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Journal articles on the topic 'Diocletian'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 18 February 2022

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1

Cambi, Nenad. "Dva natpisa otkrivena u neposrednoj blizini Dioklecijanove palače." Miscellanea Hadriatica et Mediterranea 3, no. 1 (December 19, 2017): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/misc.1355.

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This paper deals with two Roman inscriptions. The first one mentions the Emperor Probus, one of Diocletian's immediate predecessors, and the second one offers good reasons to assume that the names of Diocletian and Galerius were recorded on it. Both inscriptions were published but they never received adequate scholarly attention. Only three words are preserved from the second inscription, but still it is enough to assume that the tetrarchic emperors are mentioned on it. On the basis of analogies we can assume that the names of Diocletian and Galerius were recorded on the inscription.

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2

Barnes, T. D. "Maxentius and Diocletian." Classical Philology 105, no. 3 (July 2010): 318–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/658631.

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3

Şare Ağtürk, Tuna. "Myth and eponymy on the tetrarchic frieze from Nicomedia." Journal of Roman Archaeology 33 (2020): 417–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759420001099.

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Situated at the NE corner of the Propontis, Nicomedia (modern İzmit) was a major urban centre throughout history. Since the ancient city is buried directly beneath the modern industrial Turkish one, little was known archaeologically until recently1 when a series of painted reliefs, part of a continuous marble frieze of which c.55 m in length have been uncovered, was discovered in the Çukurbağ district. They contain a remarkable combination of imperial, agonistic and mythological scenes.2 The depictions on the frieze, precious examples of tetrarchic art, shed light not only on the socio-political history of the Later Empire but also on the creation, self-identification and reception of a new tetrarchic capital.3 The marble frieze seems to have decorated an imperial complex dating to the late 3rd and early 4th c. when Nicomedia was Diocletian‘s administrative capital for the eastern Roman empire. Among the scenes on the frieze, the group of blocks representing an adventus with Diocletian and Maximian has been published in detail, and a monograph on the Diocletianic complex is under preparation. The present article will examine the mythological depictions on the frieze.

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4

Higham, Adrian. "In Search of Diocletian." Classics Ireland 4 (1997): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25528309.

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5

Watkins, Thomas H., and Stephen Williams. "Diocletian and the Roman Recovery." Classical World 80, no. 5 (1987): 386. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350074.

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6

Luttwak, Edward N., and Stephen Williams. "Diocletian and the Roman Recovery." American Historical Review 91, no. 3 (June 1986): 640. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1869153.

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7

Khalapsis, Oleksiy. "Diocletian and the Third Republic." Naukovyy Visnyk Dnipropetrovs'kogo Derzhavnogo Universytetu Vnutrishnikh Sprav 2, no. 2 (June 3, 2020): 28–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.31733/2078-3566-2020-2-28-34.

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In 212 AD, Emperor Caracalla issued an edict granting Roman citizenship to the entire free population of the Roman Empire. The non-indigenous the Romans edict opened the way to the army, which allowed an increase in number of legions, but made them less loyal. All this contributed to revision of Augustus’ model and formation of a new political reality, which was called by historians the name “dominate”, the first version of which was Diocletian’s tetrarchy. For the tetrarchy system to work effectively, too many conditions were necessary, and the Romans were no longer ready for such a great responsibility. In addition, Diocletian’s model, solving some problems, created others, causing confusion and starting the process of the gradual division of the empire into the Eastern and the Western parts. If the principate system can be called as “The Second Republic”, then the system following it, under which “masters” began to govern free citizens, it would be logical to call “The Third Republic”. The Emperor is one of the titles of the republican ruler of Rome, along with the titles “Augustus”, “Caesar”, “princeps senatus”, “pontifex maximus”, etc. The legal and factual significance of each of these titles has undergone evolution, but the Romans themselves would never have agreed that a monarchy had been established in their empire; they quite sincerely considered their state to be a republic. This republic was led by a person who has a whole set of temporary and lifelong titles, including the title of emperor, which complemented other the highest ranking magistrates. At the same time, there was a transition from representations of power as a civil (and, as a result, military and religious) to power as a military (and only then – civil and religious) function. If the princeps themselves could not have been military leaders, then for the dominus it became a necessity, the logical expression of which was the institution of tetrarchy.

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8

Harke, Jan Dirk. "Klassizistisch oder innovativ? Zur Rechtsprechung von Diokletians Reskriptenkanzlei." Millennium 17, no. 1 (November 9, 2020): 139–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mill-2020-0006.

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AbstractModern research has established the prejudice that Diocletian focused on defending Roman law against the influence of primitive legal concepts of non-Roman origin and aimed to protect classical law from any kind of change. This is based, on the one hand, on circular textual criticism, which declared all innovations in the jurisprudence of Diocletian’s chancellery to be the result of later alterations of the primary texts, and, on the other hand, on the assumption that the parties to a dispute confronted the emperor directly with their own legal ideas, even though they knew that he judged only according to Roman law. An unbiased examination of Diocletian’s decisions on the law of obligations reveals a completely different picture: The rulings by which Diocletian’s chancellery purportedly reacted to popular legal ideas can almost always be explained by misunderstandings which stem from the concepts of classical Roman law itself. And once liberated from the exaggerated textual criticism of the 20th century, one can identify a variety of innovations that are more in keeping with Diocletian’s character than the obstinate conservatism that is commonly attributed to him in legal matters.

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9

GULBEKIAN, E. "Why the Third Year of Diocletian?" Le Muséon 103, no. 3 (December 1, 1990): 249–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/mus.103.3.2006093.

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10

Cooperman, Robert. "The Sorrows of the Emperor Diocletian." College English 50, no. 7 (November 1988): 755. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/377676.

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11

Barnes, T. D. "Latin Literature between Diocletian and Ambrose." Phoenix 45, no. 4 (1991): 341. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1088104.

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12

Mackay, Christopher S. "Lactantius and the Succession to Diocletian." Classical Philology 94, no. 2 (April 1999): 198–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/449431.

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13

Mirolyubov, Ivan A. "DIOCLETIAN AND CONSTANTINE THE GREAT: EMPERORS’ INTERCOMMUNICATION." Journal of historical philological and cultural studies 3, no. 65 (September 30, 2019): 106–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.18503/1992-0431-2019-3-65-106-115.

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14

Alston, R. "Roman Military Pay from Caesar to Diocletian." Journal of Roman Studies 84 (November 1994): 113–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300872.

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In a recent issue of this Journal, M. Alexander Speidel published a new document concerning Roman military pay, a receipt from Vindonissa dating to A.D. 38. This document, he claims, provides the missing link, which allows him to present a table of pay rates for legionaries and auxiliaries from Caesar to Diocletian and prove finally the proposition resurrected by M. P. Speidel that soldiers of the auxiliary cohorts were paid five sixths of the annual pay of legionaries. From a re-examination of the texts and documents traditionally used as evidence for the pay rates of the Roman military, I conclude that, although we can establish the rates of legionary infantry pay from the date of the increase under Caesar until A.D. 197, we have little evidence for legionary pay rates in the third century and, since most of the documents provide us with figures which are unknown proportions of the annual pay of the soldiers concerned, the evidence for auxiliary pay is not sufficient to allow the calculation of exact pay rates for any period. There are, therefore, no grounds for believing either the five-sixths theory as elaborated by M. Alexander Speidel or, indeed, any of the many other theories that have been proposed. Nevertheless, the documentation can be interpreted to establish likely minimum figures for auxiliary pay rates in the first century A.D. This interpretation of the documents suggests that there was, in fact, no difference between the rates of pay of auxiliary and legionary infantry and the cavalry of the legions and alae, a controversial conclusion that has previously been avoided for reasons central to much of Roman imperial military historiography.

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15

Rees, Roger, and Adrian Higham. "Diocletian: The Tale of a Singular Man." Classics Ireland 5 (1998): 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25528331.

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16

James, Simon. "Diocletian and the Roman Recovery. By StephenWilliams." Archaeological Journal 143, no. 1 (January 1986): 387–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00665983.1986.11021160.

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17

Novakovic, Bojan. "Dioclea in De administrando imperio." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 49 (2012): 75–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1249075n.

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In this text the author analyzes the data on the Slavic Principality of Dioclea found in De administrando imperio, the work by the Byzantine emperor and writer Constantine VII Porphyrogennetos. In the beginning, he adresses the narrative given in chapter 29 (Of Dalmatia and of the adjacent nations in it) concerning the emperor Diocletian building ancient Dioclea, after which the inhabitants of this principality were named Dioklhtianoi. This is then followed by an attempt to specify the data from chapter 30 (The story of the province of Dalmatia) about Dioclea?s borders being given arbitrarily in relation to the Byzantine cities and the neighbouring Slavic principalities. The most concrete datum in chapter 35 (Of the Diocletians and of the country they now dwell in) refers to the list of Dioclean towns which have not been located even today. The author reveals new data in terms of the names of those towns, which in certain cases point to where they could now be possibly located. De administrando imperio does not contain valuable data on the Slavic past of the Dioclea Principality, but only general views of Dioclea accentuating its geographical characteristics.

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18

Mann, J. C. "The Creation of Four Provinces in Britain by Diocletian." Britannia 29 (1998): 339. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/526829.

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19

Dam, Raymond Van. "Constantine's First Visit to Rome with Diocletian in 303." Journal of Late Antiquity 11, no. 1 (2018): 6–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jla.2018.0011.

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20

Nakamura. "When Did Diocletian Die? New Evidence for an Old Problem." Classical Philology 98, no. 3 (2003): 283. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1215561.

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21

Sironen, Erkki. "The Edict of Diocletian and a Theodosian Regulation at Corinth." Hesperia 61, no. 2 (April 1992): 223. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/148160.

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22

Nakamura, Byron J. "When Did Diocletian Die? New Evidence for an Old Problem." Classical Philology 98, no. 3 (July 2003): 283–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/420722.

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23

McCunn, Stuart. "WHAT'S IN A NAME? THE EVOLVING ROLE OF THE FRVMENTARII." Classical Quarterly 69, no. 1 (May 2019): 340–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838819000399.

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From the first century a.d. to the late third there existed a group of soldiers known as the frumentarii. Centralized in the late first century, they became an increasingly important force throughout the second century until Diocletian abolished them at the end of the third. Modern scholarship has usually seen their purpose as encompassing three roles: couriers, military police and secret police, with the last attracting the most attention.

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24

Stertz, Stephen A., and R. C. Blockley. "East Roman Foreign Policy: Formation and Conduct from Diocletian to Anastasius." Classical World 88, no. 2 (1994): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4351649.

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25

Hoben, Wolfgang. "Late Antiquity. Roman History from Diocletian to Justinian, A.D. 284–565." Philosophy and History 24, no. 1 (1991): 75–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philhist1991241/245.

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26

Sakamoto, Tsubasa. "Les Blemmyes en l’an 90 de l’ère de Dioclétien." Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 146, no. 1 (May 20, 2019): 54–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zaes-2019-0007.

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Summary In the year 90 of the era of Diocletian, AD 373, an enigmatic incident occurs in Nubia. This event being related to the history of Philae in an important way, the present article is intended to identify its historical setting on the basis of archaeological and textual materials. Guided by a monument discovered in Tafa, we shall attempt to understand the circumstances of the incident and its significance in the southern frontier of Egypt.

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27

Skedros, James C. "Response to David Woods." Harvard Theological Review 93, no. 3 (July 2000): 235–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000025311.

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The origins of the cult of St. Demetrios are indeed obscure. The earliest indisputable evidence for the existence of the cult of St. Demetrios at Thessaloniki is the large five-aisle basilica built in honor of the martyr and located in the center of this important port city. Based upon archaeological and art historical evidence, the basilica can be dated to the last quarter of the fifth century. However, the written tradition of the cult of St. Demetrios, as preserved in various martyrdom accounts (whose dates remain problematic), places the saint's martyrdom at Thessaloniki during the persecution of Diocletian, that is, during the first decade of the fourth century, some one-hundred and seventy five years before the erection of the saint's basilica. To complicate matters even more, in the earliest surviving martyrologies dating from the fourth and fifth centuries, there is no mention of a martyr Demetrios who was martyred or venerated at Thessaloniki. Given such lack of historical evidence, most scholars, including David Woods, whose article appears in the pages of this journal, have argued that St. Demetrios of Thessaloniki is a fictitious saint and that the origin of his veneration at Thessaloniki is not to be found in a historical individual who was martyred under Diocletian at Thessaloniki, but rather must be sought elsewhere.

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28

Pennitz, Martin. "IX. Zu Ursprung und Zweck der sog. laesio enormis." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Romanistische Abteilung 138, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 379–445. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrgr-2021-0009.

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Abstract Reflections on the origin and scope of so-called laesio enormis: This paper attempts to show that the doctrine of so-called laesio enormis has its roots neither in social or economic reasons nor in moral or religious reasons. In the famous constitution C. 4,44,2 (lex secunda) Gregorius, a secretary of petitions under emperor Diocletian, has to solve a delicate juridical problem concerning agency: A father had sold land belonging to his son (as a procurator) for less than half of its true value, obviously committing fraud. According to classical law (Iul. D. 41,4,7,6) the dominus negotii is allowed to sue a buyer of good faith if his procurator sells land below value for the sole purpose of causing loss. But as a son is not allowed to assert his father’s dolus (cf. for example C. 2,50,5,1), C.4,44,2 establishes objective criteria instead in order to decide in favour of the son. This allows us to explain the ultra dimidium rule, the criterion of pretium iustum, the right of the buyer to pay the difference, as well as the facts that the lex secunda is cited in C. 4,44,8 (by Hermogenian) as a precedent and that later constitutions (as CTh. 3,1,1; 4; 7) ignore a laesio ultra dimidium. Futhermore the paper discusses the procedural rules of the rescission of such a sale under Diocletian.

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29

Crawford, Michael H. "FROM ALCIBIADES TO DIOCLETIAN: SLAVERY AND THE ECONOMY IN THE LONGUE DURÉE." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 53, Supplement_109 (July 1, 2010): 61–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.2010.tb00101.x.

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30

Dodge, Hazel. "Palmyra and the Roman Marble Trade: Evidence from the Baths of Diocletian." Levant 20, no. 1 (January 1988): 215–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/lev.1988.20.1.215.

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31

Chevalier, Pascale. "Slobodan Ćurčić, Architecture in the Balkans from Diocletian to Süleyman the Magnificent." Hortus Artium Medievalium 17 (January 2011): 301–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.ham.5.100120.

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32

Corcoran, Simon. "The Sins of the Fathers: A Neglected Constitution of Diocletian on Incest." Journal of Legal History 21, no. 2 (August 2000): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440362108539607.

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33

Talbert, Richard J. A., and Frank Kolb. "Diocletian und die Erste Tetrarchie: Improvisation oder Experiment in der Organisation monarchischer Herrschaft?" American Historical Review 94, no. 5 (December 1989): 1352. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1906380.

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34

Clover, Frank M. "Die Spätantike: Römische Geschichte von Diocletian bis Justinian, 284-565 n. Chr.Alexander Demandt." Classical Philology 86, no. 3 (July 1991): 267–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/367265.

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35

Leadbetter, Bill. "Galerius and the Revolt of the Thebaid in 293/4." Antichthon 34 (November 2000): 82–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400001180.

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The First Tetrarchy was inaugurated in March 293 (all dates are A.D.) with the nomination of two Caesars to assist the existing two Augusti. In the west, Constantius I was named Caesar and immediately given the task of wresting Britain from the usurpers Carausius and Allectus. In the east, Galerius received imperial authority, although apparently entrusted with less specific labours. Scholars had once assumed that Galerius took up station defending the Danube frontier. Then, in 297, he was called forth from there to meet the threat of Narses, the Persian king, who had invaded Mesopotamia whilst Diocletian was busy elsewhere.

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36

Green, R. P. H. "Ausonius’ Fasti and Caesares revisited." Classical Quarterly 49, no. 2 (December 1999): 573–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/49.2.573.

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This paper reconsiders certain questions about Ausonius’ two incomplete works on historical themes, Fasti and Caesares, with particular attention to points raised in a recent article by R. W. Burgess. Of the Fasti we have only a few tantalizing snippets, the packaging and not the core: what did the work look like when it left Ausonius? What was its coverage? was it in verse or prose? The Caesares as we have it breaks off in mid-quatrain, at line 139: did it go beyond Elagabalus? What of the evidence in Giovanni Mansionario that Ausonius treated certain imperatores from Decius to Diocletian?

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37

ŻYROMSKI, Marek. "Idea kolegialnej władzy wykonawczej." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 3 (November 2, 2018): 79–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2011.16.3.4.

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Montesquieu’s idea of the tripartite system already expressed a concern with preventing one power from dominating excessively. Another argument for the collegial nature of power is the concern with the continuation of state authorities at the time of crisis (e.g. the tragedy in Smoleñsk). The idea of collegial executive power emerged already in antiquity as evidenced by the two kings in Sparta, the collegiums of archons in Athens, two consuls in the Roman Republic, or the system of tetrarchy, initiated by Diocletian. At present we have the ‘rotating presidency’ in Bosnia or the French principle of ‘cohabitacion’.

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38

Yardley, J. C. "Justin on tribunates and generalships, Casares, and Augusti." Classical Quarterly 50, no. 2 (December 2000): 632–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/50.2.632.

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Little, if anything, in Justin scholarship has been as controversial as the dating of the so-called Epitome of the Philippic History of Pompeius Trogus. Suggested dates have varied from the time of Antoninus Pius through the third century to the end of the fourth. The latter was proposed in 1988 by Sir Ronald Syme, but has in fact received little support in subsequent literature on Justin, which has tended to accept the earlier dating (late second/early third centuries). An exception is T. D. Barnes, who has voiced support for a later dating based on a linguistic parallel to Justin in the Historia Augusta.Barnes observes that Oscar Hey, author of the article ducatus in TLL (5.2129.30–2131.42), drew attention to the similarity between Justin 30.2.5 Agathocles regis lateri iunctus civitatem regebat, tribunatus et praefecturas et ducatus mulieres ordinabant and HA Heliog. 6.2 militaribus… praeposituris et legationibus et ducatibus venditis. Hey, he notes, refers at the head of that particular section of the article (Section 2 [2130.5–63]) to Seeck's article on dux. Seeck had demonstrated—and this is now taken for granted by scholars—that from the time of Diocletian dux is used technically as a formal title, and, in drawing attention to the parallel between HA Heliog. 6.2 and Justin, Hey must have been intimating that Justin is, like the author of Heliog. 6.2, using ducatus as a (post-Diocletianic) formal title. He then seems to suggest that Hey was right and Justin is to be dated to at least some time after 260.

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39

Munzi, M., and M. Zennati. "Una postazione di miliari presso Abu Kammash (Tripolitania)." Libyan Studies 35 (2004): 123–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263718900003757.

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AbstractIn 1998 a mile-station was discovered along the ancient coastal road 1400 m east of Abu Kammash, a centre identified with ancient Pisida on the basis of the Roman itineraries: the Itinerarium Antonini records a distance of 54 miles from Sabratha; the Tabula Peutingeriana of only 53. The Department of Antiquity of Sabratha in collaboration with the Archaeological Mission of the University Roma Tre recovered a milestone of Caracalla (216 AD) and another of Diocletian and Maximian (290-292 AD). Both bear the number of 54 miles, a distance evidently reckoned from the city of Sabratha, in perfect accordance with the figure of the Itinerarium Antonini.

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40

Simon-Shoshan, Moshe. "Did the Rabbis Believe in Agreus Pan? Rabbinic Relationships with Roman Power, Culture, and Religion inGenesis Rabbah63." Harvard Theological Review 111, no. 3 (July 2018): 425–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816018000184.

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AbstractThis article presents a reading of the story of the Patriarch's meeting with the Emperor Diocletian as it appears in the late antique midrashic compilation,Genesis Rabbah. The story encapsulates the complexity of the relationship between the rabbis and Roman political, cultural and religious hegemony, showing the rabbis as both in eternal conflict with the Roman Empire and its culture and, yet, in many ways, very Roman themselves. In the second half of the article, I argue that this story presents a unique perspective on rabbinic views of both “demons” and the Olympian gods themselves. I conclude by comparing and contrasting these views with the approaches of early Christian thinkers.

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41

Elton, Hugh. "IMPERIAL CAMPAIGNS BETWEEN DIOCLETIAN AND HONORIUS, A.D. 284–423: THE RHINE FRONTIER AND THE WESTERN PROVINCES." Late Antique Archaeology 8, no. 2 (January 25, 2013): 653–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134522-90000021a.

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This paper focuses on the archaeological evidence for western imperial campaigns between the reigns of Diocletian (A.D. 284–305) and Honorius (A.D. 395–423). Military campaigning is an ephemeral and rapidly changing process of human interactions. Although Roman campaigning is often well-documented, archaeological evidence is not especially well-suited to documenting events within a particular year, though it is very useful in enhancing our knowledge of resources and processes. This paper analyses the army’s actions, and then discusses how the archaeological evidence contributes to our understanding. There were enormous differences between the resources available to Rome and her enemies in the 4th c. West, even if frontier culture was similar.

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42

Hoben, Wolfgang. "Diocletian and the First Tetrarchy. Improvisation or Experiment in the Organisation of Monarchic Rule?" Philosophy and History 22, no. 2 (1989): 189–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philhist1989222110.

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43

KENNEDY. "FLORUS AND DIOCLETIAN: A CRUX IN CHRISTINE DE PIZAN'S "LIVRE DU CORPS DE POLICIE"." Medium Ævum 67, no. 2 (1998): 313. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/43630024.

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44

Sellew, Philip. "Achilles or Christ? Porphyry and Didymus in Debate over Allegorical Interpretation." Harvard Theological Review 82, no. 1 (January 1989): 79–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000016035.

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Porphyry of Tyre, the disciple of Plotinus who composed his massive workAgainst the Christiansunder Diocletian, has attracted much attention in recent years as perhaps the most formidable intellectual opponent of the early church. Modern scholars continue to be impressed by Porphyry's knowledge, resourcefulness, and the evident respect shown him by such figures as Jerome and Augustine. Because his literary remains are both fragmentary and disputed, moreover, any new information about Porphyry's views is of considerable importance. Just such a discovery provides the occasion for this essay. Among the papyrus codices found in an ammunition dump near Toura, Egypt, during World War II, were several previously unknown works of Origen and Didymus the Blind.

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45

Jegliński, Adam. "Group of tetradrachmas from the reign of Diocletian discovered at Kom el-Dikka in Alexandria." Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean, no. 29/2 (December 31, 2020): 515–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/uw.2083-537x.pam29.2.22.

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A set of more than 30 tetradrachmas from the second half of the 3rd century AD was discovered in Alexandria in Egypt, at the Kom el-Dikka site excavated by a Polish mission, in a zone of public buildings constructed in the 4th century AD. A row of lime kilns from the construction site of this complex stood on top of the ruins of an early Roman domestic quarter and, after they ceased to be used, were covered with earth and rubble, the latter partly from the destruction layer of these houses. Excavation of the kilns in 2008 and 2009 produced large quantities of 4th and 5th century pottery as well as pieces of marble revetment that had been fed to the kilns, and isolated late Roman coins. The tetradrachmas from two of the kilns (Fc and Fd), which were hoarded apparently in AD 293–295, seems to have preceded the destruction of the early Roman houses and may have been hidden in one of them.

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Rogozhina, Anna. "Diocletian and Apollo in the Cycle of Antioch: sources and methods of the Coptic hagiographers." St.Tikhons' University Review. Series III. Philology 40, no. 5 (December 31, 2014): 78–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.15382/sturiii201440.78-88.

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Snyder, Stephen. "An Image of Power in Transition: St. George Slaying Diocletian and the War of Images." Eidos. A Journal for Philosophy of Culture 3, no. 4 (December 31, 2019): 67–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.14394/eidos.jpc.2019.0043.

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La Bua, Giuseppe. "Laus deorum e strutture inniche nei Panegirici latini di etá imperiale." Rhetorica 27, no. 2 (2009): 142–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2009.27.2.142.

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Abstract Latin prose Panegyrics are a fourth-century product of Gallic rhetorical schools; they celebrate the emperor's virtues by widely employing structures and topoi commonly associated with epideictic theory and practice. This paper explores the presence of hymnic features within the corpus of the Latin Panegyrics. The following passages are investigated: 1) the celebration of Diocletian and Maximian as Iovius and Herculius in Panegyrics 10(2).1–6 and 11(3).3; 2) the praise of the Tiber and the hymn to the supreme God in the Panegyric dedicated to Constantine 12(9).18; 26; 3) the hymn to Greece in the Panegyric to Julian 3(11).8. The analysis shows how the panegyrists re-worked the laudatory material by adapting the style and topoi of hymns to gods to praise of the emperor.

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Cases, Laurent J. "Society and Civil War in Africa During the Tetrarchy: The Rebellion of Lucius Domitius Alexander (308–310 CE)." Journal of Ancient History 7, no. 1 (May 26, 2019): 233–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jah-2018-0017.

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Abstract In the year 308 CE, the African army raised to the purple the agens vices praefectorum praetorio Lucius Domitius Alexander. This rather unique case of a vicarius becoming emperor is deserving of investigation. Scholarly interest on the matter has traditionally focused on the broader political significance, treating Alexander as a traditional usurper. This paper argues that, contrary to traditional studies, the regime of Alexander focused on very local, African tropes. The uniqueness of the advertisement suggests that this African usurpation was the product of discontent internal to Africa; in other words, it is a departure from the usurpations of the third century. The achievements of Diocletian, who supposedly stabilized the Empire, ended when he withdrew, and the rebellion of 308–310 demonstrates that there remained unaddressed tensions between the provinces and the remaining tetrarchs.

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Vaucher, Daniel. "Glaubensbekenntnis oder Sklavengehorsam?—Petrus von Alexandrien zu einem christlichen Dilemma." Vigiliae Christianae 72, no. 5 (October 29, 2018): 533–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341361.

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Abstract The so-called Canonical letter (or περὶ Μετανοίας, “On Repentance”) of St. Peter of Alexandria, sheds light on a variety of means that Christians chose to avoid the sacrifice test under the Diocletian persecution. Canons 5-7 deal explicitly with slave- owners using their slaves as surrogates. St. Peter condemns these practices heavily, while at the same time he condemns servile obedience. In this, Peter is almost alone in early Christianity, when almost all Christians preached blind obedience. The article examines these canons, and contextualizes them with other Christian perceptions of ancient slavery. At the same time, the letter is important for the understanding of the Great persecution, its mechanisms, and the personal situation of St. Peter. Hence, the letter is discussed in regards to its transmission, and its context.

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