Books on the topic 'Different between leader and manager'

In this volume, distinguished experts, and leaders in the field, discuss a wide range of issues in administrative law from a comparative perspective. Administrative law is concerned with the conferral, nature, exercise, and legal control of administrative (or ‘executive’) governmental power. It has close links with other areas of ‘public law’, notably constitutional law and international law. It is of great interest and importance not only to lawyers but also to students of politics, government, and public policy. Studying public law comparatively helps to identify both similarities and differences between the way government power and its control is managed in different countries and legal traditions.

This book presents the symbolic management perspective as a comprehensive, behavioral theory of corporate governance. It describes a pervasive pattern of symbolic decoupling, or separation between appearances and reality, at each level of the governance system. The processes of governance are less efficient or effective than they appear, at every level: from interpersonal relations within organizations, such as relations between chief executive officers and directors and between top managers and lower-level employees, between firm leaders and external stakeholders, and between communities of leaders and groups of constituents. There is even a separation between appearances and reality at the level of the governance system. Symbolic management comprises the agentic practices by which decoupling is maintained at different levels of the system, including internal and external communications by firm leaders that conform to prevailing cultural values. The symbolic management perspective not only provides an integrative, behavioral alternative to economic theories of governance such as agency theory, but it subsumes economic theory. Agency theory is reconceived as a historically contingent, institutional logic, or a set of cultural values, assumptions, and prescriptions that became taken for granted among key stakeholders for a period of time. We reveal a gradual shift in institutional logics of governance, away from the traditional agency logic, and toward an alternative “neo-corporate” logic that reinterprets agency prescriptions and drops fundamental economic assumptions of agency theory. Our theory and research ultimately demonstrate how the symbolic management activities of firm leaders have contributed to this historical shift in prevailing logics of governance.

Taylor G. Petrey’s trenchant history takes a landmark step forward in documenting and theorizing about Latter-day Saints (LDS) teachings on gender, sexual difference, and marriage. Drawing on deep archival research, Petrey situates LDS doctrines in gender theory and American religious history since World War II. His challenging conclusion is that Mormonism is conflicted between ontologies of gender essentialism and gender fluidity, illustrating a broader tension in the history of sexuality in modernity itself. As Petrey details, LDS leaders have embraced the idea of fixed identities representing a natural and divine order, but their teachings also acknowledge that sexual difference is persistently contingent and unstable. While queer theorists have built an ethics and politics based on celebrating such sexual fluidity, LDS leaders view it as a source of anxiety and a tool for the shaping of a heterosexual social order. Through public preaching and teaching, the deployment of psychological approaches to “cure” homosexuality, and political activism against equal rights for women and same-sex marriage, Mormon leaders hoped to manage sexuality and faith for those who have strayed from heteronormativity.

Why would authoritarian leaders expand social welfare provision in the absence of democratization? What are the distributive features and implications of social welfare expansion in an authoritarian country? How do authoritarian leaders design and enforce social welfare expansion in a decentralized multilevel governance setting? This book identifies the trade-off authoritarian leaders face in social welfare provision: effectively balancing coverage and benefits between elites and masses in order to maximize the regime’s survival prospects. Using government documents, field interviews, survey data, and government statistics about Chinese social health insurance, this book reveals that the Chinese authoritarian leaders attempt to manage the distributive trade-off by a “stratified expansion” strategy, establishing an expansive yet stratified social health insurance system to perpetuate a particularly privileged program for the elites while building an essentially modest health provision for the masses. In China’s decentralized multilevel governance setting, the stratified expansion of social health insurance is implemented by local leaders who confront various fiscal and social constraints in vastly different local circumstances. As a result, there is great regional variation in the expansion of social health insurance, in addition to the benefit stratification across social strata. The dynamics of central-local interaction in enforcing the stratified expansion of social health insurance stands at the core of the politics of health reform in China during the first decade of the 2000s. This book demonstrates that the strategic balance between elites and masses in benefit distribution is delicate in authoritarian and decentralized multilevel governance settings.

This article examines whether ethnicity, or more specifically ethnic diversity, undermines development. After explaining the nature of ethnicity, ethnic identity, and ethnic groups, it considers whether public goods are less likely to be provided in more ethnically politicized areas and whether ethnic politics leads governments to adopt economically unproductive policies. It also investigates the relationship between neo-patrimonialism, winner-takes-all politics, and development policy. More specifically, the article evaluates the possibility that the politicization of identities and poor economic performance are both manifestations of weak institutions and strong social structures. Finally, it analyzes how ethnicity can best be managed and suggests that communal identities can be disentangled from development by making political institutions inclusive and promoting social interaction between different communities.

This book examines the marketization of employment services and its consequences in Denmark, Great Britain, and Germany. What concretely does marketization mean in practice? What are its effects on the services and their governance? How does marketization and its effects map against the main ‘regime types’ found in comparative social science? These questions are answered using more than 100 qualitative interviews with policymakers, managers, and front-line workers. The qualitative material in the book shows how transactions are structured by the public authorities that fund the services and how managers respond both collectively as a sector and individually in organizing services. The book does so within a framework that allows both within- and between-country comparisons. Employment services are used as a window into the much larger phenomenon of intensified economic competition across Europe. These three countries have marketized their employment services in different ways, and the distinct trajectories are discussed. We define employment services as government-funded services to move jobless people into, or closer to, paid work, with a public employment service as the responsible ‘public authority’. Marketization in this book is conceptualized in terms of the features of transactions that produce competition between providers. Providers of employment services are deeply affected by marketization, because it shapes the uncertainty and resource scarcity that they face. Marketization can lead to the disorganization of employment relations and the intensification of managerial control, and the quality of services is part of these organization-level effects. Marketization creates four dilemmas that lead to change in governance—price versus quality, payment-by-results versus equal access to services, user choice versus user compulsion, and transparency/openness vs transaction costs. Failures of the work-first welfare state are due in large part to the failures of marketization.

Concussion is a type of mild traumatic brain injury, is common, and occurs both in sport and as a result of falls or accidents. Concussion has become an increasingly recognized public health concern, largely driven by prominent media coverage of athletes who have sustained concussion. Although much has been written about this condition, its natural history is still not well understood, and practitioners are only now beginning to recognize that concussion often manifests in different clinical domains. These may require targeted treatment in and of themselves; otherwise, persistent post-concussive symptoms may develop. Although most individuals who sustain a concussion recover, and although concussion is a treatable condition, it is important that concussion be managed early and comprehensively to avoid a more prolonged clinical trajectory. A relatively recent term often used in the setting of concussion is repetitive head impact exposure—a biomechanical force applied to the head that does not generate a clinical manifestation of concussion, but may result in structural brain changes. Although it is often assumed that repetitive head impact exposure leads to long-term neurological sequelae, the science to document this assumption is in its infancy. Repeated concussions may lead to depression or cognitive impairment later in life, and there is an emerging literature that repeated concussion and repetitive head impact exposure are associated with chronic traumatic encephalopathy or other neurodegenerative diseases. Currently there is no known causal connection between concussion, repetitive head impact exposure, and neurodegeneration, although this research is also still in its infancy.

This book of readings is about one specific but vital aspect of Open Distance Learning (ODL): The Role of Learning Interaction in Open & Distance Learning: Issues, Experiences and Practices.In many ways, interaction and interactivity have not received the attention warranted. The learning conditions are quite different for distance learners as compared with the conventional type of learning where face to face (f2f) meeting between students and instructors are common.This may affect learning outcomes significantly in ODL.There needs to be a strong emphasis on the provision of learning interactions as a means of support, which is designed to facilitate learning between the learners and the teachers with the course content. Interaction is a very important component of ODL.Evidently, it has been proven by various research that learning without sufficient interaction possibly could lead the learners to delay their completion of a programme or drop out altogether.In short, ODL without sufficient learning interactions within the primary stakeholders (namely the students and the teachers), will not succeed.The target audience of this book is a wide range of staff either currently on ODL schemes, or about to start.They may be distance teachers, tutors, ODL policy makers, advisers, counselors working directly with distance learners or administrators and managers organising learning support in ODL.

This chapter explores the nature of governmental policy advice, the roles and methods of governmental advisors, and the range of relationships that may exist between advisors and their clients. Three models of the advisor-client relationship are identified. Model I is the advisor as director, wherein the advisor tends to take control of the advising process, directing the client to take actions to achieve success in governance and policy making. Model II is the advisor as servant, in which the advisor merely responds to the demands of the client for help and guidance in a specific governmental task. Model III is the advisor as partner, wherein the advisor and the government official jointly manage and take co-ownership of the problem to be solved. Factors that lead to the adoption each of these models, the various advising styles that advisors employ, and their differing effects on the policy-making process are also explored.

Adult Nursing Practice: Using evidence in care enables today's students and newly qualified nurses develop the knowledge and skills they need to deliver, and lead care tomorrow. Reflecting the principles of evidence-based care in line with the current NMC competencies, this textbook helps students learn to manage patients with common conditions and fundamental health needs so they can provide the best possible evidence-based care. Written, and edited by leading nurses from practice, education and research, it focuses on common diseases, fundamental health needs, and symptoms that nurses' encounter in daily practice. Conditions are clearly explained so that the causes of ill health are easily understood. Every chapter covers pathophysiology, indicates the key priorities for nursing assessment, and discusses 'what the evidence says', before considering nursing management options. Throughout the authors' clear signposts to trustworthy evidence mean that students can effortlessly select the best nursing interventions for their patients using the current available evidence-base. The ideal guide for students preparing for registration and newly qualified staff going through preceptorship, it is packed with over 115 illustrations and lots of features to bring the subject to life and make learning easier: BLNursing assessment illustrations outline challenges caused by common diseases in a helpful and memorable way, highlighting issues that need assessment BLRed flag icons indicate the warning signs of deterioration and urgent questions are listed that can be used for assessment and monitoring BLCase studies of effective evidence-based interventions show the difference that high quality nursing care makes BLCross references between common conditions' causes and managing related health needs and symptoms develop understanding by clearly linking pathophysiology with nursing management options BLTheory into practice boxes further enhance learning through suggested activities, such as exploring key evidence, considering major practice issues or applying core knowledge while out on placement BLOnline resource centre at www.oxfordtextbooks.co.uk/orc/bullock http://www.oxfordtextbooks.co.uk/orc/bullock. Filled with interactive and useful e-learning resources to help students test their learning, keep up-to-date with the latest evidence and further expand their knowledge, it features: BLClinical decision making scenarios BLQuiz questions BLUpdates to content BLHyperlinked references BLimages from the book BLLecturer resources

This chapter addresses the issues concerning State interference in the appointment of clergy in a religion. In practice, the existence of religious communities is maintained through the succession of new religious leaders, priests, and teachers. If a State systematically abducts, arrests, or imprisons religious leaders this may jeopardize the very survival of this community. Likewise, direct State interference in the appointment procedure of a religion may lead to divisions within communities and may weaken the relationship between different sub-groups. These interferences may include management measures for the recognition of ‘reincarnations’, which may result in disunity among religious members, with some believers following the State-appointed leader while others follow the leader who has not been officially recognized. Another issue of interpretation is whether the autonomy of religious communities in selecting and appointing their religious leaders can—or even must—be curtailed by the State in order to safeguard the equality between men and women.

In ACT, it was originally proposed that every patient should be looked after by the whole team and not have an individual case manager or key worker. Its originator, Len Stein, was convinced that key working fostered pathological dependence, and the idea has gained considerable prominence. We reject this proposal and explore the practical differences between the whole-team approach and more usual forms of multidisciplinary care. There is clearly a range of practice that can be adapted for different teams depending on the specific needs of their group of patients.

While most leadership experts seem satisfied with the leadership industry, some are not. Some argue that the industry has not only failed to develop better leaders but has made things worse. Whatever the various biases, there’s no question the industry is beset by problems, including some as fundamental as this unresolved question: What is the distinction between a leader and a manager? The matter of metrics is critical to this conversation. For the lack of an obvious yardstick to assess leadership learnings and evaluate leadership programs is one of the reasons both are dealt with haphazardly. There are, of course, some clear successes, most prominently leadership education, training, and development in the American military. The chapter closes with a discussion of how learning to lead in the military stands apart from learning to lead anywhere else in America. For leadership in the military is considered a profession— not an occupation.

Sybil, or The Two Nations is one of the finest novels to depict the social problems of class-ridden Victorian England. The book's publication in 1845 created a sensation, for its immediacy and readability brought the plight of the working classes sharply to the attention of the reading public. The ‘two nations’ of the alternative title are the rich and poor, so disparate in their opportunities and living conditions, and so hostile to each other. that they seem almost to belong to different countries. The gulf between them is given a poignant focus by the central romantic plot concerning the love of Charles Egremont, a member of the landlord class, for Sybil, the poor daughter of a militant Chartist leader.

In 1963, the “shuttle diplomacy” efforts of Ellsworth Bunker and Ralph Bunche between Riyadh, Cairo, and Sana’a led to an agreement for the withdrawal of Egyptian and Saudi intervention in the Yemen Civil War. The UN Yemen Observer Mission, which ran from 1963 to 1964, was given the responsibility to oversee this withdrawal. Contemporary and historic perceptions of UNYOM have been tainted by a clash of personalities between the mission leader, Carl von Horn, who embodied the old European leadership of the UN, and Secretary General U Thant, who represented the new Asia-Africa bloc in the UN. UNYOM has been portrayed as the first failure in a new era of “tin-cup peacekeeping” that could scarcely feed and supply UN personnel. The reality, gleaned from interviews in addition to newly available UN and Canadian archives, is starkly different. The mission was in fact a success, limited only by the global conflict that overshadowed UNYOM.

This chapter explores an important, but much-neglected feature of management—its relationship with management consultancy. It firstly contrasts the dominant definitions of consulting as either inclusive or exclusive of management. Rather, management and consulting are shown to be both the same and different, especially in terms of a recent convergence towards both ‘consultancy as management’ and ‘management as consultancy’. The chapter looks at these developments in terms of the emergence of neo-bureaucratic organizations and a consultant manager role with an emphasis on change management, formal tools, project working, and facilitation. It then examines the relationship between management and consultancy in terms of their interactions in practice, through the idea of the activity and passivity of managerial clients of consultancy and the ideas they promote. Overall, the chapter seeks to broaden the analysis of management away from concerns within organizations towards that which spans organizational boundaries.

This chapter reviews research done on French elections, focusing on presidential contests. Initially, the scientific literature on voting behavior, coming out of the Michigan Model, is looked at. Then, we bear down specifically on the French case, comparing the perspectives of French scholars, such as exploration of “heavy variables,” to the perspectives of non-French scholars, for example the search for general models. Attention is given also to the search for a Michigan Model à la française. The final part of the chapter considers the convergence between the two traditions of studying French elections, from different sides of the Atlantic. In conclusion, we see a “meeting in the middle,” with each tradition contributing to the understanding of electoral choice in France, via consideration of long-term forces such as patrimony, and short-term forces such as leader image. Lastly, we offer specific recommendations for further enhancement of French election surveys.

Charles Dibdin (1745–1814) was one of the most popular and influential producers of late Georgian culture. The huge diversity of his work and career defies simple categorization. He was, often at one and the same time, an actor, lyricist, composer, singer-songwriter, comedian, theatre-manager, journalist, and author of novels, historical works, polemical pamphlets, and guides to musical education. Consequently, he is important to many different fields for often quite dissimilar reasons. This means that a sense of his overall accomplishments—never mind the powerful reverberations of his influence—across numerous areas and in different periods may only truly be appreciated from the multiple perspectives that an interdisciplinary collaboration can offer. The chief aim of this volume is to illuminate the breadth and depth of Dibdin’s impact, and in the process offer fresh insights into previously hidden aspects of late Georgian culture. Dibdin’s importance lies in his ability to make visible the connections between various kinds of cultural production; he provides a model for thinking about late Georgian culture as a system of interconnected parts. This book illustrates the variety of Dibdin’s cultural output as characteristic of late-eighteenth-century entertainment, while also addressing the challenge mounted by specialization in the early nineteenth century. What emerges is not the elimination of miscellany, but rather the establishment of new cultural hierarchies in which a specialized elite culture increasingly defined itself against a continuing and vibrant culture of miscellany.

This chapter deals with sacred biographies, hagiographies, and their function in the formation of religious leaders and ritually venerated persons. It is argued that the status of any Master, Teacher, Prophet, guru, Seer and Channel is partly based on sacred biographies, and that the narrative construction of religious authority is crucial to our understanding of leadership in new religions, sects etc. Distinctions are made between doctrinal and popular hagiographies; doctrinal narratives promote the exalted leader according to theologically well-defined standards, while popular narratives cover a wider span, as they seek to draw a picture of the perfected human in many different ways. Counter-hagiographies, finally, serve to deconstruct the ideal person and are typically employed by ex-devotees or members of counter-groups. Hagiographies are seen as very ancient social strategies (there are references to old new religions including early Christianity and the cult of Christ), but also a very lively and important mechanisms in the current make of religious leaders. Examples are derived from Catholic cults of saints, the Mormon Church, Scientology, TM and several other groups.

This landmark volume presents vivid and intimate portraits of Palestinian Presidents Yasser Arafat and Mahmoud Abbas, revealing the impact these different personalities have had on the struggle for national self-determination. Arafat and Abbas lived in Palestine as young children. Uprooted by the 1948 war, they returned in 1994 to serve as the first and second presidents of the Palestinian Authority, the establishment of which has been the Palestine Liberation Organization’s greatest step towards self-determination for the Palestinian nation. Both Arafat and Abbas were shaped by earlier careers in the PLO, and each adopted their own controversial leadership methods and decision-making styles. Drawing on primary sources in Arabic, Hebrew and English, Klein gives special attention to the lesser-known Abbas: his beliefs and his disagreements with Israeli and American counterparts. The book uncovers new details about Abbas’ peace talks and US foreign policy towards Palestine, and analyses the political evolution of Hamas and Abbas’ succession struggle. Klein also highlights the tension between the ageing leader and his society. Arafat and Abbas offers a comprehensive and balanced account of the Palestinian Authority’s achievements and failures over its twenty-five years of existence. What emerges is a Palestinian nationalism that refuses to disappear.

After a year of trading colorful barbs with the American president and significant achievements in North Korea’s decades-long nuclear and missile development programs, North Korean leader Kim Jong Un declared mission accomplished in November 2017. Though Kim's pronouncement appears premature, North Korea is on the verge of being able to strike the United States with nuclear weapons. South Korea has long been in the North Korean crosshairs but worries whether the United States would defend it if North Korea holds the American homeland at risk. The largely ceremonial summit between US president Donald Trump and Kim Jong Un, and the unpredictability of both parties, has not quelled these concerns and leaves more questions than answers for the two sides' negotiators to work out. The Korean Peninsula’s security situation is an intractable conflict, raising the question, “How did we get here?” In this book, former North Korea lead foreign service officer at the US embassy in Seoul Patrick McEachern unpacks the contentious and tangled relationship between the Koreas in an approachable question-and-answer format. While North Korea is famous for its militarism and nuclear program, South Korea is best known for its economic miracle, familiar to consumers as the producer of Samsung smartphones, Hyundai cars, and even K-pop music and K-beauty. Why have the two Koreas developed politically and economically in such radically different ways? What are the origins of a divided Korean Peninsula? Who rules the two Koreas? How have three generations of the authoritarian Kim dictatorship shaped North Korea? What is the history of North-South relations? Why does the North Korean government develop nuclear weapons? How do powers such as Japan, China, and Russia fit into the mix? What is it like to live in North and South Korea? This book tackles these broad topics and many more to explain what everyone needs to know about South and North Korea.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.