Academic literature on the topic 'Dionysius Exiguus'

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Journal articles on the topic "Dionysius Exiguus"

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Naumowicz, Józef. "Decoding the Christian Era of Dionysius Exiguus." Collectanea Theologica 94, no. 1 (2024): 85–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/ct.2024.94.1.03.

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Dotychczas nie znaleziono satysfakcjonującego wyjaśnienia, w jaki sposób rzymski mnich Dionysius Exiguus ustalił rok narodzenia Jezusa w swoim systemie rachuby lat, który wprowadził w 525 roku. W badaniach dominują bowiem dwa bezzasadne założenia: pierwsze, że twórca tej rachuby nie podał jej uzasadnienia, i drugie, że rozwiązania problemu należy szukać jedynie w pracach tego autora dotyczących obliczania dat Wielkanocy. W tym artykule przyjąłem następującą hipotezę badawczą: wyjaśnienie nowej rachuby lat znajduje się w pismach Dionizego, do których należą jego prace komputystyczne, ale także
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Declercq, G. "Dionysius Exiguus and the Introduction of the Christian Era." Sacris Erudiri 41 (January 2002): 165–246. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.se.2.300491.

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De Caro, Liberato, Fernando La Greca, and Emilio Matricciani. "The Beginning of the Christian Era Revisited: New Findings." Histories 1, no. 3 (2021): 145–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/histories1030016.

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We have re-examined and discussed all chronological, historical and astronomical elements which can be referred to the year of Herod the Great’s death, which occurred—according to Josephus—after a lunar eclipse and before Passover. Since the XIX century, most scholars still assume the eclipse occurred on 13 March 4 BC, so that Dionysius Exiguus was wrong in calculating the beginning of the Christian era—by four years at least—because Herod the Great must have been alive when Jesus was born. We have solved the apparent incompatibility of the events narrated by Josephus, occurring between the ec
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Stavinschi, Magda. "Romanian Contribution to the Study of Polar Motion." International Astronomical Union Colloquium 178 (2000): 89–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0252921100061224.

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Romanian astronomy has an old tradition, which is rather less well-known abroad. More known perhaps are the Dacian sanctuary of Sarmizegetusa Regia, very similar to that of Stonehenge, or the contribution of the monk Dionysius Exiguus (born at Tomis, in Dobrogea) to the initiation of the Christian Era. But one of the most important applications of the astronomical knowledge was coordinate determination. It is interesting to remark that the development of astronomy since the 16th century followed closely the advances of accuracy in estimating the coordinates of the main localities.
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Gallagher, John Joseph. "History, Eschatology, and the Development of the Six Ages of the World." Augustinianum 61, no. 2 (2021): 361–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm202161225.

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The sex aetates mundi was the central framework of Early Christian, Late Antique, and early medieval Christian eschatology and historiography. This article is the second part of a study of the development and history of this motif. Part I (published in Augustinianum 61, 1 [2021]) summarised the emergence of this framework in biblical and patristic writings up to the late fourth-century, concluding with the work of the North African theologian, Tyconius. The second part of this study investigates the treatment of this subject in the writings of Augustine of Hippo, Dionysius Exiguus, Isidore of
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Gastgeber, Christian. "Die Ostertabelle des Dionysius Exiguus in griechischer Anwendung. Ein 532 Jahre-Zyklus süditalienischer Provenienz." Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinistik 1 (2023): 193–274. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/joeb72s193.

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Grant, Michael. "The Bimillennium." Greece and Rome 47, no. 1 (2000): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gr/47.1.1.

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Everyone is now celebrating the Bimillennium, and very many are writing about it. Bimillennium of what? Of our era, of course: A.D. 2000. Our era is supposed to have begun with the birth of Jesus Christ. But Jesus Christ was not, unfortunately, born in A.D. 1: he was born in 11 or 7 or 6 or 5 or 4 B.C. We do not know exactly when, and our sources have made no particular effort to tell us. Our era was only established by a Russian monk Dionysius Exiguus, in the sixth century A.D. – he had been asked to attack the problem by Pope John I. The theory of Dionysius (which appears, incidentally, to b
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Sims Williams, Patrick. "St Wilfrid and two charters dated AD 676 and 680." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 39, no. 2 (1988): 163–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900020649.

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No original Anglo-Saxon charter bearing an AD date earlier than 736 is extant, which seems to suit the traditional view that dating by the Era of the Incarnation, as opposed to the indiction or regnal years, was due to its popularisation by Bede's treatise De temponim ratione and his Historia ecclesiastica. ‘Consequently,’ in R. L. Poole's words, ‘not a few Anglo-Saxon charters which contain the date from the Incarnation have been condemned as spurious or corrupt.’ He then added that ‘there seems, however, to be no reason to suppose that the adoption of this era was originated by the treatise
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Starostin, Dmitry N. "Gregory of Tours’s Historical Conception and Dionysius Exiguus’s Anno Domini and Easter Table in Early Medieval Europe." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 467 (June 1, 2021): 215–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/467/26.

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Rothwangl, Sepp. "The calculation of doomsday based on Anno Domini." February 15, 2015. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.15466.

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Anno Domini, or the year Christ’s birth, was an invention made some 1400 years ago by Dionysius Exiguus, who adjusted a new Easter Computus in order to avert end time fever with the pretext to solve a dispute upon the correct date of Easter. Right at the beginning of Christianity, early Christians expected in the near future the return of Christ, which was associated with the end of the world, together with the Seventh Day of the Lord. Such a scenario ocurred already in the cosmic year Anno Mundi (AM) 6,000. Based upon a teleological concept by interpreting the Bible. AM produced a calen
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Books on the topic "Dionysius Exiguus"

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Balz, Horst, James K. Cameron, Stuart G. Hall, Gerhard Müller, and Christian Grethlein. Dionysius Exiguus - Episkopalismus. de Gruyter GmbH, Walter, 2020.

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Dionysius and Adolf Strewe. Die Canonessammlung des Dionysius Exiguus in der Ersten Redaktion. De Gruyter, Inc., 2020.

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Peitz, Wilhelm M., and Hans Foerster. Dionysius Exiguus-Studien: Neue Wege der Philologischen und Historischen Text- und Quellenkritik. de Gruyter GmbH, Walter, 2014.

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Whitmarsh, Tim. How to Write Anti-Roman History. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190649890.003.0014.

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In this chapter, Tim Whitmarsh reconstructs an example of a type of history writing—accounts with a pronounced anti-Roman bias—that has left only exiguous traces in the extant collection of ancient textual sources. Whitmarsh traces this oppositional history by scrutinizing the several categories of professed opponents whom Dionysius of Halicarnassus ventriloquizes. Whitmarsh tentatively identifies Metrodorus of Scepsis as a likely target of Dionysius’ critiques and then reverse engineers Metrodorus’ arguments, drawing also on criticisms that Plutarch appears to have directed at Metrodorus. Whi
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Canons of the Holy Apostles; the Greek Text As Orginally Printed in 1540, with the Various Readings of Later Editions : The Latin Version of Dionysius Exigus, Made AD. 500: And a New English Translation. Creative Media Partners, LLC, 2018.

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Book chapters on the topic "Dionysius Exiguus"

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McMahon, John M. "Dionysius Exiguus." In Biographical Encyclopedia of Astronomers. Springer New York, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4419-9917-7_365.

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Smoller, Laura Ackerman, Michelle Chapront‐Touzé, Mihkel Joeveer, et al. "Dionysius Exiguus." In The Biographical Encyclopedia of Astronomers. Springer New York, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-387-30400-7_365.

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Warntjes, Immo. "The argumenta of Dionysius Exiguus and their early recensions." In Computus and its Cultural Context in the Latin West, AD 300-1200. Brepols Publishers, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/m.stt-eb.3.3880.

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Heith-Stade, David. "Dionysius Exiguus." In Great Christian Jurists and Legal Collections in the First Millennium. Cambridge University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781108559133.015.

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Mosshammer, Alden A. "The Christian Era of Dionysius Exiguus." In The Easter Computus and the Origins of the Christian Era. Oxford University Press, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199543120.003.0015.

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MacCarron, Máirín. "Bede, Dionysius Exiguus and Anno Domini chronology." In Bede and Time. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315568867-7.

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Chadwick, Henry. "Zeno’s Henotikon, Rome’s Fury, and the Acacian Schism: Dionysius Exiguus." In East and West: The Making of a Rift in the Church. Oxford University Press, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199264575.003.0009.

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Gallagher, Clarence. "Dionysius Exiguus and John Scholastikos: Rome and Constantinople in the Sixth Century." In Church Law and Church Order in Rome and Byzantium. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315260280-1.

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Kenny, Anthony. "Aristotle’s Categories in the Latin Fathers." In From Empedocles to Wittgenstein. Oxford University PressOxford, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199550821.003.0006.

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Abstract The Latin Church Fathers of the fourth century had reason to be interested in Aristotle ‘s categories, or at least in the category of substance, in the period between the Councils of Nicaea (325) and Constantinople (381), which formulated the relationship between the Son and the Father in the Christian Trinity. Nicaea (in the Latin version of Hilary of Poitiers) declared that the Son was ‘natum ex patre unigenitum, hocest de substantia patris, deum ex deo, lumen ex lumine, deum verum de deo vero, natum, non factum, unius substantiae cum Patre (quod Graece dicunt homoousion) ‘. Constan
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Fox, Matthew. "Livy’s Representation of the Regal Period." In Roman Historical Myths. Oxford University PressOxford, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198150206.003.0005.

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Abstract Dionysius’ preface makes his attitude to the role of the regal period particularly clear. Livy’s preface, although no less revealing, expresses a much less positive evaluation of the role of the regal period in Rome’s history. The very opening of the preface makes it clear that the early part of his history will be a testing point for the plan of his whole work. Livy declines to say whether he thinks it is worth the effort going through the story of the Roman people a primordio, but recognizes that it has been more usual for historians to be drawn to later events because of the greate
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