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Journal articles on the topic 'Digital Fascism'
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1
Lewis, Jac. "Acid Fascism." Journal of Bodies, Sexualities, and Masculinities 5, no. 1 (2024): 81–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/jbsm.2024.050106.
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Abstract What comes after the New Man? An urgent dilemma for twenty-first-century anti-fascism is the global resurgence of a radical right masculinist consciousness that is at once nostalgic for strictly codified and hierarchical symbols of manhood while culturally immersed in accelerative, amorphous, and acentric digital networks. I trace this precarious and unsettled ultra-masculinity back to the material context of fascist psychedelic experimentation with consciousness in the sixties counterculture, through the example of the Lyman Family, to contend that Acid Fascism provides a new and important way to think about an emerging desire for an experimental—rather than utopian—reactionary manhood. Alt-right subjectivity requires a theoretical approach toward technological acceleration that is at ease with morphing affective complexions of nostalgic and paranoid masculine sensibility.
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Ambasciano, Leonardo. "An Evolutionary Cognitive Approach to Comparative Fascist Studies: Hypermasculinization, Supernormal Stimuli, and Conspirational Beliefs." Evolutionary Studies in Imaginative Culture 5, no. 1 (2021): 23–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.26613/esic.5.1.208.
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Abstract After summarizing Roger Griffin’s Fascism: An Introduction to Comparative Fascist Studies (2018), I describe the academic subfield of Comparative Fascist Studies (CFS). I argue that CFS could be strengthened by integrating it with cognitive science, evolutionary psychology, and religious studies. That biocultural integration would make it more effective as both a scholarly endeavour and an antifascist vaccine for democratic societies. I explain the role of traditional mass media and digital social media in the rise of dominance-style leadership and radical-right populism, construct a neurosociological revision of the CFS concept of fascism as a “political religion,” and characterize ultranationalism as a set of maladaptive supernormal stimuli. These revisions of CFS aim at providing a cross-disciplinary framework able to explain the spread of alt-right conspiracy theories online and offline.
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Demir, Mustafa. "From Ideology to Algorithms, The New Face of Fascism: Digital Fascism." Anemon Muş Alparslan Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi 13, no. 1 (2025): 232–72. https://doi.org/10.18506/anemon.1619446.
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Classical fascism, as defined by Benito Mussolini, is widely recognized for its authoritarianism and extreme nationalism. By contrast, digital fascism refers to the reproduction and reinforcement of these ideologies through digital platforms, including social media and big data technologies. This study examines the evolution of classical fascism in the digital age, emphasizing how technological advancements have reshaped authoritarian ideologies. Utilizing a qualitative methodology, the research integrates an extensive literature review with detailed case analyses. Platforms such as Facebook, X (formerly Twitter), and the Aadhaar biometric identification system, alongside their algorithmic applications, are analyzed to assess their roles in disseminating authoritarian ideologies and enabling individual surveillance. The study contends that digital fascism operates without requiring a central leader or organizational structure, instead exploiting social media algorithms to exacerbate social polarization. Furthermore, the manipulative use of social media and the unethical application of big data and artificial intelligence technologies are identified as key mechanisms for sustaining constant surveillance. This dynamic not only consolidates the authority of authoritarian regimes but also amplifies the power of large corporations. Within this framework, digital fascism is conceptualized as an extension of the authoritarian and oppressive dimensions of classical fascism into the digital domain. The research underscores the ideological continuity between classical and digital fascism, highlighting the growing suppression of individual freedoms in the digital era.
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Pfister, Damien Smith. "Digitality, Rhetoric, and Protocological Fascism; Or, Fascist Ants & Democratic Cicadas." Journal for the History of Rhetoric 23, no. 1 (2020): 3–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jhistrhetoric.23.1.0003.
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ABSTRACT Myths about pharmaka are especially useful during dramatic cultural and technical changes. This essay first explores a contemporary myth, Bernard Stiegler’s “Allegory of the Anthill,” as a warning about protocological fascism – the industrialized and undemocratic exercise of control through digital infrastructures. Following Stiegler, I suggest that the algorithms structuring many digital technologies threaten to impose ant-like efficiency logics on subjects, making them more susceptible to the homogenizing political impulses of fascism. If not the logos of the ant, what should we aspire to? To answer this question, I turn to the myth of the cicadas in Plato’s Phaedrus. Lysias, Socrates’ antithesis in the Phaedrus, is associated with an ant-like practical rhetoric that prizes industry over virtue. Opposed to the ant’s efficiency logics is the cicada, associated with poetic world-making, joy, and mania. I argue that the cicada might be recuperated as an icon of democratic renewal, resonance, resistance, and re-enchantment.
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Hammar, Emil L., Carolyn Jong, and Joachim Despland-Lichtert. "Time to stop playing." Eludamos: Journal for Computer Game Culture 14, no. 1 (2023): 31–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.7557/23.7109.
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This article highlights the interrelated crises that the games industry, its digital game consumers, and the academic field of game studies are embedded in and responsible for reproducing. By couching our analysis in Marxist, feminist, anti-fascist, and anti-imperialist understandings of how our social relations arise from the historical-material basis of society, we identify several different conditions of modern digital games that everyone working in and around games should confront and take seriously, especially regarding contemporary and future impacts and restrictions on the type of research and education we are able to conduct. These crises emerge from social and economic structures including imperialism, racism, militarism, fascism, and patriarchy. To better confront them, we broadly define the causes from which the morbid symptoms we witness arise in primarily Western societies and how they manifest in the games industry, its consumers, and its academic institutions. Based off these aspects, we extrapolate their trajectory in how they will change and adapt to the future of games and of their study, as the ecological and social crises intensify and reverberate. This allows us to propose potential strategies for radically confronting and potentially overcoming the looming crises related to war, patriarchy, white supremacy, famine, destitution, fascism, and climate apocalypse.
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Evans, Jennifer V. "The New Fascism Syllabus: Networked Knowledge in the Digital Public Sphere." Seminar: A Journal of Germanic Studies 57, no. 3 (2021): 264–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/seminar.57.3.4.
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This article analyzes the New Fascism Syllabus private Facebook discussion group, which came into being in the months following the 2016 US presidential election. Through the use of several scraping, data mining, and visualization programs and Facebook’s own platform analytics software, the article posits ways we might analyze Facebook fora as a mediated digital public sphere. It argues that digital spaces like these, however fraught, help users craft arguments and points of contention around how to oppose resurgent authoritarianism. Online discussion creates affective communities that help bond participants, who in turn shape the construction of popular memory around the history and legacy of fascism.
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Focardi, Giovanni, and Andrea Del Vanga. "Anche l'occhio vuole la sua parte. Comunicare storia tra carte, illustrazioni e immagini: l'attivitŕ di Cliomedia." MEMORIA E RICERCA, no. 29 (March 2009): 189–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2008-029011.
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- Cliomedia Officina, managed by Chiara Ottaviano, has been dealing with historical research for about twenty years. This firm experimented various forms of cultural production by applying computer technology and the internet to multimedia projects, communication, archives, and history e-learning/teaching activities. In the last few years, Cliomedia Officina focused both on enciclopedic paper works, and on multimedia products concerning Fascist dictatorship (FASCISM). The article highlights the way these works have been built, from the point of view of the authors and the digital contents. Moreover, through the interpreting category of the public use of history, it reflects also on how such products were received and on some possible ways for using them.
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Descartes, Jan, Michele Hardesty, Jen Hoyer, Maggie Schreiner, and Brooke Shuman. "Anti-fascism in the Archive." Radical History Review 2020, no. 138 (2020): 179–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-8359580.
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Abstract The exhibit no. NOT EVER. opened at Interference Archive (IA) in January 2018. It featured a traveling installation from the Seattle-based collection If You Don’t They Will, which used stories from 1980s and 1990s rural working-class activism to inspire organizing against white nationalism in the current moment. This installation was contextualized with print culture from the IA collection. Creating this collaborative exhibition presented several challenges and opportunities, among them how to create a cohesive show with hybrid elements, how to create digital and physical safety for visitors and volunteers in a new storefront space, and how to foreground training and organizing through workshops.
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Šuvaković, Miško. "The logic of entrapment: Digital proletarians; digital fascism; symbiosis between a virus and autocracy." Maska 35, no. 200s3 (2020): 98–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/maska_00047_1.
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Abstract This text was written on the occasion of the 200th issue of Maska magazine. My goal is to identify and interpret the time when the text is written and when the 200th issue of Maska will be published. I identified a situation of sociability at the time of the coronavirus pandemic and the dominance of digital/postdigital communications. I am interested in the difference between media representation, virus events and political-or-artistic interpretation of modern and transitional forms of human life. If we are talking about digital art/culture/society in relation to the technological turns from the mechanical to the analogue-electronic world, from the analogue to the digital world, from the digital world to the post-digital world, and from the post-digital world into a De Re media possible world, then we are facing a conflict between the dialectic of emancipation through the new and the differentiation of the production/and/consumption of the new in a time and space where the human being is becoming the product of its own product. It is important to index the contemporary antagonism between the ‘digital proletarian’ and ‘digital fascism’. Confronted with digital fascism, digital proletarians pursue a risky process of self-fulfilment and thereby liberation/emancipation in complex digital practices and their impacts on other forms of existence – in a critical and dialectic ontology. Therein lies the essential difference between the politics of functionalism and that of liberation.
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Crano, Ricky. "The Joy of Following: Network Fascism and the Micropolitics of the Social Media Image." Deleuze and Guattari Studies 16, no. 2 (2022): 277–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/dlgs.2022.0478.
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This article deploys Spinoza’s ethic of joy alongside Deleuze and Guattari’s exposition of micropolitics to expose how fascist desires and affects bloom and circulate through digital communications ecosystems that generally promote a diffusion or decentralisation of power. Beyond the steady barrage of alt-right content conscientiously documented by liberal journalists and progressive watchdogs, a more persistent and widespread fascist impulse permeates the very forms of some of our most banal digitally mediated acts and encounters. Rather than a sole looming authoritarian figurehead, the network itself – particularly with the new image paradigms propelled by apps such as Instagram and TikTok – has become the rallying point for the circulation of fascistic affects, burnished through the art and ethos of following: of rules, routines, protocols, accounts. I contend that a joyful passion accompanies much of this everyday experience of keeping up with one’s feeds, engaging the platforms, participating in the spectacles. This is what Sontag, interrogating the appeal of the Third Reich, calls the ‘joy of followers’, a joy in fascist belonging, which is to suggest that fascist movements thrive not only on the circulation of negative affects like hatred and fear, but also on the profusion of pleasure and affiliation. Deleuze’s Spinoza, resolutely anti-fascist, helps us parse this situation as it plays out in the social media sphere. Spinoza offers a bipartite conceptualisation of joy that allows us to diagnose the pleasures particular to fascist belonging and network belonging alike as passive, partial and indirect. Ultimately, what we today share with historical fascisms is a ubiquitous aesthetic that merges art with life and bodies with information, and a corresponding ethos that cultivates conformism, barbarises critical thought and redirects joyful impulses into reactionary social forms. As fascistic power relations spread anew through digital cultures’ newly evolving modes of visuality, hapticity, vibration and expression, one can observe something of what Deleuze calls ‘sad joy’, a sort of joy rooted in conquest and domination. The aim of this article is to root out such sad joys, to appreciate their appeal, and ultimately to reject them in all their various forms.
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Gaufman, Elizaveta. "World War II 2.0: Digital memory of fascism in Russia in the aftermath of Euromaidan in Ukraine." Journal of Regional Security 10, no. 1 (2015): 17–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.11643/issn.2217-995x151spg48.
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The events in Ukraine in 2013-2014 will have long-lasting ramifications for the future of international security being in essence the end of a post Cold War order. While the scale of Russia's involvement in Ukraine is still debated, the discursive construction of Ukrainian crisis in Russian media undeniably draws heavily on the World War II narrative of fascism. Representing Euromaidan participants as being on the 'wrong side of history' helps bolster an existential threat frame that resonates extremely well on the Post-Soviet space. This paper explores the digital memory of fascism on Russian social media in the aftermath of Euromaidan in Ukraine by analysing debates on Russian segments of social networks, such as Twitter, Livejournal.com and Vkontakte.com.
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Sansone, Nicole. "Looking at Nothing, Bigly: The Right-Wing Politics of Texture Mapping Earth." Media-N 21, no. 1 (2025): 87–110. https://doi.org/10.21900/j.median.v21i1.1416.
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Are render engines fascist? This article proposes a debate on the relationship between conservative and far-right politics and environmental visualization technologies. The argument works through a close reading of a patented texture mapping process owned by Google Earth and a related artistic project titled Postcards from Google Earth (2010-ongoing) by Clement Valla. These case studies surface the engineering choices that selectively edit and optimize what is seen by users, thus creating a very particular, and manipulable, framing of “environment.” On this basis the article makes two claims: one, that computer graphics play a part in the conservative, right, and far-right mobilizations of nature-as-metaphor that nourish fascist and populist imaginaries, and two, that computer graphics more broadly reshapes human visual culture in ways that amplify the central contradictions of liberalism that have historically been exploited by fascism, such as an anti-allegiance to fact and rationality. The article concludes that combining digital technologies with representations of environments can resurrect latent conservative politics of the environment, and furthermore, that these politics can be directly and critically assessed through canonical interrogations of landscape art.
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Giroux, Henry Armand. "Reclaiming culture and pedagogy in the fight against fascism." Revista Sítio Novo 9 (June 5, 2025): e1754. https://doi.org/10.47236/2594-7036.2025.v9.1754.
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This text analyzes the contemporary crisis of democracy, arguing that it is no longer toppled by overt military coups but eroded from within through cultural and pedagogical mechanisms. It highlights how fascism today operates through digital technologies, social media, and cultural symbols that normalize cruelty, exclusion, and historical erasure. Culture is depicted not merely as a reflection of society but as an active battlefield where power shapes identities, desires, and common sense. Drawing on thinkers such as Gramsci, Hall, Adorno, and Mujica, the text emphasizes the vital role of culture and education as sites of both domination and resistance. The author critiques left-wing policy for underestimating the cultural dimension of political struggle, warning that without a cultural revolution grounded in solidarity, care, and critical pedagogy, democracy and civic conscience will be lost. The Trump era is portrayed as a manifestation of resurgent fascism marked by cruelty, corruption, and state terrorism, with culture deployed as a “disimagination machine” that sustains authoritarianism. The text concludes with a call to center culture and education in progressive politics, envisioning a transformative cultural politics capable of combating fascism and renewing democratic hope.
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Robinson, William I. "Accumulation Crisis and Global Police State." Critical Sociology 45, no. 6 (2018): 845–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920518757054.
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Global police state refers to three interrelated developments. First are the ever more omnipresent systems of mass social control, repression, and warfare promoted by the ruling groups to contain the real and the potential rebellion of the global working class and surplus humanity. Second is how the global economy is itself based more and more on the development and deployment of these systems of warfare, social control, and repression simply as a means of making profit and continuing to accumulate capital in the face of stagnation – what I term militarized accumulation, or accumulation by repression – and that now goes well beyond military Keynesianism. And third is the increasing move towards political systems that can be characterized as 21st century fascism, or even in a broader sense, as totalitarian. Digitalization makes possible the creation of a global police state. The mounting crisis appears to cement the emerging digital economy with the global police state. There is a triangulation of far-right, authoritarian, and neo-fascist forces in civil society, reactionary political power in the state, and transnational corporate capital, especially speculative finance capital, the military–industrial–security complex, and the extractive industries – all three interwoven with high-tech or digital capital.
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Fuchs, Christian. "M. N. Roy and the Frankfurt School: Socialist Humanism and the Critical Analysis of Communication, Culture, Technology, Fascism and Nationalism." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 17, no. 2 (2019): 249–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v17i2.1118.
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Manabendra Nath Roy (1887-1954) was the founder of the Communist Parties of Mexico and India and a socialist-humanist philosopher. In the Western world, his works are today widely ignored and forgotten. This article introduces some philosophical aspects of Roy’s thought. It engages with foundations of his theory and shows its relevance for the study of communication, culture, technology, the human being, fascism, and nationalism. Frankfurt School thinkers such as Theodor W. Adorno, Max Horkheimer, Herbert Marcuse, and Erich Fromm were interested in similar topics to Roy. This article also compares the approach of Roy and the Frankfurt School. It shows parallels between Roy and the first generation of the Frankfurt School with respect to themes such as the dialectic of technology and society, the dialectic of the Enlightenment, fascism, nationalism, and authoritarianism. In the age of new nationalisms and authoritarian capitalism, global environmental crises, capitalist crisis, and the digital crisis, socialist-humanist theories such as M. N. Roy’s can inspire struggles for a humanist and socialist society as antidotes to the acceleration and deepening of the three crises.
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Liu, Yan. "The ideological foundation of the Sino-Russian strategic partnership: from anti-fascism to a shared destiny." Конфликтология / nota bene, no. 2 (February 2025): 51–66. https://doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2025.2.74428.
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The article examines the ideological evolution of the Chinese-Russian strategic partnership in the context of the 80th anniversary of the victory over fascism, revealing the dialectic of historical memory and modern values. The purpose of the work is to identify how the anti-fascist narrative is transformed into an ideological basis for the formation of the concept of a “community of common destiny” amid the crisis of the liberal world order. Based on the methodology of Marxist historical materialism, the continuity of the transition from anti-fascist solidarity to the concept of a “community of common destiny” is analyzed through the integration of Qin Yaqing’s theory of “relations” and the concept of “Greater Eurasia” developed by Russian researchers. The article presents a comparative analysis of K. Mannheim’s ideological constructs, revealing the transformation of the anti-fascist narrative into an instrument for legitimizing strategic interaction that overcomes class limitations. The study demonstrates that the synthesis of historical justice and multilateral cooperation forms an alternative model of global governance based on the principles of equality and the rejection of hegemony. This work contributes to the decolonization of theories of international relations. The author uses an interdisciplinary approach: 1) historical and comparative analysis of archival documents and declarations; 2) critical discourse analysis of media texts and speeches by leaders; 3) theoretical reflection within the framework of Marxist dialectics and K. Mannheim's sociology of knowledge, revealing the connection between ideology and interests. The scientific novelty of the study lies in the development of an interdisciplinary analytical model, in which Marxist philosophy (including the dialectic of historical materialism and criticism of imperialist exploitation) is synthesized with modern theories of Sino-Russian relations. Using the example of the evolution from the anti-fascist class solidarity of the 1940s to the concept of a “community of common destiny,” it is demonstrated that proletarian internationalism is transformed into a hybrid paradigm that combines national-state pragmatism with Eurasian civilizational complementarity. Through the prism of the Marxist theory of class struggle, the unique logic of anti-hegemonic resistance is revealed: from military-political symbiosis against Nazism to institutional creation (SCO, BRICS) as a means of denying the "dictatorship of force" under conditions of digital capitalism. It is established that the synthesis of two traditions—Marxist critique of the alienation of labor and Chinese-Russian concepts of relational justice—forms a new epistemology of global governance, where historical legitimation through anti-fascist rhetoric is rethought as a tool for decolonizing international relations, and collective security is materialized through technological sovereignty and network alliances.
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de Oliveira Fornasier, Mateus, and Matheus Antes Schwede. "DIGITAL POPULISM AND FASCISM: THE DEMOCRATIC REGRESSION IN POLITICAL COMMUNICATIONS IN THE 21ST CENTURY." REVISTADAACADEMIABRASILEIRADEDIREITOCONSTITUCIONAL 12, no. 23 (2020): 89–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.24068/2177.8256.2020.12.23;89.118.
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Back, Les, Michael Keith, and John Solomos. "Technology, Race and Neo‐fascism in a Digital Age: The New Modalities of Racist Culture1." Patterns of Prejudice 30, no. 2 (1996): 3–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0031322x.1996.9970185.
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Ariel, Galit, Aparajita Bhandari, Sarah York-Bertram, and Kacie G. Hopkins. "The Feminist XResistance Project." Atlantis 45, no. 2 (2024): 180–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1114721ar.
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On May 31, 2023, we showcased the Feminist XResistance project at the Women and Gender Studies et Recherches Féministes (WGSRF) conference under the apt thematic “Take Back the Future.” The project started on July 9, 2022, when a group of international, interdisciplinary, early career feminist scholars convened on Zoom for the Feminist Digital Methods (FDM) Drop-in Virtual Lab hosted by York University’s Centre for Feminist Research (CFR). The drop-in took place two weeks after the United States Supreme Court overturned the constitutional right to an abortion and became a digital space to express our fears and anger over rising gender essentialist fascism, worries about the future, and to imagine feminist digital methods for resistance. In this reflection and commentary, we share our observations and processes for the Feminist XResistance project, starting with our first exploratory workshop, our co-creative analysis and outputs, the development of our AR installation, and, finally, our conclusions and insights.
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Pavlik, John V., Adnan Abu Alsaad, and Peter Laufer. "Speaking Truth to Power: Core Principles for Advancing International Journalism Education." Journalism & Mass Communication Educator 75, no. 4 (2020): 392–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077695820946241.
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A confluence of forces has brought journalism and journalism education to a precipice. The rise of fascism, the advance of digital technology, and the erosion of the economic foundation of news media are disrupting journalism and mass communication (JMC) around the world. Combined with the increasingly globalized nature of journalism and media, these forces are posing extraordinary challenges to and opportunities for journalism and media education. This essay outlines 10 core principles to guide and reinvigorate international JMC education. We offer a concluding principle for JMC education as a foundation for the general education of college students.
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Saha, Aishik. "Engels’s Theory of Social Murder and the Spectacle of Fascism: A Critical Enquiry into Digital Labour and its Alienation." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 19, no. 1 (2020): 52–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v19i1.1214.
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In this paper, I shall attempt to respond to the charge that the digital labour theory, as developed by Christian Fuchs, doesn’t faithfully stick to the Marxist schema of the Labour Theory of Value by arguing that Marx’s critique of capitalism was based on the social and material cost of exploitation and the impact of capitalist exploitation of the working class. Engels’s analysis of The Condition of The Working Class in England links the various forms of violence faced by the working class to the bourgeois rule that props their exploitation. I shall argue, within the framework of Critical Social Media Studies, that the rapid advance of fascist and authoritarian regimes represents a similar development of violence and dispossession, with digital capitalism being a major factor catalysing the rifts within societies. It shall be further argued that much like the exploitative nature of labour degrades social linkages and creates conditions of that exaggerates social contradictions, the “labour” performed by social media users degenerates social relations and promotes a hyper-violent spectacle that aids and abets fascist and authoritarian regimes.
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Giorgi, Pamela, Elena Mazzini, and Patrizia Garista. "The wounded school. Framing race pedagogies through INDIRE digital collections." Rivista di Storia dell’Educazione 7, no. 1 (2020): 115–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/rse-9398.
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Contemporary challenges in school and society, against any form of racism, refer to the urgency and the pedagogical potential of “memories” as a cultural heritage and as an “educational experience” to be exposed as educators and to which the school itself should be exposed. Moving up from the Indire Archive studies on racial laws, the present proposal intends to investigate the relationship between school and fascism from a perspective that aims to grasp the elements of resistance and metamorphosis, by tracing the possible didactic implications of a digitized historical heritage. Nevertheless, the scarring of racial laws becomes an opportunity for reflection and transformation, where the archive offers itself as a chance to build narratives-bridge with the future. The sources, which the contribution proposes as a documentary apparatus, come from the Indire historical archive, from which the project documented by an exhibition with materials dating back to the National Educational Exhibition of 1925 was developed. The systematic analysis of school materials is presented here following the results of cataloging, returning markedly ideological elaborations in languages, as then reflected in the contents, of a pedagogy gradually eroded in its role of development in favor of indoctrination.
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Tarnanidis, Theodore. "Digital marketing and AI integration with robotics for the fight against racism in football: A cross-cultural investigation." International Journal of Business and Applied Social Science 11, no. 3 (2025): 28–34. https://doi.org/10.33642/ijbass.v11n3p4.
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The paper focuses on the prevalence of racism in football, using data collected from individuals of various age groups from diverse European countries. Descriptive statistics were utilized by researchers to analyze the data, revealing a high rate of racist incidents in sports. The findings also suggest that socio-demographic factors influence individuals' tendencies toward racism. Racist behavior was commonly attributed by respondents to a lack of education, fear, and broader social unrest. The study demonstrates how strategic marketing can be utilized to combat racism and fascism in football. A more inclusive and positive environment can be cultivated through digital marketing's ability to shape perceptions, raise awareness, and influence behaviors. Strong policies and accountability measures are necessary to achieve meaningful change through marketing efforts. Hence, football can move towards a more inclusive and anti-racist environment with the incorporation of AI and robotics. Finally, this paper discusses a comprehensive approach to enhancing regulations to fight racism and abuse in football, providing practical suggestions for policymakers and stakeholders.
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Hamm, Marion. "Physically Distant – Socially Intimate." Anthropology in Action 27, no. 3 (2020): 56–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/aia.2020.270312.
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In the 2020 COVID-19 pandemic situation, physical interaction and public performances became difficult, while use of digital media for public and private purposes was extended and intensified. This affected citizens’ right of assembly and led to new forms of collective sociality. This article analyses how social intimacy was re-arranged during lockdown through a thick description of mediated performances circulating on Italy’s Day of Liberation from Nazi fascism. It examines how a politicised commemoration of resistance echoed fears and desires relating to the virus and enabled the production of subjectivities in a transnational techno-social environment. Combining Lauren Berlant’s concept of intimate publics with theories of media, social movements, mediation and national identity, it offers an analytical framework detailing three layers of social intimacy: spatial/corporeal materiality, biography and mediation.
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Smirnov, Alexandr A., Dmitry A. Smirnov, and Elizaveta V. Solovyeva. "Conative gamification model for psychological diagnostics and identification of risk zones of deviant behavior in educational institutions." Perspectives of Science and Education 65, no. 5 (2023): 481–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.32744/pse.2023.5.28.
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Introduction. In the modern world, new methods of teaching and upbringing in the educational process are being created, new technologies are associated with the creation of digital methods of modeling the environment: interactive tools. Simulation-based learning methods are more common, which is a new tool that can potentially replace and enhance the real experience in a fully interactive way. The central trend in the educational institution is the transition to new methods that are integrated into the digital environment. The purpose of the article is to create a model of gamification of psychological diagnostics and identification of risk zones of deviant behavior in educational institutions. Methods. Within the framework of the strategic academic leadership program «Priority 2030», we conducted studies of deviant behavior of schoolchildren (n=85) and students (n=125). The following methods are used: diagnostics of the level of empathic abilities of V. V. Boyko; methodology of T. Adorno, E. FrenkelBrunswick, D. Levinson, R. Sanford «Scale of fascism»; methodology for identifying the «bullying structure» of E. G. Norkina. Methods of mathematical statistics: factor analysis by the method of principal components, regression analysis. Research results. Six components that make up the conative model of identifying risk zones of deviant behavior are identified: «Self-destruction», «Tendency to violate norms», «Susceptibility to right-wing extremism», «Cognitive distortion», «External aggression», «Pathological personality». A regression equation has been compiled, which gives the probability of prediction, where 94% accuracy of prediction, thereby determining that the scale of fascism is determined by two variables: authoritarian aggression and authoritarian submission. Other empirical facts have also been established to explain the model based on cognitive empathy. The management of the Penetrating ability in empathy can change the structure of bullying, reduce the number of aggressor's assistants, because it is positively interrelated with the role of defenders of victims (r=0.19; p<0.05). Conclusion. The components that reflect the diagnostic potential of the gamification model for identifying risk zones in the educational institution of students are fixed. Based on the selected components, you can create a program using the regulatory framework.
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Shyamali Banerjee, Sanju Xavier. "Mass Media, Propaganda & Ethics: An Overview of a New Upsurge of Fascism in India." Proceeding International Conference on Science and Engineering 11, no. 1 (2023): 1515–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.52783/cienceng.v11i1.303.
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Mass Media, especially print media since its inception, if we look back, during Industrial Revolution and its concomitant Mass Production, has always been dwindled in between two binary epithets: Political Allegiance and Media Democracy. The duality lies in the fact that when the media has to work at the behest of political parties, ruling parties at the helm of body politique of the state, for its survival and sustenance, of course the other epithet which is ‘Media democracy’ or democratic rights of the media is questionable. However, the compulsion to show political allegiance to the ruling party at the governance is never accepted by the media without resistance and therefore any attempt of imposing censorship on media has been vehemently protested. Examples can be multiplied by drawing instances from history. Political censorship in Indian Media has never been such a recurrent phenomenon as it has become in the recent past. Also, ‘political allegiance’ when turned to propaganda tactics is more vulnerable than that of securing unflinching faith in the government. The number of defamation cases clamped against media houses, reporters and photo journalists have gone up from 13 to 167 as per a recent survey made by an independent journalist. This research study explores the fact that digital propaganda and political allegiance has been used by the ruling government to ensure a mass consensus over a number of socio-political issues, starting from Farmers’ Bill to Abrogation of Article 370 of Indian Constitution or for that matter Warfare Propaganda. The methodology that is used for this study is content analysis of media representation of information and speech analysis of PM Narendra Modi using a unique coding method. The samples are chosen on the basis of how media has represented announcement of different developmental schemes by the Modi Government and what they represent in reality. Most of the news reports that are analysed in this study between 2016-2022 are sourced from different newspapers and internet sources.
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Steblyna, Nataliia. "The dynamics of hate speech spreading on the telegram-channels of the popular kremlin propagandists." Obraz 42, no. 2 (2023): 17–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/obraz.2023.2(42)-17-24.
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Introduction. Telegram is the most popular social network for consuming news in Ukraine. However, in a full-scale invasion, Kremlin propagandists are trying to use popular digital platforms to promote hostile narratives. Relevance of the study. Monitoring the most popular Telegram channels is an extremely demanding task. It is important to detect the signs of propaganda content, to study the dynamics of its distribution in order to effectively counter the numerous information operations of the enemy. Research objective is to propose a mechanism (computer analysis of texts in the Telegram channels of leading Russian propagandists) for detecting hate speech usage, describe the dynamics of harmful content spread and to define its formal signs. Methodology. Computer analysis is used to search for keywords that indicate the use of hate speech, as well as collocation analysis and semantic analysis. The research material was the most popular telegram channels of leading Russian propagandists: Solovyov, Simonyan, Voenkor Kotenok Z. Results. Analysis of the mentions dynamics shows that the topic of «Nazism / Fascism» has similar bursts of attention for all three propagandists. Before the invasion single mentions were recorded, but in March-April there was a significant increase. At the end of April, when the Russians left Northern Ukraine, the number of mentions dropped significantly. The percentage of keywords remained quite high in the summer, but continued to decrease until the retreat of the Russians from Kharkiv and Kherson regions. Analysis of collocations showed that when highlighting the topic of «Nazism / Fascism», Russian propagandists most often associate it with Ukraine. Conclusions. The study showed that the hate speech towards Ukraine in the Telegram channels of popular Russian propagandists has its own dynamics. The number of posts with hate speech increases or decreases depending on the situation on the front lines. The organized nature of the hate speech spread can be considered as a formal feature of Russian propaganda and to help identify it in further research.
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Sullivan, Daniel. "Review of Jeremiah Morelock (Ed.), Critical Theory and Authoritarian Populism (2018). London: University of Westminster Press." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 17, no. 1 (2019): 101–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v17i1.1090.
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Critical Theory and Authoritarian Populism (2018; University of Westminster Press), edited by Jeremiah Morelock, brings together the work of sociologists, political scientists, historians, and philosophers attempting to revitalise the empirical and theoretical work on antidemocratic trends of the early Frankfurt School, or Institute for Social Research. They do so in the analytic context of contemporary, globally observed ‘authoritarian populist’ movements, in which political (often right-wing) agitators pit a symbolically-constructed national ‘people’ against purported corrupt elites and minority scapegoat groups. The chapters cover wide ground and can be contrasted to some extent in terms of whether they frame the contemporary moment as highly similar to the era of the Great Depression and 1930s Fascism, or emphasise the unique nature of neoliberalism as a historical backdrop. Notable strengths of the volume include Morelock’s systematic introductory overview of early Frankfurt School work, as well as a thematic section on “Digital Authoritarianism” which resurrects the Institute’s tradition of propaganda content analysis for the social media era. Critical Theory and Authoritarian Populism offers a highly comprehensive picture of the current geopolitical nightmare and the conceptual tools for attacking it, and serves as a welcome corrective to several recent simplistic applications of the authoritarianism concept in popular science outlets.
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Fajri, Pujangga Candrawijayaning. "The Political Domination of Identity in Indonesian Political Controversy and Mitigation of Election 2024." Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik 16, no. 2 (2024): 66–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.32734/politeia.v16i2.14360.
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The political practice of identity in a political reality is indeed a matter of discretion, given that identity itself is inherent to man. Practices of identity politics potentially have two significant impacts: positive and negative. This study seeks to look at the political impact of identity on some of Indonesia's political contestation experiences and provide constructive advice to mitigate something similar in the forthcoming 2024 elections. This research is qualitative and is accompanied by descriptive techniques of analysis by studying reference sources relevant to the research. The results of this study show that in the context of political controversy in Indonesia, identity politics has been shaped throughout the electoral momentum: Pilpres 2014, Pilkada DKI Jakarta 2019, and Pilpres 2019 were used as political strategies by hitting the identities of other candidates. The emergence of mainstream groups using religious symbols and provocative narratives as an attempt to catch the hearts of voters means that the course of electoral momentum tends to advance sentiment rather than argument. If identity politics continues to flourish, it will potentially give rise to fascism, separatism, and so on. To prevent the same from happening in the forthcoming 2024 elections, it would require mitigation efforts such as strengthening religious moderation, promoting political ethics and ideas of candidates, and increasing digital literacy for voters, so that the niche will create quality electoral processes and outcomes.
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A. Tsareva, Nadezhda, and Ekaterina Chernaya. "The methodology of using Internet sources in the process of educating students' patriotic consciousness." TERRITORY OF NEW OPPORTUNITIES OPENS FOR INVESTMENT PROJECTS OF THE FUTURE 16, no. 4 (2025): 123–30. https://doi.org/10.29039/2949-1258/2024-4/123-130.
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In the situation of Russia's confrontation with Western countries, the issues of patriotic education of students are relevant. The aim of the article is to consider the methodology of using Internet sources on history in the process of patriotic education of students. The objectives are: understanding the reasons for the use of historical material by students on the Internet; presenting the methodology of conducting a history lesson and the functions of the teacher at each stage of the work. The novelty of the research is due to its practical orientation, consideration of the methodology of conducting a history lesson using Internet resources. Research methods: observation, analysis, generalization. As a result of the research, the main reasons for students' access to web resources in the educational process are identified: 1) students are used to the Internet environment and easily navigate it; 2) the Internet is an extensive information base for historical education; 3) digital technologies have changed the representation of history, creating various forms of its perception; 4) working with online resources stimulates creative activity. A practical lesson on the topic "The Great Patriotic War: without a statute of limitations" actualizes historical material about the Great Patriotic War in the situation of a special operation in Ukraine. The interactive form of the lesson involves dividing students into three groups aimed at preparing and presenting material about the causes and essence of German fascism and Ukrainian nationalist ideology. At the first stage of the lesson, the teacher's functions are to recommend criteria for choosing sites based on history and the sites themselves, to get students acquainted with the main signs of fake information. Next, the teacher checks the selected material, corrects the arguments, and advises students. The heuristic potential of reliable online resources makes it possible to qualitatively improve the effectiveness of the educational process.
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Rodrigues, Marcelo Gonçalves. "Fascismo digital e violência escolar: deformação subjetiva do neoliberalismo contemporâneo?" Estilos da Clinica 29, no. 3 (2024): 359–77. https://doi.org/10.11606/issn.1981-1624.v29i3p359-377.
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L'obiettivo di questo articolo è riflettere su come la struttura economica neoliberale e l'ascesa del fascismo digitale influenzino oggettivamente gli attacchi alle scuole. II neoliberismo con le sue politiche di disuguaglianza sociale e di precarizzazione del lavoro, insieme a fattori tecnologici, crea un ambiente favorevole alla radicalizzazione dei giovani vulnerabili. La propagazione di discorsi di odio ed estremismo sulle piattaforme digitali intensifica questa tendenza, formando un tripode di fascismo digitale, struttura economica neoliberale e attacchi scolastici. Con la crescente radicalizzazione online e le culture di odio promosse sui social network, si osserva un preocupante aumento degli atti violenti negli ambienti scolastici nell'utlima decade. Le nuove tecnologie sono diventale un arsenale per la produzione di conflitti permanenti attraverso le contraddizioni del loro oggetto e del loro utilizo, l'aggressione e i sintomi vengono legittimati e potenziati.
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Prince, Lord Prof. Momtchil Dobrev1* Princess Prof. Mariola Garibovaz-Dobreva2. "THE REAL OBJECTIVES AND INTERESTS to continue the war in Ukraine of the deep neoliberal neo-fascist mafia and the US and European leaders - for a full production - industrial agriculture, consumer, military, economic, digital buyout and takeover of EUROPE and other countries by deep mafia companies, causing of crises in Europe, Africa and part of the implementation of plans to impose a New World Order - digital neo-fascism." ISRG Journal of Arts Humanities & Social Sciences (ISRGJAHSS) I, no. VI (2023): 68–85. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.10129751.
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<i>The continuation of the Ukraine-Russia military conflict must be examined thoroughly, independently, reflecting all the facts, evidence, factors, and above all the interests and goals of the USA and the deep neoliberal neofascist mafia.</i>
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Pereira, Luiz Ismael, and Camilo Onoda Luiz Caldas. "O fenômeno Shitstorm: Internet, intolerância e violação de direitos humanos." Interfaces Científicas - Humanas e Sociais 6, no. 1 (2017): 123–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.17564/2316-3801.2017v6n1p123-134.
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O presente estudo tem como objetivo analisar a ação e o discurso intolerante como expressão do fascismo potencial (Theodor Adorno), em especial no fenômeno digital denominado shitstorm. O autoritarismo e o fascismo potencial se apresentam por diversas formas, sendo comum a ação antidemocrática de ataques de preconceito e discriminação contra grupos historicamente desprotegidos. O papel da tolerância, de forma contrária, tende a proteger o diferente, o Outro, para produzir justiça social. Assim, é importante compreender as implicações do fenômeno shtistorm, um ataque na esfera digital. Para tanto, recorre-se ao sentido que o shitstorm vem recebendo aos poucos para compreender dificuldades jurídicas e institucionais para sua contenção.
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Beltrán, Sandra Arencón, Salomé Sola Morales, and Macarena Hernández Conde. "Fascismo digital para bloquear la participación y la deliberación feminista." Teknokultura. Revista de Cultura Digital y Movimientos Sociales Avance en línea (October 20, 2022): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/tekn.81002.
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Este artículo explora una serie de acciones reaccionarias digitales antifeministas conducidas por grupos misóginos, xenófobos, radicales antifeministas y/o partidos populistas de extrema derecha. Las principales estrategias de fascismo digital incluyen acciones de desinformación, como la manipulación de datos o la propagación de bulos sobre cuestiones de género y personajes públicos femeninos; acciones que generan un clima hostil y de confrontación, como el troleo en los debates de forma intencional, la introducción de discursos polarizados o el cultivo de discursos de odio en foros misóginos cuasi cerrados; acciones de acoso cibernético o acoso de género online, como insultos y amenazas dirigidos contra las mujeres o ataques contra webs, perfiles o servidores que producen contenido feminista, entre otras. Finalmente, se recogen una serie de iniciativas y estrategias promovidas por colectivos e instituciones para frenar el avance del fascismo digital y promover una Internet segura y libre para todas.
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Su, Mi Kang. "FASCIST DANGERS AND AESTHETIC ETHICS IN THE DIGITAL WORLD." JOURNAL OF COMPUTER SCIENCE AND INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY 1, no. 1 (2021): 009–10. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.5230461.
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Metaphorically speaking, bad worlds repeat with changing their faces. There are not just repetitions but also differences. It is familiar and unfamiliar. Sigmund Freud defined that as an aesthetic concept of ‘Das Unheimliche’, which in English translates as ‘the uncanny’. It refers to the experience and feeling of “the frightening, of what evokes fear and dread” [1], that comes from the familiar but indescribable. From the beginning of the pandemic, experts in various fields, such as health scientists and historians, have mentioned the similarities between the 1918 Spanish Flu and COVID-19. And many theorists have criticized the polarization in the neoliberalism as a contemporary version of the class discrimination of the past [2]. But even if we can discuss their historical parallels, we are not understanding or solving many of the uncanny problems in them.
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Aprile, César Alexandre da Silva. "EXTREMISMO ONLINE: O FASCISMO E OS MOVIMENTOS SUPREMACISTAS NA ERA DIGITAL." Revista Políticas Públicas & Cidades 14, no. 1 (2025): e1599. https://doi.org/10.23900/2359-1552v14n1-78-2025.
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O presente artigo tem como objetivo analisar a crescente utilização dos meios digitais por grupos extremistas, como fascistas e supremacistas brancos, com o intuito de se organizarem, disseminarem seus ideais e recrutarem novos membros. A análise revela como esses grupos têm sido capazes de reunir milhares de seguidores em diversas plataformas online, com o apoio contínuo de seus membros, o que demonstra a capacidade de mobilização proporcionada pelas redes sociais. Além disso, destaca-se o crescente uso de perfis falsos e a infiltração em grupos de humor negro, especialmente no Brasil, como estratégias para propagar discursos de ódio e discriminação. Tais discursos incluem racismo, xenofobia, machismo e homofobia, entre outros, frequentemente disfarçados de piadas ou “conteúdo leve”. Este fenômeno suscita preocupações em relação aos efeitos negativos da internet, principalmente no que tange à radicalização de indivíduos e ao impacto na convivência social, colocando em risco a coesão social e o respeito aos direitos humanos.
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Allotti, Pierluigi. "L'immagine del fascismo nella stampa quotidiana italiana a cent'anni dalla marcia su Roma." MONDO CONTEMPORANEO, no. 2 (February 2024): 267–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mon2023-002010.
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Questo saggio mostra come nell'anno del centenario della marcia su Roma i quotidiani italiani abbiano dato ampio risalto alla ricorrenza, offrendo diverse immagini del fascismo. Sui giornali mainstream è prevalsa quella tratteggiata da giornalisti di successo come Aldo Cazzullo del Corriere della sera ed Ezio Mauro, firma ed ex direttore della Repubblica, del fascismo come espressione di brutale violenza. Una rappresentazione antitetica a quella nostalgica e consolatoria a lungo condivisa nell'opinione pubblica moderata. La stampa di destra, vicina al nuovo governo guidato da Giorgia Meloni, non ha manifestato nostalgia o compiacenza verso il ventennio, ma ha negato la natura totalitaria del fascismo. Per il manifesto, quotidiano comunista, il fascismo prese il potere con una «azione reazionaria di massa» rivolta contro la classe operaia, e la marcia su Roma fu sostanzialmente una farsa. Sul Fatto quotidiano il giornalista Claudio Fracassi l'ha definita un bluff, mentre lo storico Marco Mondini, sul Domani, ha scritto che si tratta di un «enigma». La storia sui giornali è un caso tipico di Public History. Nel nuovo mondo digitale, tuttavia, per raggiungere il grande pubblico gli storici dovranno essere presenti non solo sui quotidiani cartacei, ormai obsoleti, ma anche in televisione e sui social media.
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Sun, L. Q., G. Zhao, S. H. Gao, and C. Chen. "Vascularized dorsal digital fascial flap improves flexor tendon repairs." Journal of Hand Surgery (European Volume) 39, no. 7 (2013): 714–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1753193413484625.
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We report a new method of flexor tendon repair in zone II using a standard modified Kessler technique combined with a vascularized dorsal fascial flap from the finger pedicled on a dorsal cutaneous branch of the proper digital artery, which is placed as a mechanical barrier between the flexor digitorum superficialis and profundus tendons. The functional outcomes of 14 patients (Group A) with flexor tendon repairs in zone II by this new technique were compared with those of 32 patients (Group B) with flexor tendon repairs in zone II using a standard modified Kessler technique only. Patients in Group A had a higher proportion of excellent results (on the modified Strickland system) and more movement in the distal interphalangeal joint than the patients in Group B.
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Hou, Ruixing, Jihui Ju, Qiang Zhao, and Yuefei Liu. "Distally Based Dorsal Digital Fasciocutaneous Flap for the Repair of Digital Terminal Amputation Defects." International Surgery 97, no. 4 (2013): 321–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.9738/cc65.1.
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Abstract The preferred plastic surgery regimen for distal digital segment wounds remains unknown, although multiple options are available for the repair. The purpose of this investigation is to study its anatomic rationale and clinical outcomes, in addition to the role of dorsal digital veins in digital reconstruction. Patients (n = 765) suffering from digital terminal segment traumatic wounds (823 digits) were identified and reviewed in a retrospective manner. The wounds were repaired using distally based dorsal digital fasciocutaneous flaps with venoneuroadipofascial pedicles. Skin flaps survived in 818 digits (99.4%), whereas 5 flaps (0.6%) became partially necrotic. Postoperative follow-up data were available from 521 patients involving 559 digits, for an average duration of 10 months (range, 4–36 months). The wider pedicled fascial flap (1.0–1.5 cm) was significantly associated with a decreased occurrence of blebs, whereas the first few patients with pedicled fascial flaps 0.5 to 1.0 cm wide exhibited more frequent occurrence of blebs and flap contractures. The flaps retracted in size within the first 2 to 3 months at the rate of 10% compared with the intraoperative outlined size. The skin flaps became mildly pigmented within the first postoperative month, and at 6 months the flaps turned brighter in color, almost approximating the color of the normal digits. At 12 months, both the texture and appearance of the flaps were acceptable. The donor sites healed without any scar contracture. The digital terminals appeared grossly normal with acceptable digital function. Without any neural reconstruction, skin flap sensation was rated as S2 to S3+, whereas with neural reconstruction the 2-point discrimination sensitivity measured 4 to 9 mm. The use of a distally based dorsal digital fasciocutaneous flap with venoneuroadipofascial pedicle was a simple, safe, and less invasive regimen for repairing digital terminal segment wounds.
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Gilroy, Paul. "Civilizacionismo, a “alt-right" e o futuro da política antirracista: um informe da Grã-Bretanha." Revista ECO-Pós 21, no. 3 (2018): 17–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.29146/eco-pos.v21i3.22525.
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O presente artigo versa sobre a ascensão da chamada “alt right” (direita alternativa). Nosso objetivo é debater como a tecnologia digital reformulou o fascismo e o racismo, através do desenvolvimento de uma poderosa estrutura de comunicação política baseada na manipulação de algoritmos e viralização de fake news. Essa nova forma de mobilizar a atenção desafia os movimentos de esquerda e exige táticas e perspectivas de enfrentamento distintas daquelas utilizadas no passado.
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Ren, Z.-Y., C.-Q. Wang, Q.-S. Fan, G.-F. Shen, H. Yan, and Z.-T. Wang. "Management of Vascular Defects in Digital Replantation." Journal of Hand Surgery 20, no. 2 (1995): 262–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0266-7681(05)80070-1.
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207 cases of digital amputation (261 digits) with vascular defects were replantated during the past two decades. The vascular defect was managed with various methods. 240 digits (92%) survived with good post-operative circulation and recovery of function. The methods of management of arterial defects were as follows: 1) Digital artery transfer from adjacent digits in 25 thumbs and three index fingers. All had survived. 2) Arterial transplantation: in 12 digits, arteries from the contralateral side or from the digits that were unsuitable for replantation were grafted to fill the arterial defects. All of these fingers survived. 3) Vein graft: superficial veins were taken to reconstruct the defects of the digital arteries in 59 digits, with 55 digits surviving and four failing. 4) Ulnar digital arterial flap of the ring finger. This technique was used in four digits with composite artery and soft tissue loss. All the cases survived. 5) Implantation of the arteries into the distal amputation parts. This was done in two digits with no arteries for anastomosis in the distal parts. The management of venous defects was as follows: 1) Transfer of veins from the adjacent digits. Five digits treated with this technique survived well. 2) Vein graft. Six digits survived but one failed. 3) A venous flap was done in six digits and all the digits survived after this procedure. 4) Arterio-venous anastomosis: this was used in 20 digits without suitable veins for anastomosis in replantation of the digit distal to the DIP joint level. 5) Replantation without venous return: a fish-mouth incision and heparin irrigation was used for venous drainage in 19 digits, with survival of 14. 6) The palmar venous system was anastomosed in 84 digits without dorsal veins for suture. 77 digits survived. 7) Venous fascial flap transfer: A composite venous fascial flap was harvested from the adjacent fingers. The flap was turned over on the side close to the injured finger to make an anastomosis of the veins with those in the distal amputated part. A skin graft was placed over the flap without a tie-over dressing. The pedicle was divided 3 weeks later. All the 16 digits with this technique survived well.
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Losilla, Nicolás. ""Antes cerdo que fascista”: “Porco Rosso” como freno a la abstención electoral en Redes Sociales." Anduli, no. 26 (2024): 135–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/anduli.2024.i26.07.
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A las elecciones generales españolas de 23 de Julio de 2023 se acudía con cierto descontento generalizado tanto por las fechas de los comicios como por la situación política. Por ello, el llamamiento al voto —en lugar de abstenerse— se convirtió en uno de los temas principales de la campaña. Bajo este contexto y a raíz de una publicación del artista Álvaro Ortiz, nació un movimiento por el cual los usuarios publicaron una obra inspirada en la película Porco Rosso (1992) cuyo protagonista animaba a la gente a votar. Desde el día 13 al 23 de julio, Twitter se llenó de ilustraciones, no solamente contra la abstención, sino también acompañadas de simbología antifascista, feminista, pro LGTBIQ+ y otras posiciones progresistas. Obras que fueron recopiladas por el artista ElGuiBo, de las que se catalogaron 831 obras. Este estudio demuestra cómo puede formarse un movimiento de personas independientes que puede unirse y colaborar en el medio digital para emitir proclamas que defiendan los intereses comunes y democráticos.
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RAYAN, G. M., and J. MOORE. "Non-Dupuytren’s Disease of the Palmar Fascia." Journal of Hand Surgery 30, no. 6 (2005): 551–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jhsb.2005.08.004.
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The typical Dupuytren’s disease patient is of Northern European descent with bilateral progressive multiple digital contractures and is genetically predisposed, with a family history. Palmar fascial proliferations sometimes present as a different entity without the typical Dupuytren’s disease characteristics. We identified 39 patients (20 women and 19 men) over a 4-year period with “Non-Dupuytren’s palmar fascial disease”, with unilateral involvement, without family history or ectopic manifestations. Twenty-three patients presented with unrelated complaints and were discovered, incidentally, to have the condition. In 28 patients, prior ipsilateral hand surgery or trauma precipitated the condition. Other related factors were diabetes mellitus and cardiovascular disease. Ten patients had skin tethering and subcutaneous thickening akin to Dupuytren’s nodules and 29 had palmar fascial thickening into ill-defined pretendinous cords. The diseased tissue was in the line of the ring finger in 30 patients. The time from insult to onset of contracture averaged 3.6 months and from onset to follow-up averaged 5.3 years. The condition was non-progressive, or partially regressive, in 33 patients. Seven patients had operations for unrelated conditions and underwent simultaneous fasciectomy without recurrence. Environmental factors, especially trauma, surgery and diabetes, are important in the pathogenesis of Non-Dupuytren’s palmar fascial disease, but these patients do not appear to be genetically predisposed for Dupuytren’s disease. Typical Dupuytren’s disease and Non-Dupuytren’s palmar fascial disease are two clinical entities that run different courses and do not share a similar prognosis. This should be taken into account in future epidemiological and outcome studies.
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Bruno Jr., A., and R. Spallone. "Cultural heritage conservation and communication by digital modeling tools. Case studies: minor architectures of the Thirties in the Turin area." ISPRS Annals of Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Spatial Information Sciences II-5/W3 (August 11, 2015): 25–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/isprsannals-ii-5-w3-25-2015.
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Between the end of the twenties and the beginning of the World war two Turin, as the most of the Italian cities, was endowed by the fascist regime of many new buildings to guarantee its visibility and to control the territory: the fascist party main houses and the local ones. <br><br> The style that was adopted for these constructions was inspired by the guide lines of the Modern movement which were spreading by a generation of architects as Le Corbusier, Gropius, Mendelsohn. <br><br> At the end of the war many buildings were reconverted to several functions that led heavy transformations not respectful of the original worth, other were demolished. <br><br> Today it's possible to rebuild those lost architectures in their primal format as it was created by their architects on paper (and in their mind). This process can guarantee the three-dimensional perception, the authenticity of the materials and the placement into the Turin urban tissue, using static and dynamic digital representation systems. The “three-dimensional re-drawing” of the projects, thought as an heuristic practice devoted to reveal the original idea of the project, inserts itself in a digital model of the urban and natural context as we can live it today, to simulate the perceptive effects that the building could stir up today. The modeling skills are the basis to product videos able to explore the relationship between the environment and “re-built architectures”, describing with the synthetic movie techniques, the main formal and perceptive roots. The model represents a scientific product that can be involved in a virtual archive of cultural goods to preserve the collective memory of the architectural and urban past image of Turin.
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Martino, Paolo. "Splendori e miserie della brevitas." Microtextualidades. Revista Internacional de microrrelato y minificción, no. 3 (May 25, 2018): 146–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.31921/microtextualidades.n3a11.
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Considerazioni sulle cause che hanno favorito la diffusione del microracconto. La brevità alle origini della narrazione e sua connessione con l’oralità. Opinioni di autori classici e prescrizioni della Retorica. Principio funzionale dell’economia. Forme espressive che richiedono la brevità. Ruolo della comunicazione digitale e fascino dell’incompiuto. Teoria della cooperazione del lettore; le presupposizioni e le implicature in pragmalinguistica. Il fenomeno della brevitas nella letteratura scientifica: l’abstract. Ruolo dei social networks: cinguettii e fandonie o bufale come microracconti efficaci
 
 Consideraciones sobre las causas que han favorecido la difusión de la microcuenta. La brevedad en los orígenes de la narración y su conexión con la oralidad. Opiniones de autores clásicos y prescripciones de Retórica. Principio funcional de la economía. Formas expresivas que requieren brevedad. Papel de la comunicación digital y fascinación de lo incompleto. Teoría de la cooperación del lector; las presuposiciones y las implicaciones en la pragmalingüística. El fenómeno de brevitas en la literatura científica: el resumen. Papel de las redes sociales: gorjeos y modas o búfalos como micro cuentas efectivas.
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Milani, Alfredo L., Mariella I. J. Withagen, Karlijn J. Schweitzer, Erica W. M. Janszen, and Mark E. Vierhout. "Midline fascial plication under continuous digital transrectal control: which factors determine anatomic outcome?" International Urogynecology Journal 21, no. 6 (2010): 623–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00192-010-1097-1.
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Marinelli, Maurizio, and Wessie Ling. "Italianerie: transculturality, co-creation and transforming identities between Italy and Asia." Modern Italy 24, no. 4 (2019): 363–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2019.57.
Full textAbstract:
Questo numero speciale di Modern Italy contiene sette saggi di studiosi internazionali sui rapporti tra l'Italia e l'Asia. L'attenzione primaria è sulla transculturalità, la co-creazione, il fascino e la reinvenzione dell'Italia in Asia (o dell'Asia in Italia) in settori e campi nodali quali l'architettura, il cinema, la letteratura, la moda, la comunicazione digitale, la storia e la geografia.
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Viero Kolinski Machado, Felipe, and Christian Gonzatti. "Harry Potter e aquele-que- -não-deve-ser-votado: Imaginação cívica, Ativismo de fãs e Fascismo Eterno em redes digitais do jornalismo de cultura pop." Comunicação & Sociedade 41, no. 2 (2019): 373. http://dx.doi.org/10.15603/2175-7755/cs.v41n2p373-403.
Full textAbstract:
Discutimos no artigo a articulação entre política e cultura pop através de um editorial, e dos sentidos acionados por ele em um contexto de redes digitais, publicado pelo fansite Potterish: Aquele-Que-Não-Deve-Ser-Votado. O editorial, traçando paralelos entre a candidatura de Jair Bolsonaro e o personagem Lord Voldemort, posiciona os fãs de Harry Potter contra o político, mobilizando-os discursivamente a participarem das manifestações que ocorreram contra o, na época, candidato. Percebemos, utilizando a análise de construção de sentidos em redes digitais, que a ação aciona, dentro de um contexto específico do que é entendido como jornalismo de cultura pop, disputas que remetem a imaginação cívica, ao ativismo de fãs e ao fascismo eterno que se corporifica na cultura digital.
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Malsagova, Asja T., Rinze L. Zwanenburg, and Paul M. N. Werker. "New insights into the anatomy at the palmodigital junction in Dupuytren’s disease: the palmodigital spiralling sheet." Journal of Hand Surgery (European Volume) 44, no. 9 (2019): 972–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1753193419863418.
Full textAbstract:
The anatomy in the region of the palmodigital junction has been relatively little studied, but it is very relevant for the surgical treatment of Dupuytren’s disease. To study the microanatomy of the palmodigital junction, we dissected 26 cadaveric digits from 13 human cadaveric hands using microsurgical techniques. The dynamics of the different ligaments were studied in three hands preserved by Thiel’s method. We found a structure, which we propose to name the ‘palmodigital spiralling sheet’ (PSS), which has not been described before. It has a spiralling course around the neurovascular bundle giving rise to a neurovascular tunnel distally in the palm of the hand. It is formed proximally by fibres from the pretendinous band and the intrinsic muscle fascias and distally is in continuity with Cleland’s and Grayson’s ligaments. As such it connects the palmar and digital fascias. Its spiralling course stabilizes the neurovascular bundle in the healthy hand, but can displace it in Dupuytren’s disease, which may contribute to the development of spiral cords.
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Blanco Pérez, Manuel, and Edoardo Balleta. "La guerra civil española en el cine como fuente historiográfica: la Andalucía del filme La Trinchera Infinita (2019) y la reconstrucción digital de un fascismo invisible." Revista Tempo e Argumento 13, no. 34 (2021): e0204. http://dx.doi.org/10.5965/2175180313342021e0204.
Full textAbstract:
Desde la segunda mitad del siglo XX, la cultura digital ha supuesto un revulsivo en el oficio de historiador, que ha encontrado otros cauces para la divulgación de su trabajo. Ello es especialmente visible en el cine de la nueva era Netflix, con una nueva mirada que, desde la microhistoria, busca acercarse a las grandes epopeyas de los acontecimientos, centrándose en quienes los padecen. Analizaremos el premiado filme vasco-andaluz La Trinchera Infinita (2019), centrado en la Guerra Civil española (1931-1939), para reflexionar sobre la construcción de un guion de ficción basado íntegramente en unas historias reales, recogidas en un libro periodístico de 1977. El filme representa el fascismo invisible, en una narración donde la ausencia y la sombra son un personaje más. Y donde gracias a la tecnología digital, se ha conseguido articular un relato que trasciende el hecho de la contienda, hablando, en general, de los miedos de la mente, de la soledad, del riesgo de la autoexclusión de quien mira el mundo a través de un agujero. Palabras clave: historia; cine; guerra civil española; literatura; periodismo de guerra.