and the Politics of Lifestyle Mediation in an Age of Inequality.” Food, Culture and Society 18 (2015): 205–22.Lavin, Chad. Eating Anxiety: The Perils of Food Politics. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota Press, 2013.Lewis, Tania, and Alison Huber. “A Revolution in an Eggcup? Supermarket Wars, Celebrity Chefs and Ethical Consumption.” Food, Culture and Society 18 (2015): 289–307.———, and Emily Potter. “Introducing Ethical Consumption.” Ethical Consumption: A Critical Introduction. Eds. Tania Lewis and Emily Potter. London: Routledge, 2011. 3–24.Naccarato, Peter, and Kathleen LeBesco. Culinary Capital. London: Bloomsbury, 2012.OzTAM. “Consolidated Metropolitan Top 20 Programs: Week 22 2018, 27/05/2018–02/06/2018.” OzTAM 20 Mar. 2019 <https://oztam.com.au/documents/2018/OzTAM-20180527-EMetFTARankSumCons.pdf>.Parker, Christine, Rachel Carey, and Gyorgy Scrinis. “The Consumer Labelling Turn in Farmed Animal Welfare Politics: From the Margins of Animal Advocacy to Mainstream Supermarket Shelves.” Alternative Food Politics: From the Margins to the Mainstream. Eds. Michelle Phillipov and Katherine Kirkwood. London: Routledge, 2019. 193–215.Parry, Jovian. “The New Visibility of Slaughter in Popular Gastronomy.” MA thesis. U of Canterbury, 2010.Phillipov, Michelle. “Escaping to the Country: Media, Nostalgia, and the New Food Industries.” Popular Communication 14 (2016): 111–22.———. Media and Food Industries: The New Politics of Food. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017.Pilgrim, Karyn. “‘Happy Cows’, ‘Happy Beef’: A Critique of the Rationales for Ethical Meat.” Environmental Studies 3 (2013): 111–27.Plous, S.S. “Psychological Mechanisms in the Human Use of Animals.” Journal of Social Issues 49 (1993): 11–52.Pollan, Michael. The Omnivore’s Dilemma: A Natural History of Four Meals. London: Penguin, 2006.Redzepi, Rene. “Redzepi on Redzepi: The Noma Australia Exit Interview.” Gourmet Traveller 30 Mar. 2016. 20 Mar. 2019 <https://www.gourmettraveller.com.au/news/restaurant-news/redzepi-on-redzepi-the-noma-australia-exit-interview-3702>.Roy Morgan. “Woolworths Increases Lead in $100b+ Grocery War.” Roy Morgan 23 Mar. 2018. 20 Mar. 2019 <http://www.roymorgan.com/findings/7537-woolworths-increases-lead-in-$100b-plus-grocery-war-201803230113>.Waters, Alice. The Chez Panisse Menu Cookbook. London: Chatto and Windus / The Hogarth Press, 1982.———. “The Farm-Restaurant Connection.” A Slice of Life: Contemporary Writers on Food. Ed. Bonnie Marranca. Woodstock: Overlook Duckworth, 2003. 328–36.Willett, Walter, et al. “Food in the Anthropocene: The EAT–Lancet Commission on Healthy Diets from Sustainable Food Systems.” The Lancet 393 (2019): 447–92.Zimmerman, Heidi. “Caring for the Middle Class Soul: Ambivalence, Ethical Eating and the Michael Pollan Phenomenon.” Food, Culture and Society 18 (2013): 31–50.

Longing on a large scale is what makes history.Don DeLillo, UnderworldIntroductionWhile the media industries have been rather thoroughly dissected for their capacity to generate enthusiasm through well-honed practices of marketing and patterns of consumerism, any analysis of the shift underway to capture and modulate the ‘enthusiastic’ and affective labour of media industry practitioners themselves may still have much to learn by reaching back to the long tradition in Western philosophy: a tradition, starting with the Greeks that has almost always contrasted enthusiasm with reason (Heyd). To quote Hume: “Hope, pride, presumption, a warm imagination, together with ignorance, are … the true sources of enthusiasm” (73). Hume’s remarks are contextualised in protestant theological debates of the 18th century, where enthusiasm was a term for a religious practice, in which God possesses the believer. Especially English preachers and theologians were putting considerable energy into demonising this far too ecstatic form of belief in god (Heyd). This ambivalent attitude towards enthusiasm time-travels from the Greeks and the Enlightenment period straight into the 20th century. In 1929, William Henry Schoenau, an early author of self-help literature for the white-collar worker, aimed to gain a wider audience with the title: “Charm, Enthusiasm and Originality - their Acquisition and Use”. According to him, enthusiasm is necessary for the success of the salesman, and has to be generated by techniques such as a rigorous special diet and physical exercises of his facial muscles. But it also has to be controlled:Enthusiasm, when controlled by subtle repression, results in either élan, originality, magnetism, charm or “IT”, depending on the manner of its use. Uncontrolled enthusiasm results in blaring jazz, fanaticism and recklessness. A complete lack of enthusiasm produces the obsequious waiter and the uneducated street car conductor. (7)Though William Henry Schoenau got rather lost in his somewhat esoteric take on enthusiasm – for him it was a result of magnetic and electric currents – we argue that Schoenau had a point: Enthusiasm is a necessary affect in many forms of work, and especially so in the creative industries. It has to be generated, it sometimes has to be enacted, and it has also to be controlled. However, we disagree with Schoenau in one important issue: For us, enthusiasm can only be controlled up to a certain degree. Enthusiasm in the Creative IndustriesSchoenau wrote for an audience of salesmen and ambitious managers. This was simultaneous with the rise of Fordism. Most labour in Fordism was routine labour with the assembly line as its iconic representation. In mass-production itself, enthusiasm was not needed, often not even wanted. Henry Ford himself noted dryly: “Why do I get a human being when all I want is a pair of hands” (Kane 128). It was reserved for few occupational groups situated around the core of the mass-produced economy, such as salesmen, inventors, and leaders like him. “Henry Ford had a burning enthusiasm for the motor car” (Pearle 196).In industrial capitalism enthusiasm on a larger scale was not for the masses. It could be found in political movements, but hardly in the realm of work. This was different in the first socialist state. In the 1920s and 1930s Soviet Union the leaders turned their experience in stimulating a revolutionary mindset into a formula for industrial development – famously documented in Dziga Vertov’s “Enthusiasm. Symphony of the Donbass”.In capitalist countries things changed with the crisis of Fordism. The end of mass production and its transformation to flexible specialisation (Piore/Sabel) prepared the ground for a revival of enthusiasm on a large scale. Post-industrial economies rely on permanent innovation. Now discourses in media, management, and academia emphasise the relevance of buzzwords such as flexibility, adaptability, change, youth, speed, fun, and creativity. In social science debates around topics such as the cultural economy (Ray/Sayers, Cook et al., du Gay/Pryke, Amin/Thrift), affective labour (Lazzarato, Hardt/Negri, Virno) and creative industries (Florida, Hartley) gained in momentum (for an interesting take on enthusiasm see Bröckling). Enthusiasm has become an imperative for most professions. Those who are not on fire are in danger of getting fired. Producing and Consuming EnthusiasmOur interest in enthusiasm as affective labour emerged in an ethnographic and experimental project that we conducted in 2003-2007 in London’s creative industries. The project brought together three industrial and one academic partner to produce a reality TV show tailor-made for IPTV (internet-protocol-based television). During this project we encountered enthusiasm in many forms. Initially, we were faced with the need to be enthusiastic, while we established the project coalition. To be convincing, we had to pitch the commercial potential of such a project enthusiastically to our potential partners, and often we had to cope with rejections and start the search and pitch again (Caldwell). When the project coalition was set up, we as academic partners managed the network. In the following two years we had to cope with our partner’s different directions, different rhythms and different styles of enthusiasm. The TV producer for example had different ways to express excitement than the new media firm. Such differences resulted in conflicts and blockades, and part of our task as project managers was to rebuild an enthusiastic spirit after periods of frustration. At the same time enthusiasm was one of the ingredients of the digital object that we produced: `Real’ emotions form the material of most reality TV shows (Grindstaff). Affects are for reality TV, what steel was for a Fordist factory. We needed an enthusiastic audience as part of the filmed material. There is thus a need to elicit, select, engineer and film such emotions. To this aim we engaged with the participants and the audience in complex ways, sometimes by distancing ourselves, other times by consciously manipulating them, and at even other times by sharing enthusiasm (similar processes in respect to other emotions are ethnographically described in Hesmondhalgh/Baker). Generating and managing enthusiasm is obviously a necessary part of affective labour in the creative industries. However, just as Hesmondhalgh/Baker indicate, this seemingly simple claim is problematic.Affective Labour as Practice‘Affective labour’ is a term that describes labour through its products: ‘A feeling of ease, well-being, satisfaction, excitement, or passion’ (Hardt/Negri 292-293). Thus, the term ‘affective labour’ usually describes a sector by the area of human endeavour, which it commodifies. But the concept looses its coherence, if it is used to describe labour by its practice (for an analogue argument see Dowling). The latter is what interests us. Such a usage will have to re-introduce the notion of the working subject. To see affective labour as a practice should enable us to describe in more detail, how enthusiasm shapes the becoming of a cultural object. Who employed affect when and what kinds of affects in which way? Analysing enthusiasm as social practice and affective labour usually brings about one of two contrasting perceptions. On the one hand one can celebrate enthusiasm – like Pekka Himanen – as one of the key characteristics for a new work ethic emerging alongside the Protestant Ethic. On the other hand we find critique of the need to display affects. Barbara Ehrenreich shows how a forced display of enthusiasm becomes a requirement for all office workers to survive in late capitalism. Judging from our experience these two approaches need to be synthesized: Much affective labour consists in the display of affects, in showing off, in pretending. On the other hand, enthusiasm can only realise its potential, if it is ‘real’ (as opposed to enacted).With Ehrenreich, Hochschild and many others we think that an analysis of affective labour as a practice needs to start with a notion of expression. Enthusiasm can be expressed through excited gestures, rapid movements, raised voices, eyes wide open, clapping hands, speech. For us it was often impossible to separate which expression was ‘genuine’ and which was enacted. Judging from introspection, it is probable that many actors had a similar experience to ours: They mixed some genuine enthusiasm with more or less enforced forms of re-enactment. Perhaps re-enactment turned to a ‘real’ feeling: We enacted ourselves into an authentic mood - an effect that is also described as “deep acting” (Grandey). What can happen inside us, can also happen in social situations. German philosopher Max Scheler went to substantial lengths to make a case for the contagiousness of affects, and enthusiasm is one of the most contagious affects. Mutual contagiousness of enthusiasm can lead to collective elation, with or without genuine enthusiasm of all members. The difference of real, authentic affects and enacted affects is thus not only theoretically, but also empirically rather problematic. It is impossible to make convincing claims about the degree of authenticity of an affect. However, it is also impossible to ignore this ambivalence. Both ‘authentic’ and ‘faked’ enthusiasm can be affective labour, but they differ hugely in terms of their productive capacities.Enthusiasm as Productive ForceWhy is enthusiasm so important in the first place? The answer is threefold. Firstly, an enthusiastic worker is more productive. He or she will work more intensively, put in more commitment, is likely to go the so-called extra mile. Enthusiasm can create a surplus of labour and a surplus of value, thus a surplus of productivity. Secondly enthusiasm is part of the creative act. It can unleash energies and overcome self-imposed limitations. Thirdly enthusiasm is future-oriented, a stimulus for investment, always risky. Enthusiasm can be the affective equivalent of venture capital – but it is not reified in capital, but remains incorporated in labour. Thus enthusiasm not only leads to an increase of productivity, it can be productive itself. This is what makes it to one of the most precious commodities in the creative industries. To make this argument in more detail we need to turn to one of the key philosophers of affect.Thinking Enthusiasm with SpinozaFor Spinoza, all affects are derivatives of a first basic drive or appetite. Desire/appetite is the direct equivalent of what Spinoza calls Conatus: Our striving to increase our power. From this starting point, Spinoza derives two basic affects: pleasure/joy and sadness/pain. Pleasure/joy is the result of an increase of our power, and sadness/pain is the result of its decrease. Spinoza explains all other affects through this basic framework. Even though enthusiasm is not one of the affects that Spinoza mentions, we want to suggest that Spinoza’s approach enables us to understand the productivity of enthusiasm. Enthusiasm is a hybrid between desire (the drive) and joy (the basic affect). Like hope or fear, it is future-oriented. It is a desire (to increase our power) combined with an anticipated outcome. Present and the future are tightly bound. Enthusiasm differs in this respect from its closest relatives: hope and optimism. Both hope and optimism believe in the desired outcome, but only against the odds and with a presumption of doubt. Enthusiasm is a form of ecstatic and hyper-confident hope. It already rewards us with joy in the present.With Spinoza we can understand the magical trick of future-oriented enthusiasm: To be enthusiastic means to anticipate an outcome of an increased power. This anticipation increases our power in the present. The increased power in the present can then be used to achieve the increased power in the future. If successful, it becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy. It is this future-orientedness, which can make enthusiasm productive. Actions and PassionsIn its Greek origin (‘enthousiasmos’) to be enthusiastic meant to be possessed or inspired by a god. An enthusiast was someone with an intense religious fervour and sometimes someone with an exaggerated belief in religious inspiration. Accordingly, enthusiasm is often connected to the devotion to an ideal, cause, study or pursuit. In late capitalism, we get possessed by different gods. We get possessed by the gods of opportunity – in our case the opportunities of a new technology like IPTV. Obsessions cannot easily be switched on and off. This is part of affective labour: The ability to open up and let the gods of future-oriented enthusiasm take hold of us. We believe in something not for the sake of believing, but for the sake of what we believe in. But at the same time we know that we need to believe. The management of this contradiction is a problem of control. As enthusiasm now constitutes a precious commodity, we cannot leave it to mere chance. Spinoza addresses exactly this point. He distinguishes two kinds of affects, actions and passions. Actions are what we control, passions are what controls us. Joy (= the experience of increased power of acting) can also weaken, if someone is not able to control the affection that triggered the joy. In such a case it becomes a passion: An increase of power that weakens in the long run. Enthusiasm is often exactly this. How can enthusiasm as a passion be turned into an action? One possible answer is to control what Spinoza calls the ‘ideas’ of the bodily affections. For Spinoza, affections (affectiones) ‘strike’ the body, but affect (affectus) is formed of both, of the bodily affectiones, but also of our ideas of these affectiones. Can such ideas become convictions, beliefs, persuasions? Our experience suggests that this is indeed possible. The excitement about the creative possibilities of IPTV, for example, was turned into a conviction. We had internalised the affect as part of our beliefs. But we had internalised it for a prize: The more it became an idea the more stable it got, but the less it was a full, bodily affect, something that touched our nervous system. We gained power over it for the price that it became less powerful in its drive.Managing the UnmanageableIn all institutions and organisations enthusiasm needs to be managed on a regular basis. In project networks however the orchestration of affects faces a different set of obstacles than in traditional organizations. Power structures are often shifting and not formally defined. Project partners are likely to have diverging interests, different expectations and different views on how to collaborate. What might be a disappointing result for one partner can be a successful result for another one. Differences of interest can be accompanied by differences of the expression of enthusiasm. This was clearly the case in our project network. The TV company entered a state of hype and frenzy while pitching the project. They were expressing their enthusiasm with talk about prominent TV channels that would buy the product, and celebrities who would take part in the show. The new media company showed its commitment through the development of beautifully designed time plans and prototypes – one of them included the idea to advertise the logo of the project on banners placed on airplanes. This sort of enthusiastic presentation led the TV producer to oppose the vision of the new media’s brand developer: She perceived this as an example of unrealistic pipe dreams. In turn the TV producer’s repeated name-dropping led other partners to mistrust them.Timing was another reason why it seemed to be impossible to integrate the affective cohorts of all partners into one well-oiled machine. Work in TV production requires periods of heightened enthusiasm while shooting the script. Not surprisingly, TV professionals save up their energy for this time. In contrast, new media practitioners create their products on the go: hype and energy are spread over the whole work process. Their labour becomes materialised in detailed plans, concepts, and prototypes. In short, the affective machine of a project network needs orchestration. This is a question of management.As this management failed so often in our project, we could discover another issue in the universe of enthusiasm: Disappointed high spirits can easily turn into bitterness and hostility. High expectations can lead to a lack of motivation and finally to a loss of loyalty towards the product and towards other project partners. Thus managing enthusiasm is not just about timing. It is also about managing disappointment and frustration. These are techniques, which have to be well developed on the level of the self-management as well as group management.Beyond the ProjectWe want to conclude this paper with a scene that happened at the very end of the project. In a final meeting, all partners agreed – much to our surprise – that the product was a big success. At that time we as academic partners found this irritating. There were many reasons why we disagreed: we did not produce a new format, we did not get positive user feedback, and we could not sell the show to further broadcasters (our original aims). However, all of this did not seem to have any impact on this final assessment. At the time of the meeting this looked for us like surreal theatre. Looking back now, this display of enthusiasm was indeed perhaps a ‘rational’ thing to do. Most projects and products in the creative industries are not successful on the market (Frith). To recreate the belief that one will eventually be successful (McRobbie) seems to be the one task of affective labour that stands out at the end of the lifecycle of many creative project networks.References Amin, Ash, and Nigel Thrift, eds. The Blackwell Cultural Economy Reader. Oxford: Blackwell, 2004.Broeckling, Ulrich. “Enthusiasten, Ironiker, Melancholiker. Vom Umgang mit der unternehmerischen Anrufung.” Mittelweg 36.4 (2008): 80-86.Caldwell, John Thornton. Production Culture: Industrial Reflexivity and Critical Practice in Film and Television. Durham, NC: Duke UP, 200. Cook, Ian, et al., eds. Cultural Turns/Geographical Turns. Harlow: Prentice Hall, 2000.Dowling, Emma. “Producing the Dining Experience: Measure, Subjectivity and the Affective Worker.” Ephemera 7 (2007): 117-132.Ehrenreich, Barbara. Bait and Switch: The Futile Pursuit of the Corporate Dream. London: Granta, 2005.Florida, Richard. The Rise of the Creative Class. New York: Basic Books, 2002.Du Gay, Paul. and Michael Pryke, eds. Cultural Economy. Cultural Analysis and Commercial Life. London: Sage, 2002.Grandy, Alicia. “Emotion Regulation in the Workplace: A New Way to Conceptualise Emotional Labour.” Journal of Occupational Health Psychology 5 (2000): 95-110.Grindstaff, Laura. The Money Shot: Trash, Class, and the Making of TV Talk Shows. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 2002.Hartley, John, ed. Creative Industries. Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2005.Hesmondhalgh, David, and Sarah Baker. “Creative Work and Emotional Labour in the Television Industry.” Theory, Culture and Society 25.5 (2008): 97-119.Heyd, Michael. “Be Sober and Reasonable." The Critique of Enthusiasm in the Seventeenth and Early Eighteenth Centuries. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1995.Himanen, Pekka. The Hacker Ethic. London: Random House, 2002.Hume, David. “Of Superstition and Enthusiasm.” Essays, Moral Political and Literary, I.X.3. Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 1742/1987.Johnson, Gregory. “The Tree of Melancholy. Kant on Philosophy and Enthusiasm.” Kant and the New Philosophy of Religion. Eds. Chris L. Firestone and Stephen R. Palmquist. Bloomington: Indiana UP, 2006. 43-61.Kane, Pat. The Play Ethic: A Manifesto for a Different Way of Living. London: Pan Books, 2005.Lazzarato, Maurizio. "Verwertung und Kommunikation." Umherschweifende Produzenten. Eds. Negri et al., Berlin: ID Verlag, 1998.Lutz, Burkart. Der kurze Traum immerwährender Prosperität: Eine Neuinterpretation der industriell-kapitalistischen Entwicklung im Europa des 20. Jahrhunderts. Frankfurt a.M.: Campus, 1984.Mandel, Ernest. Late Capitalism. London, 1978.McRobbie, Angela. “From Holloway to Hollywood: Happiness at Work in the Cultural Economy.” Cultural Economy: Cultural Analysis and Commercial Life. Eds. Paul du Gay and M. Pryke. London: Sage, 2001. 97-114.Pearle, Norman V. Enthusiasm Makes the Difference. Worl's Work: Kingswood and London, 1967.Piore, Michael, and Charles Sabel. Das Ende der Massenproduktion. Studie über die Requalifizierung der Arbeit und die Rückkehr der Ökonomie in die Gesellschaft. Frankfurt: Fischer, 1985.Ray, Larry, and Andrew Sayer, eds. Culture and Economy after the Cultural Turn. London: Sage, 1999.Reich, Robert. The Work of Nations: Preparing Ourselves for 21st-Century Capitalism. New York: Knopf, 1991.Scheler, Max. Wesen und Formen der Sympathie. Gesammelte Werke, VII. Bonn: Bouvier, 1973 [1913].Schoenau, William H. Charm, Enthusiasm and Originality: Their Acquisition and Use. Los Angeles: Eln Publishing, 1929.Spinoza, Baruch. Ethics. The Collected Works of Spinoza I, trans. E. Curley. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton UP, 1985. Virno, Paolo. A Grammar of the Multitude. For an Analysis of Contemporary Forms of Life. Los Angeles: Semiotext(e), 2004.