Academic literature on the topic 'Diocese of Tarentais (France)'

Based on Florian Mazel’s book L’évêque et le territoire. L’invention médiévale de l’espace (ve–xiiie siècle), this article seeks to revisit the spatial turn that has marked medieval studies in France over the last thirty years. Historians of dominium in the feudal period draw on the phenomena of incastellamento or inecclesiamento to suggest a territorial anchoring of populations around the “poles” or “cells” of domination represented by the castle, the church, the cemetery, and the parish. Mazel, however, offers a reflection on another scale. He sees territory as a space for the expression of political sovereignty, with the Church and its establishment of a new form of spatiality—the diocese—preceding the state as an institution realized via a territorial construction. Through its focus on the diocese, this analysis concentrates on a scale which makes sense within a general hierarchical dynamic of ecclesial spatialization, from top to bottom, from local to universal. But it also and above all enables an interrogation of how the territorial practices of the medieval Church made possible the transition to space in the modern, homogeneous and isotropic, sense.

This paper outlines the changes in the organisation of the Catholic Church in Istria, Kvarner and Dalmatia after World War II. A detailed analysis of the circumstances that lead to the establishment of the Rijeka Diocese, Archdiocese and Metropolitan Archdiocese, ecclesiastical union of the Istrian region in Croatia, the abolition of the Zadar Metropolitan Archdiocese, the raising of the Split-Makarska Diocese to an Archdiocese, and the establishment of the Split Metropolitan Archdiocese. The principles upon which the Church reorganisation in the spatial sense are considered, and presents new insights, particularly for the Croatian dimension. The second part of the paper gives a comparative analysis of the spatial organisation of the Catholic Church on the Croatian coast of the Adriatic Sea, with other countries. Examples were selected based on compatibility of different factors, with consideration to the historical context of events and their causes. To that aim, specific examples of the church administration in France and Italy are given. Using these examples and documents of church archives and official records and documents of the Catholic Church, this paper gives a final overview of the possibilities for the reorganisation of the church administration on the Croatian Adriatic coast.

This paper outlines the changes in the organisation of the Catholic Church in Istria, Kvarner and Dalmatia after World War II. A detailed analysis of the circumstances that lead to the establishment of the Rijeka Diocese, Archdiocese and Metropolitan Archdiocese, ecclesiastical union of the Istrian region in Croatia, the abolition of the Zadar Metropolitan Archdiocese, the raising of the Split-Makarska Diocese to an Archdiocese, and the establishment of the Split Metropolitan Archdiocese. The principles upon which the Church reorganisation in the spatial sense are considered, and presents new insights, particularly for the Croatian dimension. The second part of the paper gives a comparative analysis of the spatial organisation of the Catholic Church on the Croatian coast of the Adriatic Sea, with other countries. Examples were selected based on compatibility of different factors, with consideration to the historical context of events and their causes. To that aim, specific examples of the church administration in France and Italy are given. Using these examples and documents of church archives and official records and documents of the Catholic Church, this paper gives a final overview of the possibilities for the reorganisation of the church administration on the Croatian Adriatic coast.

While Christianity in France continues to decline overall, the Roman Catholic Diocese of Paris seems to be experiencing a small-scale revival among a “creative minority” of often younger Christians. Rooted in the vision and leadership of Jean-Marie Cardinal Lustiger, these pockets of vitality exhibit several common themes, among them intentional formation, rootedness in prayer, the importance of beauty, pilgrimage, and the influence of monastic or neo-monastic movements. Despite many French cultural distinctives, some of the emphases of these flourishing communities and initiatives might be useful as American Episcopalians attempt to reshape ministry and community life for an increasingly post-Christian culture.

This paper reexamines the reform of the cathedral chapter of Sées in 1131. It does so by looking primarily, though not exclusively, at the almost 400 acta – that is, the charters and documents –issued by the bishops of the diocese in the period up to 1220. It shows that this underused material has the potential better to contextualise this key event in the ecclesiastical history of medieval France and radically to improve our understanding of its wider effects. It also looks in detail at the careers of the bishops during this period and shows that these prelates, contrary to popular belief, were often supportive not only of the reform established within their cathedral, but also of the wider Augustinian movement. It concludes by briefly considering what the example of Sées can tell us about the regularisation of cathedral chapters in the Middle Ages.

Abstract Just before 1261 the Dominican inquisitor Stephen of Bourbon (d.1261) visited an area of south-eastern France known as the Dombes, in the diocese of Lyons and there found that women were venerating a certain St Guinefort as a healer of children. He was extremely pleased to hear this, until he discovered that St Guinefort was not a holy man, but a greyhound. Furthermore, he discovered that the women of the Dombes were involved in a rite which allowed for the death of sickly babies. The medieval Church was unwavering in its condemnation of infanticide. Yet Stephen of Bourbon chose to shut down the rite, rather than impose more severe penalties, suggesting that he did not suspect ritual murder. The Church’s censure was not just a ban on a non-orthodox cult, or a theological statement that animals could not be saints, or a crackdown on magical and heretical practices – although it was all these things. It was also the condemnation of a healing cult that had got badly out of hand. The legend of St Guinefort the Holy Greyhound reveals the medieval Church engaged in a familiar struggle: to balance popular piety with orthodox teaching.

Mathew's varied ecclesiastical progress presents a fascinating case study of an episcopate detached from a main-stream Christian community and alerts us to the danger of solely considering ‘episcopal lineage‘ as the litmus test for apostolicity. Mathew was born in France in 1852 and baptised a Roman Catholic; due to his mother's scruples he was soon re-baptised in the Anglican Church. He studied for the ministry in the Episcopal Church of Scotland, but sought baptism again in the Church of Rome, into which he was ordained as a priest in Glasgow in 1877. He became a Dominican in 1878, but only persevered a year, moving around a number of Catholic dioceses: Newcastle, Plymouth, Nottingham and Clifton. Here he came across immorality, and became a Unitarian. He next turned to the Church of England and the Diocese of London, but was soon in trouble for officiating without a licence. In 1890 he put forward his claim to Garter King of Arms for the title of 4th Earl of Llandaff of Thomastown, Co. Tipperary. He renounced the Church of England in 1899 because of vice. After founding a zoo in Brighton, which went bankrupt, he appeared in court in connection with a charge of embezzlement. He then became a Roman Catholic again, now as a layman.

In April 1799 Francis Wollaston, rector of Chislehurst, published a pamphlet warning his parishioners and the public at large of the activities of certain seditious societies whose purpose was that of disseminating Jacobin principles; ideas already responsible for plunging France into chaos. His enquiries, he announced, had confirmed his worst suspicions: The parties who so kindly, and out of pretended benevolence undertake to instruct my people for me, are members of a society, calling itself the Union Society of Greenwich: the same, as I am informed, which under the name of an Itinerant Society, had been driven from a public-house in that neighbourhood some little time since.Wollaston’s message, an ecclesiastical variant of the more general concern to engage in active defence of the established order, received its definitive form the following year at the hands of Bishop Samuel Horsley. In an important passage in his second visitation charge to the clergy of Rochester diocese the bishop referred to the emergence of an ecclesiastical subculture consisting of religious conventicles, Sunday schools and itinerant preachers. In Horsley’s eyes these ecclesiastical excrescences were merely the outward manifestations of a more sinister and worrying development, the appearance of associations designed to defray the costs of the current spate of unauthorized ‘religious’ activity.

Cette étude décrit le mouvement de reconstruction et de décoration des églises paroissiales dans 3 diocèses savoyards au XIXe siècle. Si les édifices urbains sont connus, les églises rurales ont peu été étudiées. Choisir la Savoie permet de détecter ou de nier les particularismes d'une région de confins qui, de plus, change d'appartenance nationale au cours du siècle. Ces 3 diocèses permettent aussi des comparaisons entre régions, de montagne et de plaine. L'étude commence au concordat. La Savoie est alors française. L'empire Dresse l'état des bâtiments culturels. Le mouvement de reconstruction s'amorce sous la restauration sarde (1815-1860) pour s'enfler avec le rattachement en 1860. Nos investigations s'arrêtent en 1905, fin de la période concordataire, et aussi du mouvement de construction. Nous dressons histogrammes et cartes des constructions avant de nous interroger sur les raisons des reconstructions : raisons évoquées ou réelles. A ce stade nous décrivons l'état des églises antérieures. Le financement est l'objet d'une étude approfondie. Les documents comptables, nombreux dans les archives municipales et paroissiales qui ont été nos sources essentielles en dehors des visites in situ, n'avaient jamais été exploités : coût des églises et des décors, acteurs du financement. La partie II est consacrée à l'architecture et aux concepteurs. Nous analysons l'évolution des styles et contestons la notion de " style sarde ". La Savoie présente peu de particularisme stylistique. Nous soulignons l'importance du rôle joué par la tutelle religieuse pour les plans et emplacement du clocher. Le bâtiment est aussi étudié comme élément des nouvelles conceptions urbanistiques du XIXe siècle et de l'idée de modernité. Seuls les décors " faisant corps avec l'édifice " : peinture murale, vitraux, et leurs auteurs sont analysés dans le cadre de cette thèse. Le mobilier, juste évoqué, fera l'objet d'un travail ultérieur. Le débat français sur la peinture murale ne touche pas la Savoie liée à la tradition italienne par ses techniques, son iconographie, ses auteurs. Dans ce domaine la tradition l'emporte sur la modernité qui a prévalu en architecture. Le vitrail, nouvel élément du décor, totalement importé, se diffuse en Savoie un peu tardivement du fait des transports et de l'attachement aux peintures qu'il détrônera pourtant<br>This study describes the reconstruction and embelleshment period of parish churches in 3 Savoy dioceses in 19th century. If urban edifices are well known, rural churches have seldom been studied. Choosing Savoy enables us to detect or deny the particularisms of a border area which moreover changes nationality within a century. Those three dioceses also enable us to stress the comparison between a mountainous and a plain area. The study starts with concordat. Savoy is franch at the time. The empire lists the sate of cult edifices. Then reconstruction starts under the Sardinian restoration (1815-1860) to increase with the re-attachement of Savoy to France. Our investigations end in 1905 with the end of both concordat period and edification movement. We draw up histogrammes and constructions maps before wondering about the origin of this reconstruction be they mentioned or real. At this stage, we are describing the state of previous churches. The financial aspect if part of a detailed study. The account documents, numerous in local and parish archives wich have been our main source of investigation apart from visits on sites, had never been explored previously: cost of churches and ornementation, financial partners. The second part deals with architecture and designers. We analyse the evolution of styles and reject the notion of a “Sardinian style”. Savoy presents very few stylistic particularism; we inderline the importance of the religious authorities concerning the plans and the place of the steeple. The edifice is also studied as part of new urbanistic conceptions in the 19th century and the idea of modernity. Only the ornemental aspect, giving substance to the edifice (mural painting, stained glass windows) and the artists fall within the scope of this thesis. The furniture, just mentioned, will be studied in further study. Savoy isn't concerned with French debate on mural painting: linked for its techniques, iconography and authors to the Italian tradition. In this field tradition is more important than modernity witch prevailed in architecture. Stained glass windows, a new ornementing element, totally imported, spreads throughout Savoy later because of transport difficulties and the attachment to paintings, which will yet be surpassed

Au 19e siecle, la vitalite religieuse du diocese de strasbourg est manifeste. Ce vaste diocese mixte, situe a la peripherie de l'espace francais, est profondement imbrique dans l'espace rhenan, ou l'influence germanique est preponderante. Les premieres nominations episcopales traduisent la volonte de franciser l'alsace, mais elles ne peuvent etouffer les premices d'un renouveau annonciateur de promesses telles l'augmentation du nombre de pretres et l'implantation des congregations religieuses. La nomination de mgr raess comme eveque en 1842 constitue une rupture, car alsacien et ultramontain, il supprime en quelque sorte les entraves au developpement du catholicisme alsacien. Apres l'annexion de l'alsace a l'allemagne en 1871, le diocese se trouve confronte au kulturkampf et a la germanisation. Administrateur du diocese en 1883, mgr stumpf doit faire face a une situation critique. Mgr fritzen est choisi en 1891 parce qu'allemand, mais le nouvel eveque est avant tout soucieux de la piete dans son diocese et non des interets politiques de son pays. En depit de ces vicissitudes, le diocese n'est pas atteint par la dechristianisation au debut du 20e siecle<br>In the 19th century, the religious vitality of the strasbourg diocese is obvious. This huge composite diocese, situated on the bounding line of the french space, is imbricate deeply in the rhineland where germanic influences are preponderant. The first appointments of bishops show a will to francize alsace, but they cannot come over the first fruits of a renewal, messenger of promises, such as the increase in number of priests and the introduction of congregations. The appointment of lord bishop raess in 1842, constitutes a breaking, because as an alsatian and ultramondane, he somehow does away with obstacles to the development of the alsatian catholicism. After the annexation of alsace to germany in 1871, the diocese is brought face to face with the "kulturkampf" and with germanization. As the administrator of the diocese in 1883, lord bishop stumpf has to cope with a critical situation. Lord bishop fritzen is chosen in 1891, because he is a german, but the new bishop's main care in his diocese is devotion and not political interests of his country. In spite of those mutations, the diocese is not assailed by dechristianization at the beginning of the 20th century

Diocese de rodez : evolution temps et espace, 1801-1870tableau des croyances et mentalites. Epoque concordatoire, naissance de la petite eglise (enfarines a villecomtal). Avec ramond de lalande, retablissement de l'eveche de rodez, alors rattache a celui de cahors. Analyse chronologique, thematique de la vie quotidienne religieuse, sociale sous chaque episcopat : etude numerique du clerge, vocations (sacerdotales, religieuses), role des clercs (enseignement, confreries, associations). Institution diocesaine est saisie a travers ses manifestations : fondations de succursales, etablissements scolaires, rapports eglise-etat, exteriorisation du sentiment religieux ( pelerinages, mariaux) et saints guerisseurs, frequentation dominicale, pascale, etat moral, amenagement des lieux de culte). Donnees publiques et privees (enquetes pastorales et decanales). Fidelite ou conformisme. Continuite et attachement. Unite a l'exclusion de regions industrielles. Rouergue, bastion chretiente<br>The diocese of rodez: development in time and place, 1801-1870 - chart of beliefs and mental attitudes. Concordatory period, birth of the petite eglise (enfarines at villecomtal). With ramond de lalande, restoration of the rodez bishopric, at that time affiliated to cahors. Chronological thematic analysis of the everyday social religious life during each episcopacy : numerical study of the clergy vocations (sacerdotal, religious), role of the schoclars (education, brotherhood, societies). Understanding diocesan institution through demonstrations : creation of branches, educational institutions, church-state relationship, exteriorization of the religious feeling (pilgrimages, marian cult and holy healers, easter and sunday attendance, moral condition, planning of places of worship). Public and private data (pastoral and decanal studies). Loyalty or conformity

En 1894, mgr Constant Guillois est nomme évêque du Puy. C'est un homme pacifique, sans grande envergure, rallie de longue date et partisan du maintien du concordat. Il trouve un diocèse rural florissant, des oeuvres en pleine expansion, de nombreuses vocations. Son enseignement surtout apologétique reflète une personnalité tourmentée par les appréhensions d'une politique anticléricale. Après une période de tranquillité, l'épiscopat guillois sombre dans la tourmente. Les lois de 1901 et de 1904 frappent sévèrement les nombreuses congrégations du diocèse. Pour beaucoup c'est l'exil ou la sécularisation. Enfin, c'est la loi de séparation de décembre 1905. Jusqu'au bout Guillois avait souhaité le maintien du concordat, facteur de stabilité à ses yeux. L'application de cette loi entrainera la révolte dans une grande partie du département, avec une opposition parfois sanglante lors des inventaires. L'expulsion des séminaires et de l'évêché conduiront le prélat, paralysé par les événements, à démissionner en février 1907. Son successeur, mgr Thomas Boutry, reprend avec énergie les rènes du diocèse. Par sa fermeté, il redonne courage et confiance. Il consolide l'oeuvre du denier du clergé, fortifie les oeuvres diocésaines, encourage les vocations qui subissent le contre-coup de la séparation. Son enseignement sévère et la hardiesse de ses condamnations, contre l'école laique par exemple, cristallisent une attitude bien négative dans la voie de l'apaisement. Replié sur un passé sécurisant, sans ouverture au monde contemporain, Boutry se présente comme le défenseur de la cité. Les fêtes religieuses qui jalonnent son épiscopat sont autant de manifestations de revanche contre la politique de séparation. Jamais il n'entrevoit les nouvelles chances de liberté offertes à l'Eglise de France. La guerre de 1914 atténue les passions. L'ardeur combative de l'évêque se transforme en efforts d'apaisement et de réconciliation<br>In 1894, mgr constant guillois was appointed bishop of le puy. A peaceful man of limited calibre, long since rallied to the republic and a strong supporter of the concordat, he found a flourishing rural diocese with booming religious organisations and vocations in great numbers. His teaching, mainly apologetic, revealed a personality tormented by the dread of an anticlerical policy. After a period of calm, the episcopate of mgr guillois sank into the storm. The laws of 1901 and 1904 heavily struck the many religious orders of the diocese. For many of them this meant exile or secularisation. Finally, the law of separation was passed in 1905. To the end guillois had hoped for the upholding of the concordat, a factor of stability in his view. The implementation of the law brought about the revolt of the greater part of the diocese, with a bloody resistance at the time of the "inventories". The forced evacuation of the seminaries and the bishop's house eventually led the prelate, paralysed by those events, to offer his resignation in february 1907. His successor, mgr thomas boutry, vigorously took over the government of the diocese, by his firmness, he restored his peaple's courage and confidence. He strengthened the work for the collection for the clergy, reinforced the religious organisations of the diocese, encuraged the vocations which were badly affected by the consequences of the separation. His severe teaching and his daring condemnations, against secular education for example, materialized a rather negative attitude on the road to peace. Turning to the past for security, with no appreciation of the present day, boutry appeared as the "defender of the city". The religious festivals which marked his episcopate were as many demonstrations of revenge for the policy of separation. Never did he catch a glimpse of the new opportunities being offered to the church in france. The war of 1914 mollified the passions

Le XVIIe siècle est généralement considéré comme un moment de romanisation des liturgies diocésaines françaises, sur le modèle des ouvrages romains réformés à la fin du XVIe siècle par Pie V (le nouveau Bréviaire romain est imprimé en 1568). Toutefois, force est de constater que chaque diocèse conserve une certaine marge de manœuvre, notamment pour la conservation d’usages particuliers s’ils sont en pratique depuis deux cents ans, ainsi que le prévoit la bulle Quod a Nobis.Ce travail s’intéresse, par le prisme des calendriers liturgiques diocésains et des livres qui les contiennent, aux conséquences de ce mouvement de romanisation sur les cultes et l’identité des diocèses. Pour l’essentiel, la méthode choisie consiste à saisir cent trente-cinq calendriers, imprimés entre 1570 et 1680 par soixante-dix diocèses, sous la forme d’une base de données et à les interroger en série. Plus particulièrement, les calendriers sont l’objet dans les premières années du XVIIe siècle de profondes réformes, tant dans leur structure que dans leur contenu. Ainsi, le calendrier romain et les offices de saints contenus dans le Bréviaire ne sont pas adoptés de la même manière dans l’ensemble des diocèses du royaume de France. Il est alors possible de construire une cartographie des différents degrés d’adoption du modèle romain et d’identifier des espaces. De même, tous les diocèses ne font pas état d’autant d’usages propres les uns que les autres, notamment au regard du nombre de saints.Enfin, ces cultes particuliers peuvent également être partagés entre plusieurs diocèses, dessinant alors de nouveaux espaces de dévotions à certains saints, à l’échelle de la France<br>Usually, the seventeenth century is considered as a time of romanisation of dioceses liturgy, following the model of Roman works that were reformed at the end of the 16th century by the pope Pie V (Roman breviary is printed in 1568). However, one has to come to the conclusion that each diocese keeps a certain margin especially concerning the conservation of particular uses if they had been in use for two hundred years, as scheduled by the bull Quod a Nobis.This study choses to show the consequences of the Roman reform on the identity and the worship of diocese through the prism of diocesan liturgic calendars and the books that contain them. Foremost, the chosen method consists in entering one hundred and thirty-five calendars, printed between 1570 and 1680 by seventy dioceses, in a data base and questionning them in series.More particularly, the calendars are the object in the early seventeenth century of deep reforms, in their structure as well as in their content. Hence, the Roman calendar and the saints services contained in the Breviary have not been adopted in the same way in all the dioceses of the French relm. It is then possible to build a cartography of the different degrees of adoption of the Roman model and identify spaces. In the same way, every diocese didn't mention as many particular uses as the others, especially in regard to the number of their own saints.Finally, these particular worships can be shared by several dioceses, defining new spaces of devotion to specific saints, on the French scale

A partir de la seconde moitié du IVe siècle, les productions de sigillée de l’Argonne, région naturelle située entre Châlons-en-Champagne et Verdun, sont diffusées dans le Diocèse des Gaules et plus largement dans l’ouest de l’Europe. Ce type de céramique, caractérisée par la présence d’un décor en bandeau imprimé à l’aide d’une molette, a longtemps été considéré comme produit uniquement dans les ateliers argonnais. Cependant, les études de ces dernières décennies sur le sujet ont permis d'avancer l'hypothèse de l'existence de plusieurs productions locales imitant les formes et les décors de ces sigillées. Grâce aux méthodes d’analyses archéométriques utilisées (analyses chimiques par fluorescence X, observations pétrographiques, analyses minéralogiques par diffraction des rayons X), l’existence de plusieurs groupes de production est validée. L’adéquation entre le classement statistique des données géochimiques et les hypothèses archéologiques principalement basées sur l’identification des décors à la molette confirme la pertinence du partitionnement obtenu. Ces résultats reflètent la diversité des argiles utilisées pour la fabrication de ces sigillées hors de la région argonnaise (argiles calcaires, argiles peu calcaires et argiles kaolinitiques) et les capacités d’adaptation des artisans aux ressources géologiques disponibles. Les observations pétrographiques et minéralogiques attestent également de l’utilisation de fours à sigillées et des fours à flammes nues (parfois conjointement dans un même atelier) par les potiers. Cette caractérisation met en lumière un phénomène d’essaimage d’ateliers, généralement de taille modeste, qui produisent et distribuent ces sigillées décorées à la molette sur de courtes distances<br>From the second half of the 4th century, the East Gaulish red-slipped ware of Argonne, an area located between Châlons-en-Champagne and Verdun, are widely diffused in the Diocese of Gaul and in the west of Europe. This kind of ceramic, characterized by a stringcrouse decoration printed using a roller, has long been considered as only produced in the Argonne’s workshops. However, the studies of these last decades has made it possible to came up with a new theory that suggest the existence of several local productions imitating the forms and the decorations of these sigillata. Using differents methods of archaeometric analysis (chemical analyses by x-ray fluorescence, petrographic observations, mineralogical analyses by x-ray diffraction), the existence of several groups of production is validated. The adequacy between the statistical clustering of the geochemical data and the archaeological assumptions mainly based on the identification of the roller-stamped decorations confirms the relevance of the partitioning obtained. These results reflect the diversity of the clays used for the manufacturing of these red-slipped ware outside of the Argonne area (calcareous clay, non calcareous clay, kaolinitic clay) and the craftsmen’s capacities to adapt to the geological ressources available. The petrographic and mineralogical observations also attest the use of sigillata kilns and updraft kilns by the potters (sometimes both in the same workshop). This characterization highlight a phenomenon of workshops’s swarming, generally of modest size, which produce and distribute these roller-stamped red-slipped ware on short distances

La présence cistercienne en Auvergne et Velay bénéficie pour la première fois d’un travail de synthèse. L’ordre de Cîteaux dans les anciens diocèses de Clermont et du Puy représente dix abbayes fréquemment ignorées par l’historiographie ; Montpeyroux, Bellaigue, Feniers, et Le Bouchet (diocèse de Clermont) forment la branche masculine de cette colonisation, alors que L’Éclache, La Vassin, Mègemont (diocèse de Clermont), Bellecombe, Clavas et La Séauve-sur-Semène (au diocèse du Puy) sont destinées à des moniales. L’essaimage s’effectue entre 1126 et le tout début du XIIIe s. Il est dû à l’aristocratie locale qui fait de ces établissements des marqueurs territoriaux en y instaurant ses sépultures et en alimentant les vocations monastiques. Leur localisation frontalière, soit en situation de marche, participe à ce manifeste politique, tout en favorisant la mise en valeur économique de terroirs éloignés du siège seigneurial. Aussi, malgré un maillage monastique très dense préalablement à leur venue, les Cisterciens obtiennent une place particulière dans le paysage religieux des deux diocèses, tant dans leurs liens aux élites locales, que par les espaces interstitiels dont ils héritent, en marge des grands axes vitaux habituels (couloirs ligériens et élavérins). Ces résultats correspondent à la première étape de notre travail qui a consisté à confronter les divers agents des territoires diocésains à l’occupation cistercienne par une enquête historiographique et par la production d’une cartographie analytique. Un second temps de la recherche a été consacré à l’approche morphologique des sites accueillant les ensembles monastiques.Le croisement des données archivistiques (séries du clergé régulier, des eaux et forêts, cadastre napoléonien principalement), bibliographiques (notes d’érudition du XIXe s., articles érudits récents, littérature régionaliste, articles scientifiques, rapports archéologiques, mémoires et publications universitaires…) avec les témoins archéologiques participent d’une prospection sensu lato à laquelle s’ajoute une dimension géomorphologique, dans la mesure de nos compétences avant tout archéologiques. Outre l’ouverture très ponctuelle des archives sédimentaires par des sondages, des coupes stratigraphiques de berge et des carottages sur 4 sites tests en collaboration avec des géomorphologues, le travail initial a consisté en l’interprétation de la documentation cartographique et photographique ( ressources de l’Institut Géographique National) permettant une approche territoriale diachronique. Une fois les formes signifiantes du paysage repérées selon des principes empruntés à l’archéogéographie, et les vestiges des abbayes et de leur environnement immédiat caractérisés (identification et étude partielle selon le cas, inventaire des aménagements hydrauliques), une campagne de levés topographiques a été mise en œuvre sur 6 établissements (la totalité du corpus n’a pu jouir d’un traitement uniforme pour des raisons d’accessibilité, de couvert végétal, ou de conservation des vestiges). Les résultats sont présentés selon un corpus analytique constitué des 10 abbayes sus-citées. L’ensemble de ce travail est finalement discuté selon trois points : les systèmes relationnels entre les établissements cisterciens et l’aristocratie locale (topolignage), la définition économique et spatiale des domaines monastiques, et les logiques pragmatiques et idéologiques d’aménagement des sites<br>The Cistercian presence in Auvergne and Velay benefits for the first time from a synoptic work. The Cistercian order in the former Clermont and Le Puy dioceses encompasses ten abbeys frequently ignored by historiography: Montpeyroux, Bellaigue, Feniers and Le Bouchet (Clermont diocese) formed the male branch of the settlements, whereas L’Éclache, La Vassin, Mègemont (Clermont diocese), Bellecombe, Clavas and La Séauve-sur-Semène (Le Puy diocese) were aimed for nuns. The swarming took place between 1126 and the very beginning of the XIIIth century, due to the local aristocrats turning those settlements into territorial landmarks by setting up their burial places there and feeding monastic aspirations. Their borderline localization, i.e. as marches, participated in this political stance, all the while contributing to the economic stimulation of lands remote from the lord’s main estate. Hence, despite a dense mesh of monasteries prior to their coming, the Cistercians obtained a singular position in the religious landscape of both dioceses, as much regarding their links to local elites as regarding the interstitial spaces which they inherited, on the side of the main vital axes (the Loire and Allier rivers corridors). These results constitute the first step in our work, which consisted in confronting the various agents of the diocese’s territories with the Cistercian occupation through a historiographical investigation and the production of analytical cartographic material. The second step of the research dealt with the morphological study of the sites hosting the monastic compounds.The addition of archival data (mainly records from the regular clergy, the National Forests Office, and the Napoleonic land registers) to bibliographic information (scholar notes from the XIXth century, recent specialist’s articles, regionalist literature, scientific articles, archaeological reports, memoirs and academic publications…) along with archaeological evidence pertained to a wide-ranging prospection, which was enhanced with a geomorphological approach, insofar as our mainly archaeological skills allowed. In addition to the study of sedimentary rocks through occasional soundings, stratigraphic cross-sections of riverbanks, and core samples taken off four reference sites with the assistance of geomorphologists, the initial research consisted in interpreting the cartographic and photographic records (documents from the National Geographic Institute) so as to envision a diachronic approach to the territorial data. Once the significant aspects of the landscape were located, according to principles borrowed from archeogeography, and after the relics of both the abbeys and their immediate surroundings were marked (identification and partial research according to the situation, inventory of the hydraulic constructions), a topographic study was initiated in six structures (a homogeneous treatment could not be secured for the whole corpus for reasons connected to accessibility, plant coverings and preservation of the relics). The results are presented using an analytical corpus set up from the foregoing ten abbeys.To conclude, the whole research is apprehended through three points: the systemic relationships between the Cistercian settlements and the local aristocracy (topolineage); the definition of the monastic domains from an economic and spatial perspective; and the ideological and pragmatic considerations leading to the arrangement of the constructions

En cherchant à renouveler la vision du rôle joué par les fortifications et les premiers lieux de culte chrétiens dans la structuration et l’évolution des peuplements médiévaux, cette étude offre une nouvelle synthèse sur l’histoire du peuplement de l’ancienne cité de Clermont durant l’Antiquité tardive et le haut Moyen Age. Si les connaissances acquises sur le sujet font l’objet d’une nécessaire analyse critique, la documentation est renouvelée par une approche résolument interdisciplinaire puisant dans les apports confrontés des données textuelles, archéologiques et monumentales (formes architecturales, techniques, décors, etc.). Cette recherche s’articule autour d’une monographie qui offre aujourd’hui de nouveaux horizons de recherches sur la question des habitats fortifiés de hauteur, et met en évidence la relation étroite qui unit fortifications et églises dès les Ve-VIe siècles. L’enquête peut dès lors être élargie aux problématiques relatives à la topographie ecclésiale de l’ensemble du territoire arverne ; notamment par l’examen documenté du glissement des cadres de la cité romaine vers les nouveaux cadres diocésains. Il s’agit alors d’analyser les permanences, les ruptures et les transformations qui ont conditionné les modalités d’occupation du sol entre le Ve et le Xe siècle, en scrutant le rôle des églises et des « châteaux » dans la formation de nouveaux noyaux de peuplement. L’enjeu est enfin de saisir les réalités d’un paysage monumental progressivement transformé et adapté en abordant la question de la persistance formelle ou de l’innovation, des continuités et des ruptures techniques, à travers l’analyse des plans, des élévations et des répertoires ornementaux choisis, tout en confrontant les données disponibles aux témoignages apportés par les sources textuelles<br>This study proposes to shed new light on the evolution of settlement in the former territory of Clermont during the late Antiquity and early Middle Ages, by looking at the fortifications and first Christian places of worship, which are believed to polarize the medieval settlement. The main purpose of this work, beyond a necessary compilation of previous studies, is to renew the existing documentation through a vast archaeological investigation. The starting point of this research is a monographic study that widens the research on the topic of hillforts and highlights the close relation between fortifications and churches from the 5th to the 10th century. The study extends to questions relating to the ecclesial topography of the whole Arvern territory, thus showing clearly the shift in the framework of the Roman city towards the diocesan structure. The purpose here is indeed to study the continuity, or discontinuity as well as the transformations in land-use between the 5th and the 10th century, through the role of churches and "castles" in the creation of new settlements. It is also important to show the many forms of the monumental architecture in Auvergne between Antiquity and Middle Ages, raising the question of formal persistence or innovation, technical continuity or discontinuity, through the analysis of plans, upstanding architecture and the choice of decorative repertoires, while confronting the data to textual sources

À l'échelle du nord du royaume de France et plus spécialement de la Picardie médiévale, l'histoire du diocèse de Noyon, appréhendée du point de vue des rapports entre l'aristocratie et les communautés religieuses de la fin du IXe au début du XIIe siècles, révèle une relative exception documentaire :en Vermandois comme en Noyonnais, une certaine profusion de sources (essentiellement diplomatiques) permet une compréhension affinée de la place des abbayes et des chapitres dans la manifestation des politiques religieuses séculières. Les mêmes sources imposent d'accorder une attention particulière, mais non exclusive, aux politiques comtales et épiscopales en la matière. Or, pour l'ensemble de la période choisie, ces dernières ont été trop souvent perçues comme des blocs structurés et linéaires. Il convient de dépasser ces impressions d'homogénéité et d'immobilisme en montrant la diversité et l'évolution des influences réciproques unissant d'une part les communautés religieuses, d'autre part les comtes de Vermandois et les évêques de Noyon. Alors que les églises du diocèse étudié ont été considérées comme des lieux phares d'expression de la fidélité de l'aristocratie de second rang à l'égard des hauts pouvoirs princiers, il nous faut également questionner les comportements religieux de l'ensemble des puissants (spécialement châtelains) afin de montrer en quoi ils témoignent d'attitudes individualisées et contribuent à dessiner les contours des pouvoirs locaux. En d'autres termes, les rapports entre les aristocrates et les communautés religieuses, étudiés à la fois dans leur aspect matériel et spirituel, s'inscrivent-ils dans des sociétés politiques polarisées par le prince, que ce dernier soit évêque de Noyon, comte de Vermandois ou encore châtelain ?<br>In the north of the kingdom of France and more particularly in mediaeval Picardy, the history of the diocese of Noyon, apprehended from the point of view of the relations between aristocracy and religious communities from the end of the 9th to the beginning of the 12th centuries, reveals a relative documentary exception :in Vermandois as in Noyonnais, a certain profusion of sources (essentially diplomatic) allows a refined understanding of the place of the abbeys and chapters in the manifestation of secular religious policies. The same sources require special but not exclusive attention to the comital and episcopal policies in this area. However, for the whole period chosen, the latter were too often perceived as structured and linear blocks. It is necessary to overcome these impressions of homogeneity and immobility by showing the diversity and evolution of the reciprocal influences uniting on the one hand the religious communities, on the other hand the counts of Vermandois and the bishops of Noyon. While the churches of the studied diocese have been regarded as key places of expression of the fidelity of the second-rate aristocracy towards the high princely powers, we must also question the religious behavior of all the powerful (especially castellan) in order to show how they demonstrate individualized attitudes and contribute to drawing the contours of local authorities. In other words, the relations between aristocrats and religious communities, studied both in their material and spiritual aspects, are part of political societies polarized by the prince, whether the latter is bishop of Noyon, count of Vermandois or even castellan ?<br>Doctorat en Histoire, histoire de l'art et archéologie<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

La pâleur des témoignages distillés par une Antiquité tardive et un haut Moyen Âge roussillonnais, pourtant florissant, a jeté un voile nous privant pour longtemps de toute la richesse chromatique d’une longue période, qui n’a d’obscure que les a priori que l’on s’en fait. Opérer une introspection sur la genèse du vocabulaire formel chrétien est inévitable pour en comprendre les raccourcis, ceux souvent initiés par une vision monofocale n’offrant que trop peu souvent la possibilité d’envisager le bâtiment ecclésial selon sa polysémie : tout à la fois lieux de l’accomplissement du culte, de rassemblement des fidèles, mais aussi lieux d’expression techniques et artistiques. Un condensé, en somme, au cœur d’une société en mutation, où les différents acteurs politiques n’ont eu, en réalité, qu’un impact modéré.Les modestes églises rurales anté-romanes, par leurs structures et leurs modes de construction, sont finalement révélatrices d’un héritage et d’une continuité, jusque là minimisés, voire insoupçonnés. En choisissant de ne pas dissocier l’évolution des techniques de celle des formes, tout en prenant en compte les nouvelles perspectives soulevées par l’archéologie médiévale, pour d’autres territoires, les postulats chronologiques s’étiolent, se faisant moins relatifs et plus impartiaux. Entre relecture et reformulation, il convient maintenant d’envisager une mise à l’épreuve de l’architecture préromane<br>The scarcity of evidence trickled down from the late Antiquity and the Roussillon Early Middle Ages, although quite flourishing, has casta veil depriving us for quitea while of all the chromatic richness of a long era, obscure only because of the a priori one has about it. Carrying out an introspection into the genesis of the formal Christian vocabulary is an absolute must to understand its shortcuts, those being often brought about by a monofocal vision too rarely offering the opportunity to consider the church building according to its polysemy: worshipping and congregating places for the believers as well as places where their craftmanship and art could be expressed. A summary, all in all,in the midst of a mutating society where the various political actors have only had in fact a moderate impact.The humbleante-Romanesque rural churches, by their structures and their method of building are eventually revealing of a legacy and a continuity played downuntil now, unsuspectedindeed. By choosing not to dissociate the evolution of techniques from that of the forms while factoring in the new prospects brought up by medieval archaeology, for other areas, the chronological postulates weaken, becoming less relative and more unbiased. Between rereading and rewording, it is now advisable to consider putting to the test pre-Romanesque architecture

The Gallican evangelicals of the 1550s and 1560s, represented here primarily by Jean de Monluc, François Bauduin, and Charles Du Moulin, stayed on the path blazed by early French evangelicals and continued to seek evangelical reform within the existing French church. Monluc, bishop of Valence, adopted Protestant ideas and practices in his diocese. He worked with the lawyer Bauduin and Huguenot nobleman Antoine of Navarre to try to forge a religious compromise at the Colloquy of Poissy. Calvin turned against Bauduin, whom he labeled a moyenneur. Legal expert Charles Du Moulin lived briefly among the Reformed in Switzerland, Germany, and Montbéliard before returning to France, where he outwardly abjured the Protestant faith but increasingly wrote about religious matters from an evangelical perspective. Du Moulin turned bitterly against the Calvinists, however, for he feared they were taking over the evangelical movement in France.