Journal articles on the topic 'Diplomacy French language'

Abstract Diplomacy Beyond Language: François Guizot and Translation — Neglecting to mention translation, ignoring the need or even the presence of translation is common practice in non-literary French writing in the first half of the nineteenth century. Still, in the case of François Guizot (1787-1874) such neglect seems to have a more deliberate motivation. Before becoming prime minister of France or ambassador to England, Guizot had translated several important English texts into French. His later marginalization of linguistic difference appears more rooted in his ideological perspective on history. Guizot's writings on French and English history and on the evolution of language seem to indicate that, for him, in the long run of history, translation would become obsolete. Nations, like languages, appear, from his point of view, to be drifting towards an ultimate unity, to flow irresistibly towards a Utopian equality wherein differences — political or linguistic — will ultimately be dissolved.

The article deals with the problem of the discourse of French diplomatic officials’ Internet blogs as a new type of diplomatic institutional discourse. Because of the fact that the language of diplomacy becomes more public, diplomats explore new modes of communication, in particular social networking websites and blogs.

Abstract Many people wonder why Nigeria, with so many local languages and English as the official language, should bother about learning and speaking French language. The government of Sani Abacha saw the need for Nigeria to speak French when in 1996, he pronounced French as the second official language for Nigeria. Unfortunately, the pronouncement has remained on paper as the policy was never implemented. This neglect has neither helped the country nor its citizens. The role of language in every aspect of life in the society cannot be over-emphasized. Multilingualism has many benefits and Nigeria needs to key in especially as it relates to international languages. French language occupies a strategic position on the international scene today. It is a language of development, industry, trade and diplomacy. It can help promote sustainable economic growth and human development which will in turn, translate into a better quality of life for Nigerians. This paper intends to highlight the role French language can play in national development in Nigeria and the need for the country to become French literate in spite of the presence of English which has been there since the colonial days. These two major international languages can facilitate national development in Nigeria.

The article is devoted to analyzing the role of the French language in the European society of the XVI century, when la langue francoyse becomes the common language of the communication to both in the field of the official correspondence and in the literature. The research is conducted in the diachronic aspect, concerning different extralinguistic factors (political, ideological, historical and cultural). The origins of this phenomenon are considered: for example, since the XI century, French language was the official language of the court of England and the aristocracy, and then became the working language of the court (le français du loi) and Parliament (the so-called Norman French). Gradually, the tendency to use French as a means of communication between the king and his entourage became the norm of court etiquette in Europe. The XVI century is not only the period of active formation of the French language as the national literary language of France, but also the time of its distribution in Europe as the language of diplomacy, international business and cultural communication of the European elite. The work shows how, due to the compositions of encyclopedic scientists, the work of Francophone teachers outside of France, and the popularization of the French language by translators-humanists (who served at the court of the king François I and his descendants), la langue francoyse consolidated its position in the international arena in the XVI century. At the same time, with the spread of translations into French from the ancient languages (Latin, ancient Greek) the interest of the secular elite of France increases to the past of Europe. And the translations into French from the “living” languages (Italian and Spanish) contributed to the interest to the current problems of modern European literature, as well as history, politics and culture, which was typical for the Renaissance. The article deals with the special attitude of the Renaissance to the French language through the prism of the language worldview of that epoch.

Since the 12th century, French culture has been important to the world because of its excellence, particularly with its influence on language, literature, philosophy and streams of thought. It represents an art of living, marked by traditional values, among which is the highly appreciated gastronomy, and a constant recognition of its haute couture. It plays a role only in French diplomacy that involves political, economic, and cultural action. This action is historically started by the Dutch colonial regime and is fundamentally reinforced today through official cultural networks. In this case, the problematic focus of their functions and their actions in the face of the Banyumas community as a new relationship that is confronted with geographical, social, and cultural conditions. Referring to French cultural diplomacy in this region, this research focuses on the qualitative descriptive method of describing and analyzing data with the objective of explaining diplomatic action through the French culture.

Abstract Conference interpreting began at the 1919 Paris Peace Conference, where the League of Nations (LN) and its offsprings, the Permanent Court of International Justice and the International Labour Organization (ILO), were designed as tools of a new diplomacy by conferences. This meant the end of the virtual monopoly of French as the language of diplomacy and the presence of interpreters mediating between languages. This paper examines the context of the 1919 Washington International Labor Conference (ILC), the interpreting services, the interpreters’ working conditions, and proposes some conclusions. Sources include published records of the plenary meetings of the Washington ILC and unpublished documents from the Personnel files and other material from the archives of the ILO and the LN in Geneva.

Abstract This article presents a case study of a rebellion conspiracy organized by a group of Moriscos—Spanish Muslims forcibly converted to Catholicism—in the early seventeenth century. In order to carry out their plans, these Moriscos sought assistance from the French king Henry iv (r. 1589-1610). Analyzing a Morisco letter remitted to Henry iv and multiple archival sources, this article argues that prophecy served as a diplomatic language through which Moriscos communicated with the most powerful Mediterranean rulers of their time. A ‘connected histories’ approach to the study of Morisco political activity underscores the ubiquity of prophecies and apocalyptic expectations in the social life and political culture of the early modern Mediterranean. As a language of diplomacy, apocalyptic discourse allowed for minor actors such as the Moriscos to engage in politics in a language that was deemed mutually intelligible, and thus capable of transcending confessional boundaries.

Abstract The article is devoted to the study of “cultural diplomacy” of France in recent history. The relevance of the topic is conditioned by the fact that states use new, non-leverage levers of influence more and more, striving to spread their values and culture in the world to expand and strengthen their presence in the international arena. The French Republic, in order to revive its former greatness, has accelerated the activities of its institutions over the past decades, which can be interpreted as the manifestations of “soft power” in general, and “cultural diplomacy” in particular. The increase of the French language, culture and history status among the population of Europe, America, Africa and the Middle East is becoming an increasing priority task of the state foreign policy. This, in particular, is evidenced by the statements of the French leadership, as well as the reforms carried out in internal structures to increase the effectiveness of its “cultural diplomacy” concept implementation. The authors of the article concluded that over the past ten years, France has not only stepped up and renewed its cultural and partnership relations around the world, but also opened up new opportunities for the dissemination of information and cooperation, adapting to the diverse expectations of the audience, taking into account, first of all, the factors of multilateral diplomacy and interculturalism. This, in its turn, makes it possible to expect the increase of France foreign policy potential in the international arena. The obtained results are consistent with the conclusions of a number of researchers and expand the existing ideas about the nature, the application of “cultural diplomacy” approaches and the specifics of its influence in the world. The reliability of the study is based on a wide range of published materials, and the obtained results make a significant contribution to knowledge expansion about this problem. At the end of the article, on the basis of France experience study, they determined the potential opportunities for the development of “cultural diplomacy” of Russia.

The article is devoted to the study of the evolution of the foreign and domestic policies of France in the post-war period. The position of heads of leading states during the Yalta Conference and its implications for France are studied. The general situation in France in the post-war period and the struggle of various political forces are investigated. The participation of France in the founding of the UN, the status of a permanent member of the UN Security Council and the veto is disclosed. The concept of the military policy of General C. de Gaulle is highlighted, which was a consistent doctrine and was already formed in 1949-1955. The article analyzes the Dunkirk French-British agreement on alliance and mutual assistance of March 4, 1947. The factor of the American presence in France and the policy of US assistance to France are considered. The approaches of French politicians to the signing of the North Atlantic Treaty are analyzed. The collapse of the French colonial empire and the concentration of its foreign policy strategy on the development of purely European structures are investigated. It is proved that the potential of France, despite its difficult post-war socio-economic situation, prompted the Allies to take into account its position in world space. However, on the other hand, France’s dependence on assistance, in particular, the Marshall Plan, made it impossible to exclude France from participating in the geopolitical confrontation, which gave rise to the Cold War and made clear its choice. It is summarized that the phenomenon of the rapid restoration of France’s potential after the World War ІІ, the successful spread of “gaullism” are very indicative examples of the significant success of French diplomacy and the role of the individual in history, which is capable of achieving unexpected results. Although in the twentieth century. the prestige of the French language as a language of diplomacy was gradually declining, the maneuvering of France in the setting up of a bipolar world provided this country with a particularly unique place in world politics.

The paper presents the analysis of the peculiarities of the verbal behaviour of the French politician Jean-Luc Mélenchon. On the examples obtained from his interviews and videos, the author demonstrates that by means of such figures of speech as metaphors and phraseological units, the French politician was able to materialize his persuasive strategies by manipulating people’s minds. It is emphasized that metaphoric expressions used within the idiolect of Jean-Luc Mélenchon were able to form positive or negative image and perception of the politician, therefore the role of these figures of speech cannot be underestimated. It is also observed that the study of metaphors is considered to be extremely important within the learning process at the University, especially when teaching the language of French political communication to students in Political Science, International Journalism and Diplomacy.

This article explores the history in Europe of the training of interpreters specialized in diplomacy, which began in the Renaissance Venetian Republic, when this European power started to train the so-called giovani di lingua in its embassy in Constantinople. The Venetian model was imitated and developed by other European powers, especially by France and the Austrian monarchy, trying to strengthen their relations with the Ottoman Empire by training their own jeunes de langues and Sprachknaben, respectively. In Spain the equivalent figure, the joven de lenguas, emerged later, in the last third of the 18th century, and there is evidence of several proposals to create a Spanish school to train these youngsters. The profile of the selected jóvenes who would serve at the Spanish embassies and consulates in foreign regions is also analyzed. Finally, the Spanish example is compared with the pioneering European models, especially with the Venetian, the French and the Austrian ones.

Whether considered as a form of “diplomacy by cities,” as a strategy for small and mid-sized communities to assert their role amidst globalization, or as a means of territorial cooperation, twinnings between municipalities of different countries represent a common and oft celebrated facet of contemporary transnationalization. Sister cities in Louisiana and Canada’s Maritime Provinces play an important part in the transnational networks among populations of the Acadian diaspora, a people “scattered to the wind” in the eighteenth century after mass deportation by British authorities. There are currently 12 such twinnings, and partnerships with the French-speaking world figure prominently in external subnational relations across the Maritimes, especially in New Brunswick. This article examines emerging discourses of diasporic Acadian identity through municipal twinnings between Louisiana and l’Acadie des Maritimes. After a general profile of twinnings in the Maritimes, I analyze the evolution of language used in sister-city agreements before offering examples of sister cities’ unique contribution to a sense of diasporic belonging.

The decade between 1267 and 1277 was crucial in Gwynedd's struggle to establish a native Welsh polity. It required a small territory with slender resources to mount diplomacy promoting Llywelyn's status as 'princeps Wallie' not merely with the English crown but with the papal curia. Llywelyn's diplomatic letters have hitherto been scrutinised for the light they shed on the course of events. This article examines instead their style and effectiveness as a mode of diplomatic communication. It compares them with diplomatic letters of Alexander III of Scotland and sheds light on how native Wales was interacting with Anglo-French culture. The analysis draws on a number of previouslyunpublished original documents, transcribed here for the first time, including Pope Gregory X's letter to Edward I in August 1274, inspired by Llywelyn, and preparatory drafts of Edward's letter to Llywelyn in May 1275.

The introduction of French into the international sphere proceeded gradually throughout the eighteenth century and was largely due to the growing significance of French culture in the courts and educated milieu of Europe. By the middle of the century, French had not only become the most important language of external diplomatic communication, but had also gradually entered into the internal correspondence of foreign offices. Nevertheless, in the second half of the eighteenth century a large part of such correspondence continued to be conducted in the native language of the diplomats involved. This paper, based on archival sources, deals with the linguistic practices of Russian-speaking (Russophone) diplomats of the Russian Empire and diplomats from Austria, as well as the problem they faced in choosing between their native language or French when writing reports and letters. The language practices are considered in the context of the language policies of Catherine II, Maria Theresa, and Joseph II, who consistently implemented reforms in the Russian Empire and the Austrian monarchy in support of Russian and German respectively. Since there were many diplomats of foreign origin in the Russian College of Foreign Affairs, the French and Russian languages were considered equal. Their use in correspondence depended on the preferences of the chiefs, the personal experience of the diplomatic representatives (their French language skills, level of education in general, social and cultural background, and the characteristics of their particular place of residence), and in some cases on the subject of the correspondence. In the paperwork of the Austrian State Chancellery, the French language was used in official reports far less frequently than German, but rather often in semi-private correspondence with monarchs or high-ranking nobles in order to establish a confidential contact with them. A significant conclusion is drawn that the analysis of the language practices of Russian and Austrian diplomats requires a study of the language competency of the mission staff.

A signal event in the history of language policy in France was the recognition in 2000 of French-lexifier creoles as languages that students in secondary schools could select as subject matter. This decision by the ministry of education placed these languages on an equal footing with the heretofore officially recognized regional languages, such as Breton or Corsican. For these languages to be taught in French secondary schools, teachers needed to be certified by an examination, the CAPES (Certificat d'Aptitude au Professorat de l'Enseignement Secondaire). This book by the leading creolist of the French Antilles is part of a series of handbooks for prospective candidates for that diploma.

AbstractLuxembourg is officially a trilingual country with most indigenous Luxembourgers speaking Luxembourgish, German and French, even if not necessarily all to the same standard. A high proportion (44.5 %) of the population consists of immigrants whose different linguistic repertoires add other languages to the multilingual landscape of the country. Multilingualism is a highly salient feature of Luxembourg’s society and plays out differently in different domains, such as home, school, work or public institutions. The country’s university, the University of Luxembourg, founded in 2003, is one of Luxembourg’s multilingual institutions, with English, French and German as official languages but with currently no explicit language policy. Study schemes and diplomas should be at least bilingual and students as well as staff should master at least two of the official languages. Neither the country’s national language Luxembourgish, nor the language of the proportionally highest migrant community Portuguese are part of the university’s languages. Due to the lack of an explicit and official document regarding the University of Luxembourg’s language policy and planning, in this chapter, I will focus on the current language situation in the areas of teaching, research and administration. After looking into the use of different languages in these domains and studying the existing guidelines regarding language use, I will identify the different actors responsible for and influencing the language planning and policy at the University of Luxembourg and situate them on the micro, meso and macro level.

AbstractIn the 17th century there was no professional diplomacy: a mission as envoy or ambassador was part of a broader political or administrative career. Many politicians still neglected the importance of permanent diplomacy. Thus, there was no training, and few ambassadors had solid experience in foreign traditions and languages or in methods of diplomatic negotiations. It was rather accidental when a man from a well established Parisian family, like Claude de Mesmes, Count d'Avaux (1595–1650), served France abroad for more than 20 years. At the climax of his career, at the Congress of Westphalia, he was in many ways what we today think a good diplomat should be: open minded, smooth, compromising. In the 17th century, however, these were no criteria for the choice of an ambassador. Moreover, French governments prior to Louis XIV allowed their ambassadors to influence foreign affairs, and d'Avaux could even establish a network of his confidents in the diplomatic service. The Peace of Westphalia of 1648 was thus a result not only of governmental orders, but of a competition between d'Avaux and his rival and coambassador Abel Servien.

The aim of this paper is to discuss the impact of the multicultural dimension of English on the translation of academic diplomas issued at secondary school level in French-speaking countries. Translators have difficulty in finding the equivalents of the diplomas in English (the target language). The methodology of the paper is both descriptive and comparative. On the one hand, the polycentric nature of the English language is described and its implications for translation are underlined. On the other hand, a comparative approach is used in comparing the diplomas from both linguistic communities. The findings of the paper revealed that translating from the source language (French) into English is both a linguistic and, particularly, a cultural transaction. There are three circles of English in the world, making the search for equivalents particularly complex. Translation under these conditions needs to adopt a functional approach by taking into account the realities of the target language and culture.

L´article s´intéresse au cas d´un pays où une majorité de la population maîtrise plusieurs langues étrangères. La langue française fait partie des langues tierces enseignées à l´école aux côtés de l´allemand et de l´espagnol. Si le français a perdu de l´influence depuis la fin des années 1980, la francophonie en tant qu´ensemble des pays dont la langue principale d´enseignement est le français reste encore méconnu en Suède. Il existe donc une opportunité d´utiliser la francophonie et la langue française comme vecteurs d´une vision culturelle renouvelée. Des départements d´études francophones pourraient émerger à condition que des perspectives transdisciplinaires soient véritablement aménagées. L´article explore plusieurs pistes pour affirmer cette stratégie avec d´une part une relance des certifications permettant d´accompagner des mobilités étudiantes et professionnelles vers les pays francophones et d´autre part la solidarité entre institutions culturelles francophones et les départements de français des universités en Suède. Plusieurs manifestations pourraient servir de support à cette promotion globale du français en Suède à l´instar du concours de la francophonie et des Olympiades de langues. Plus l´apprentissage des langues sera encouragé tôt, plus on sera à même de fidéliser des publics d´apprenants susceptibles de choisir des parcours liés à la francophonie. De ce point de vue, les départements de français traditionnellement intégrés dans des départements de langues romanes auraient la possibilité de renouveler leur offre de cours. En d´autres termes, l´auteur insiste sur la nécessité de sortir d´une époque des exégètes de la philologie pour envisager un profil francophone centré sur des matières à fort contenu culturel (littérature, civilisation…). The article focuses on a country where the majority of the population can speak several foreign languages. French language is, with Spanish and German, the third language taught at school. If French language has lost its influence since the end of the eighties, the Francophonie as the group of French-speaking countries is not well-known. It is therefore possible to initiate a new cultural promotion. Some Francophone studies departments could emerge if cross-disciplines perspectives are dealt with. The article proposes different strategies to reach this objective: on the one hand, French-speaking diplomas can be encouraged to reinforce the student mobility and the professional mobility towards French-speaking countries and on the other hand we can strengthen the cooperation between French-speaking cultural institutions and the departments of French Language in Sweden. Several events such as the Francophonie competition and the Språkolympiaden can support the general promotion of French Language. The earlier we work with the different pupils interested in French at school, the easier it will be to help them to continue with French at the University. From this point of view, the departments of French Language which are part of Romance and Languages departments could evolve. In other words, the author points out that it is better to enhance new cultural contents (Literature, civilization….) than to restrict the fields to pure linguistic ones.

This study aims to discuss the planning of Portuguese as an additional language course that uses the song as a guiding instrument for the classes. The research involved intermediate level students of a University Diploma of Brazilian Portuguese, a short course offered in the research institution in order to offer a deeper study of Brazilian language and culture for academic and professional purposes. Based on semistructured questionnaires, students’ profiles for learning the Portuguese language in the Brazilian variant, a profile was built to design the lessons. From the perspective of literomusical literacy (Coelho de Souza, 2014) we reflected on the use of musical genres in the Portuguese as an additional language classroom in order to explore the linguistic, cultural and socio-historical aspects of the song, in order to provide students an amplified view of language and Brazilian culture.

Ludovik Osterc lived in his early youth in Bezigrad, a northern section of the town of Ljubljana. Here he completed primary school. In 1938, after the completion, also in Ljubljana, of the secondary school (Vegova gimnazija), he enrolled at the Ljubljana Faculty of Philosophy to study Romance philology. This he concluded in 1941 with a diploma in French language and literature as his main subject.

This study concerns the cognitive effort expended and the difficulties experienced by undergraduate students as they took notes and wrote a text based on a lecture given in French, their primary language (L1), and in English (L2). The 21 participants had studied English (L2) for 7 years before attending the university and they had taken 3 years of intensive courses at the university in order to obtain their first diploma in English (“license”). Participants were first trained on a secondary task that allowed us to measure their cognitive effort while they performed two other main tasks in both languages, namely (1) listening and taking notes on the main ideas of the lecture, and (2) writing a text based on their notes. Participants also answered a questionnaire about their difficulties with comprehension, taking notes, making use of their notes, and writing in both languages. The results indicated that writing processes were more effortful than notetaking. Students’ performance on the writing task did not vary across languages. In contrast, the cognitive effort associated with taking notes was greater for L2 than for L1, and writing speed was slower. More difficulty was also experienced for notetaking, especially in L2, than in writing.

Malaysian Pre-France programmes prepare Malaysian students to study at a French university. Students are prepared in intensive language courses, as well as mathematics and science in line with the French curriculum. The teaching staff members include French citizens and other nationals, native and non-native speakers, members of the ethnic minorities from France. Malaysia itself is a multicultural country and highly diverse in terms of language, ethnicity, religion, etc. The authors' expectations were that the convergence of these French-speaking lecturers with students from a ‘culturally' diverse environment would entail a certain form of fluidity in approaching the ‘culture' of the host destination. However, their experiences during the required DELF, a diploma awarded by the French Ministry of Education to prove the French-language skills of non-French candidates, demonstrate that the representations of France remain rather static and ‘traditional'. Such representations generate some anxiety for the students before they travel abroad. In an attempt to evaluate the impact of these representations and the students' readiness to meet ‘culturally different others', the authors conducted a small scale experiment with final semester students who were about to leave for France two months. They first administrated a questionnaire to 21 students for the purpose of revealing the students' latent representations of their host destination. The participants then followed a lecture in order to deconstruct their original representations, and asked to write a report in French on this experiment. Results show that the long-term exposure to ‘visible' diverse speakers has little effect on the participants in terms of moving away from cultural stereotypes, but that a relatively short but explicit intervention has a rather significant impact on the participants' representations. The authors conclude that only a pro-active, deconstructive and explicit course of action can enable learners to move away from widespread stereotypes, and that a fluid intercultural awareness on the part of lecturers is crucial.

The article uses a case study of the manuscript The History of Turkey written by an anonymous author in French in the 18th century and kept in the Bern City Library archives, to discuss West European writers’ evaluation of Dmitry Kantemir’s works. Dmitry Kantemir was not only a prominent political leader and diplomat, but also one of the most educated people in Eastern Europe of his time. When living in Constantinople, he attended a theological school, then studied history, philosophy, literature, art, theology, and ancient languages (he knew eight languages). Highly regarded in Russia, his writings attracted attention in the West and were used as sources by European historians. As an outstanding scientist and diplomat in Eastern Europe, Dmitry Kantemir earned the recognition of his Western European contemporaries as well as historians of later periods, who highly appreciated his works. This article analyses one historical plot, which has not been in the focus of scholarly studies so far: Kantemir’s History of the Growth and Decay of the Ottoman Empire is mentioned as one of the main sources in the manuscript The History of Turkey and repeatedly quoted there.

The comprehensive European Board of Ophthalmology Diploma (EBOD) examination is one of 38 European medical specialty examinations. This review aims at disclosing the specific procedures and content of the EBOD examination. It is a descriptive study summarizing the present organization of the EBOD examination. It is the 3rd largest European postgraduate medical assessment after anaesthesiology and cardiology. The master language is English for the Part 1 written test (knowledge test with 52 modified type X multiple-choice questions) (in the past the written test was also available in French and German). Ophthalmology training of minimum 4 years in a full or associated European Union of Medical Specialists (UEMS) member state is a prerequisite. Problem-solving skills are tested in the Part 2 oral assessment, which is a viva of 4 subjects conducted in English with support for native language whenever feasible. The comprehensive EBOD examination is one of the leading examinations organized by UEMS European Boards or Specialist Sections from the point of number of examinees, item banking, and item contents.

Stanisław Grzepski (1524-1570) an outstanding classic and biblical philologist, the first Greek permanent lecturer of this language at the Krakow Academy. He combined philological interests with the passion of numismatist-collector and researcher of biblical antiquities. The fruit of his erudite knowledge in this area was published in the printing house of Krzysztof Plantin in Antwerp in 1568, the work of De multiplici siclo et talento hebraico. The Cracow scholar in the subtitle referred to Guillaume’s Budé earlier work De asse et partibus eius. Despite the fact that Grzepski presents himself to the reader as the author of a summary of the extensive work of a French scholar and diplomat, he created a work independent and in many places polemic with the findings of the famous predecessor. The article shows the character and significance of the work of Stanisław Grzepski, which has become a part of European science for over 200 years as a textbook of numismatics and biblical archeology.

Het ADVN bewaart een verzameling documenten uit de periode 1935-1939 van het Doktersgild Van Helmont, aangesloten bij het Algemeen Vlaamsch Geneesherenverbond. Daarin bevindt zich een brief van 6 november 1939 van het doktersgild aan professor Jules Bordet, hoofd van het Pasteur Instituut in Brussel. De dokters eisen in deze brief dat het instituut voortaan de Nederlandse taal zou gebruiken in zijn contacten met Vlaamse artsen in Vlaams-Brabant en Brussel.Nobelprijswinnaar Jules Bordet en zijn instituut waren exponenten van de dominerende Franstalige klasse in België in de 19de en de eerste helft van de 20ste eeuw. In de loop van de jaren 1930 hadden echter steeds meer artsen een Nederlandstalig diploma verworven. Bovendien moest het instituut zich aanpassen aan de taalwetgeving die sinds 1932 van kracht was. De brief dient dan ook gesitueerd in de strijd om de toepassing van de taalwetgeving in overheidsdiensten en om de vernederlandsing van de medische praktijk in Vlaanderen.________A simple principle of justice: Physicians and the language legislation on the eve of the Second World WarThe ADVN holds a collection of documents from the period of 1935-1939 belonging to the Guild of Physicians of Helmont, which was associated with the General Flemish Association of Physicians. It includes a letter dated 6 November 1939 from the Guild of Physicians to Professor Jules Bordet, chief of the Pasteur Institute in Brussels. In this letter the doctors demand that the Institute would use the Dutch language in future contacts with Flemish physicians in Flemish Brabant and Brussels.Nobel Prize winner Jules Bordet and his Institute were exponents of the dominating French speaking class in Belgium during the 19th century and the first half of the 20th century. However, during the 1930’s a growing number of physicians had obtained a medical diploma drawn up in the Dutch language. Moreover the Institute had to conform to the requirements of the language legislation, which had been in force since 1932. Therefore this letter needs to be seen in the context of the struggle for the application of the language legislation in public services and for the Dutchification of medical practice in Flanders.

Amadou Hampâté Bâ was a major African traditionalist and humanist figure of the twentieth century. This article, essentially written from personal memories and direct conversations with him and certain people from his family environment, tells of the unusual journey and secret struggles of an unusual man in search of his roots. Writer, politician, and diplomat, spiritual and religious leader, philosopher, traditionalist; this text shows how Amadou Hampâté Bâ became all of these at once, how he lived through the violence and injustice of French colonialism and how he rediscovered his roots thanks to oral tradition. It was oral tradition that reconciled him with himself and allowed him to reenter Fulani society, from which the violence of colonial wars had expelled him. This article shows how his journey made him into a passionate defender of African cultures, traditions, and languages and someone who admirably knew how to make use of UNESCO as a platform for these causes.

The research reveals appointment, competence and type of activities of the authorized representatives of the Council of Lithuania delegated to represent the Council of Lithuania, Lithuania’s interests or affairs abroad (in neutral and “belligerent countries”) from 22 October 1917 to 11 November 1918. The Entente Powers include the United States, Great Britain, France and also Italy in some cases. Russia, which also belonged to the Entente, is left outside the scope of the research, because after Soviet Russia signed the Peace Treaty of Brest-Litovsk (3 March 1918), it did no longer fight on the side of the Entente. The research on the diplomacy of the Council of Lithuania in the Entente Powers was carried out on the basis of published (press, memoirs, published documents) and unpublished sources (from the Lithuanian Central State Archives, Manuscripts Department of the Wroblewski Library of the Lithuanian Academy of Sciences). The study employed the methods of analysis and comparison, the descriptive method, and the comparison of sources and literature. While processing the primary sources, in particular in French and German languages, the logistic-analytical method was applied (the notional content and information analysis was carried out). The research consists of two parts. In the first part of investigation the author analyzes the appointment and competence of the authorized representatives of the Council of Lithuania in neutral and “belligerent countries” and concludes, that the analysis of the circumstances of appointment and chronology of the authorized representatives of the Council of Lithuania in neutral and “belligerent countries” as well as the content of their authorizations made it clear that permanent authorized representatives, Juozas Purickis and Vladas Daumanatas-Dzimidavičius, who were appointed on 22 October 1917, had their residence in Lausanne and constituted a part of the collegial body of Lithuanian National Council, were authorized to represent the Council of Lithuania; however, only Purickis’ authorization included the phrase “to represent Lithuania’s interests abroad”; there was no indication as to what countries were meant. An equivalent wording – “to represent Lithuania’s interests abroad” – was also included in the texts of authorizations of non-permanent authorized representatives – Augustinas Voldemaras and Konstantinas Olšauskas. The material contained in the minutes of the meetings of the Council of Lithuania entails that “representation in belligerent countries” also meant representation in the Entente Powers, though no direct indication was included. In the second part of the study the author reveals the specific type of activities of the authorized representatives of the Council of Lithuania (October 1917 – November 1918) and states, that Permanent representatives of the Council of Lithuania, who were based in Lausanne and formed a part of the collegial Lithuanian National Council, did not always coordinate their diplomatic steps in the Entente Powers or in their embassies in Bern; hence, the Council of Lithuania had to deny or dissociate itself from certain statements made by the Lithuanian National Council (in Lausanne) (the declaration of separation from Russia of 25 December 1917; the protest telegram of June 1918). Both permanent and non-permanent representatives of the Council of Lithuania authorized to represent Lithuania’s interests abroad shared the same goal of seeking “the recognition of the right to self-determination for the Lithuanian nation” and the recognition of independence declared by the Council of Lithuania (on the basis of Part I of the Act of 11 December 1917 and the Act of 16 February 1918).

Annelies Allain has been at the forefront of global efforts to support and promote breastfeeding for more than 30 years. Her accomplishments continue to affect all of us who work with breastfeeding families. Born in the Netherlands in 1945, Annelies Allain-van Elk received a scholarship and completed a BA from the University of Minnesota, Duluth, USA. Back in Europe, she obtained a BA in French language and literature (University of Geneva, Switzerland) as well as a translator’s diploma. After 4 years working in West Africa and visits to South America, she returned to Geneva to obtain an MA in development studies. She is fluent in English, French, and Dutch and has working knowledge of Spanish, Portuguese, Italian, and German. Ms. Allain was a co-founder of IBFAN (1979) and the coordinator of IBFAN Europe (1980-1984). In 1984, she moved to Penang, Malaysia, and IBFAN work soon took over as a full-time job. She was instrumental in developing the Code Documentation Centre (1985) and by 1991 it became a foundation (ICDC) registered in the Netherlands. Subsequently, the Centre has trained over 2,000 officials from 148 countries about the International Code, making it the world’s top International Code implementation institution. Among her many other education and advocacy activities, Ms. Allain was a co-founder of WABA (1990) and for many years has been a consultant with UNICEF and WHO’s Western Pacific Regional Office on International Code implementation and monitoring. In this interview she provides a firsthand account of how most of the major global breastfeeding protection efforts influencing our current situation came into being. (This is a verbatim interview: MA = Maryse Arendt; AA = Annelies Allain.)

European mistranslations of original Chinese texts have not merely introduced incorrect concepts to Western acupuncturists, but have adversely affected treatment methods. The French diplomat Soulie de Morant published an important treatise, “L'acuponcture Chinoise”, in 1939; this has formed the basis of Westernised “traditional” Chinese acupuncture. Because he had no medical background, he was unable to interpret the medical significance of traditional Chinese concepts in the texts that he had read. More, he could not see that a firm basis of medical knowledge is necessary for the reliable practise of acupuncture, thus unwittingly introducing acupuncture as a playground for lay therapists. The two most important mistranslations were: i. the use of “point” for Xue-wei, which would be better translated as “foramen” to give the impression of a three dimensional structure; and ii. Qi, which is a particularly difficult concept to translate, but is certainly not equivalent to the Western term “energy”. These errors have now been accepted into standard usage through their transcription into modern, Western language, Chinese textbooks. Western acupuncturists are mainly unaware of the substantial anatomical basis for the nomenclature in acupuncture, and indeed of the anatomical knowledge of the ancient Chinese physicians as expressed in original Chinese medical texts, examples of which are given in this paper.

This paper looks at self-censorship and censorship in Bushido: The Soul of Japan (1900) by Nitobe, Inazo (1862-1933) as well as in four different translations of the book. In Bushido, probably the best known of Nitobe’s books, the renowned Japanese writer and diplomat tried to act as an inter-cultural mediator between East and West and export the concepts and values of Bushido (the path of the samurai). Nitobe was descended from one of the great samurai families, but he converted to Christianity, married an American Quaker from Philadelphia and studied widely in the US and in Europe. Bushido was a valiant attempt to “translate” the ethical code of the samurais for the West, but perhaps in so doing Nitobe idealized the samurai caste by domesticating their values and teaching in order to bring them closer to Christian values and teaching. The main purpose of his book was to make Japanese culture acceptable to and valued by the West and in particular Philadelphia at the beginning of the 20th century, but he also had to assure the approval of the imperial authorities. The original text was written in English, which was not Nitobe’s mother tongue, and it can be studied as a self-translation that involves self-censorship. Writing in a foreign language obliges one to “filter” one’s own emotions and modes of expression. To a certain extent, it also limits one’s capacity for self-expression. Alternatively, it allows the writer to express more empathy for the “other culture.” Furthermore, one is much more conscious of what one wants to say, or what one wishes to avoid saying, in order to make the work more acceptable for intended readers. The four translations are the Spanish translation by Gonzalo Jiménez de la Espada (1909), the French translation by Charles Jacob (1927), the Japanese translation by Yanaihara Tadao (1938) and the Spanish translation by General José Millán-Astray (1941). A descriptive, diachronic study of the translation of selected cultural references shows the four translations to be good examples of the way translations vary over time. They also illustrate the relationship between context, pretext and text (Widowson, 2004) and the visibility or invisibility of the translator (Venuti, 1995). We have also found it useful to draw on skopos theory, as well as some aspects of the Manipulation School, in particular ideology, censorship and the emphasis on translation between distant languages and cultures. The analysis of the four translations shows that censorship of cultural references is evident during periods of conflict (such as the Japanese translation of 1938 and the Spanish translation of 1941). We hope to show that the context/pretext of the translator led to such manipulative or censorial translation decisions that Nitobe’s skopos was lost in at least one of the translations.

The sixth international scientific-practical conference Transfer of Innovative Technologies 2020 was held, dedicated to the 90th anniversary of the Kyiv National University of Construction and Architecture. The specificity of this year's forum was that it took place remotely on the Cisco Webex platform with the participation of scientists from Poland, France, Australia, Iraq, Libya, Brazil and China. Specialists in the fields of construction and architecture, engineering and infrastructure, information technology, etc. have traditionally shared their experience. The work is aimed at the integration of Ukrainian and foreign specialists and scientific schools in the development of the theory of research, the creation of new methods and techniques, the practical application of energy-saving, environmentally friendly technologies and tools. The purpose of the conference is to communicate with specialists from various fields to solve global problems of resource and energy supply of production, transfer of innovative technologies to various spheres of human activity. The official languages of the conference are Ukrainian, Russian, English, Polish and French. More than a hundred applications were received from 140 participants from scientific and educational institutions, industry, non-governmental institutions, students, undergraduates and graduate students. More than three dozen innovative projects in architecture, building engineering, information technology, cybersecurity, etc. were presented. The results of research of two doctoral and several dissertations of PhD are discussed. According to the results of the announced competitions in the nominations Innovative project, Presentation, Publication, the winners of 2020 were determined, who were awarded diplomas. The most active participants from among the specialists and student youth received Acknowledgments and Certificates. Results of work and preprints of the best presentations of the authors were published in the Proceedings of the conference (online) and the science journal «Transfer of Innovative Technologies». KNUBA has established cooperation with specialists from Jiangsu University of Science and Technology (China), University of Applied Sciences and Arts (Fachhochschule Dortmund, Germany), Astana IT University (Kazakhstan) in research and publishing. The conference participants supported the Petition of the leadership of the International Center for Integral Ecology CEI Laudato Si (Warsaw) to the Pope and the President of the United States on the anthropogenic impact on the world environment and protection from academic violence and pressure.

Background: Cognitive impairment is a dreaded complication of sickle cell disease (SCD) that impacts quality of life, school performance and employment. In 2020, the American Society of Hematology issued a strong recommendation that clinicians supervising the care of adults with SCD conduct surveillance for cognitive impairment using simplified signaling questions (DeBaun, 2020). However, guidance on the optimal screening strategy is lacking and several available tools are biased by language and education. The Rowland Universal Dementia Assessment Scale (RUDAS) was specifically designed for cognitive screening in multicultural populations (Storey, 2004). In the general elderly population, RUDAS is less biased by education than the Montreal Cognitive Assessment (MoCA) (Naqvi, 2015). Hypothesis: In adults with SCD, performance on the RUDAS is less influenced by educational attainment when compared to the MoCA. Our primary aim was to estimate the prevalence of suspected cognitive impairment using RUDAS and MoCA in adult SCD patients. The secondary aims were to examine for the presence of educational bias and to develop mitigation strategies in case of such a bias. Methods: Study design: cross-sectional study at UMGRR clinic at Henri Mondor Hospital, Créteil (France). Inclusion criteria: out-patients ≥18 years-old; all SCD phenotypes. Exclusion criteria: inability to obtain informed consent and/or follow study instructions. Intervention: Cognitive screening was performed using the RUDAS (translated to French by Philippe Desmarais), MoCA (third alternative version) and an additional visuospatial task of copying overlapping triangles (from the French BEC96 assessment). RUDAS and MoCA scores <28 and <26, respectively, were considered suggestive of cognitive impairment per previous studies (Basic, 2009 and Nasredinne, 2005) and patients were referred for definite neuropsychological evaluation. Survey on demographics and screening for depression and anxiety using Hospital Anxiety Depression Scale (HADS) were completed by the participants. Educational attainment was scored based on the number of years of schooling for the highest completed diploma. Statistical plan: linear regression was performed to identify possible associations between RUDAS, MoCA and social determinants of health. Results: Among the first 45 consecutive adult SCD patients undergoing routine cognitive screening, the median age was 39 (range 19-67). RUDAS and MoCA scores suggestive of mild cognitive impairment were found in 33/45 (73.3%) and 29/45 (64.4%) participants, respectively. There was a strong correlation between both tests (r=0.48, p=0.001). Both RUDAS and MoCA scores increased significantly with increasing level of education (r=0.36, p=0.015 and r=0.39, p=0.007, respectively), but were not significantly influenced by the HADS score. RUDAS and MoCA test items most biased by education were visuoconstructional tasks. Tasks assessing executive functioning and language were also biased in MoCA. Substituting the 3D visuospatial task of the RUDAS by a 2D task reduced the educational bias (r=0.20, p=0.045). Adding 1 point for highest level of education £ 12 years after kindergarten did significantly mitigate the effect of education on the RUDAS but only partially for the MoCA (r=0.23, p=0.131 and r=0.30, p=0.047). Conclusions: Overall, these results suggest there is an educational bias in the neurocognitive screening of adult SCD patients using available tools such as the RUDAS and MoCA. Although RUDAS was less biased overall, visuospatial assessment remained biased. The task often considered more "culture-fair" is still subject to the impact of educational potential (Statucka, 2019). We provide different strategies to mitigate education bias when assessing with RUDAS. Thus, the RUDAS adjusted by the educational level allows to systematically identify SCD patients in need of comprehensive neurocognitive testing. Prospective validation is ongoing. Disclosures Forté: Canadian Hematology Society: Research Funding; Pfizer - Global Medical Grants: Research Funding. Soulieres:Novartis: Research Funding; BMS: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees. Kuo:Pfizer: Consultancy, Research Funding; Celgene: Consultancy; Alexion: Consultancy, Honoraria; Novartis: Consultancy, Honoraria; Bioverativ: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Agios: Consultancy, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Bluebird Bio: Consultancy; Apellis: Consultancy. Bartolucci:Roche: Consultancy; Innovhem: Other; AGIOS: Consultancy; Bluebird: Consultancy; Emmaus: Consultancy; Addmedica: Research Funding; Fabre Foundation: Research Funding; Novartis: Research Funding; Bluebird: Research Funding; GBT: Consultancy; ADDMEDICA: Consultancy; HEMANEXT: Consultancy; Novartis: Consultancy.

Undoubtedly, France is a country that has been shaping the school of diplomacy, institutional structure, terminology and diplomatic ranks in modern diplomacy. Diplomacy and the diplomatic service in France have an immense historical tradition, alongside it, having a large impact on development in diplomacy, not only in European states but also, throughout the world. Since the establishment of the diplomatic service, French governments prioritized their diplomatic service, strived to improve, develop it further; in addition, they extensively trained their diplomats, continuing to enhance their competencies According to theories, concepts and records of diplomacy researchers and historians, France established the foundation of modern diplomacy, its tactics and implementation; furthermore French language replaced Latin in the field of international relations, making French the main language of diplomacy from the 18th century to the present day. In this article author aims to review the contribution of the French diplomatic school to modern diplomacy and its historical impact. Орчин үеийн дипломат ажиллагаанд үзүүлсэн Францын нөлөө Монгол-Францын хооронд дипломат харилцаа тогтоосны 55 жилийн ойд зориулав. Хураангуй: Орчин үеийн дипломат ажиллагааны дэг сургууль, нэр томъёо, бүтэц зохион байгуулалт, ахлах дараалал зэргийг тодорхойлж ирсэн улс бол яах аргагүй Франц юм. Францын дипломат ажиллагаа, дипломат алба нь асар их түүхэн уламжлалтайн зэрэгцээ бусад улс төдийгүй дэлхийн дипломатын хөгжилд томоохон нөлөө үзүүлсэн байдаг. Дипломат алба нь үүсгэн байгуулагдсан цаг үеэс хойш Францын үе үеийн төр засаг дипломат албаныхаа бүтэц зохион байгуулалтад ихээхэн ач холбогдол өгч, түүнийг хөгжүүлэх, үйл ажиллагааг нь илүү боловсронгуй болгох тал дээр анхаарч, дипломатчдыг бэлтгэн сургах, мэргэжлийг нь дээшлүүлэх ажлыг эрчимтэйгээр явуулж иржээ. Дипломат ажиллагааны судлаач, түүхч мэргэдийн дэвшүүлсэн онол, үзэл баримтлал, тэмдэглэл зэргээс үзэхэд орчин цагийн дипломат ажиллагааны хэв маяг, түүнийг эрхлэн явуулах арга ухаан, шинжлэх ухааны үндэс суурь нь Францаас гаралтай төдийгүй 18-р зууны үеэс эхлэн франц хэл латин хэлийг шахан олон улсын харилцаа, дипломат ажиллагааны салбарт голлох хэл болсоор өнөөдрийг хүрсэн билээ. Энэхүү судалгааны өгүүллээрээ Францын дипломатын дэг сургуулийн орчин цагийн дипломат ажиллагаанд оруулсан хувь нэмэр болон үзүүлсэн түүхэн нөлөөг судлаж үнэлэлт дүгнэлт өгөхийг зорьлоо. Түлхүүр үгс: Орчин үеийн дипломат ажиллагаа, дипломат алба, Францын дипломат ажиллагаа

This review analyses The French Language in Russia: A Social, Political, Cultural, and Literary History, a book by an international research group (D. Offord, V. Rjéoutski, G. Argent). It deals with the peculiarities of French language use and attitudes towards it in the Russian Empire from Peter I to Alexander II. The book’s authors consider the history of French language teaching and determine the functions of French at court, high society, diplomacy, administration, fiction, journalism, private correspondence, diaries, and memoirs. They also examine attacks on gallomania in Russian comedies and novels between the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. D. Offord, V. Rjéoutski, and G. Argent argue that Russian society, despite the widespread use of the French language, was never monolingual. They claim that the Russian language developed due to active contacts with French and other languages in the political, social, cultural, and literary spheres. Thus, francophonie became one of the crucial factors of Russia’s westernisation. Without questioning the relevance and importance of the conclusions, the reviewer points out the underestimation of historical inertia which let the French language shape the cultural image of Russian society until the Revolution of 1917.

Morocco is a multilingual country where the official languages, as indicated in the constitution of 2011, are standard Arabic and Tamazight, while French is the nation's second language, pervading sectors of business, administration, diplomacy and higher education. English and Spanish are used as foreign languages in many contexts for different purposes and tasks (Ennaji, 2009). Unlike French and Spanish, whose presence in the Moroccan linguistic situation is due to colonial policy in the 20th century, English does not ‘have a colonial legacy in Morocco’ (Buckner, 2011: 213). With ‘strong demand for a lingua franca’ brought about by the media, economic incentives and globalization, the presence of English has consequently been furthered in Morocco ‘as a global language’ (Zouhir, 2013: 275).

How do people choose a language when they are proficient in more than one language? This research sheds light on language choice, English use in particular, in diplomacy where an individual speaks primarily for negotiation on behalf of an organization or a community. Nick (2001: 39) argued that ‘language is not a simple tool … but very often the very essence of the diplomatic vocation’. Despite its importance, little has been investigated about language choice in diplomatic meetings (Finsen, 2016). Wodak, Krzyzanowski and Forchtner (2012), one of the few studies, illustrated that 45% of the overall percentage of languages in the European Parliament (EP) meetings was English. To accumulate more data of English use in diplomacy, this research investigated addresses made by the heads of state at the United Nations (UN) General Assembly (GA). The EP is the law-making institution of the European Union (EN) (European Union, 2019), and the UN and the EU have contrasting language policies. Under the EU's non-restrictive language policy, national languages of all 23 members are included in the official languages (Finsen, 2016). On the other hand, the UN restricts the number of official languages to six, namely Arabic, Chinese, English, French, Russian, and Spanish. This makes a difference in the payment for interpretation services. If representatives would like to speak in Portuguese, the EU provides interpretation. However, the UN does not. The speakers need to provide interpretation into one of the six official languages on their own. These contrasting language policies between the EU and the UN can influence language choice at the UN meetings. Moreover, the UN has a larger number of member states than the EU, and many of them belong to other language or regional organizations. Therefore, this study focuses on the prevalence of English use by the heads of state at the UN GA meetings according to five language and two regional groups.

Abstract The French Wars of Religion, generally conceived as a series of civil wars, saw the participation of a wide range of different actors from outside the kingdom of France. Using the language of international relations, historians who have touched on this subject have tended to draw clear lines between the motives and experiences of French and foreign participants in the conflict. By studying Protestant German princes who became embroiled in the wars in France this article will demonstrate that actors from beyond the borders of the kingdom did not see themselves as outsiders interfering in its domestic affairs. Though ideas about sovereignty and nationhood were beginning to take shape, the princes viewed their role in France through the lens of the older system of patronage. These networks were essentially transnational and caused the German princes to become entangled in the same structures that shaped the political process inside France.

The paper presents the analysis of the peculiarities of the verbal behaviour of the French politician Jean-Luc Mélenchon. On the examples obtained from his interviews and videos, the author demonstrates that by means of such figures of speech as metaphors and phraseological units, the French politician was able to materialize his persuasive strategies by manipulating people’s minds. It is emphasized that metaphoric expressions used within the idiolect of Jean-Luc Mélenchon were able to form positive or negative image and perception of the politician, therefore the role of these figures of speech cannot be underestimated. It is also observed that the study of metaphors is considered to be extremely important within the learning process at the University, especially when teaching the language of French political communication to students in Political Science, International Journalism and Diplomacy.

Teesid: Artikli eesmärk on avardada teadmisi suulise tõlke ja tõlkide osatähtsusest Eesti Vabariigi loomise algaastatest kuni iseseisvuse katkemiseni 1940. aastal. Perioodil, kui Eesti Vabariik otsis tunnustust, et olla aktsepteeritud iseseisva noore riigina maailmapoliitikas, oli diplomaatilise tõlke roll ja tõlgi vastutus väga oluline. Aastate 1918–1940 kohta on analüüsitud 41 mälestusteraamatut, lisaks suulist tõlget käsitlevaid ajaleheartikleid, Eesti Rahvusarhiivi materjale diplomaatilise kirjavahetuse kohta ja Venemaaga peetud rahuläbirääkimiste protokolle aastatest 1919–1920. Analüüsi on kaasatud Pierre Bourdieu mõiste sümboolne kapital, diplomaatilist tõlget käsitletakse kui mõjufaktorit riigi sümboolse kapitali akumuleerimisel.SU M M A R YDiplomatic interpreting in Estonia emerged concurrently with the proclamation of independence of the Republic of Estonia. The author of this article examined authentic material in relevant Estonian archives, museums, including newspaper articles, and memoirs, enabling her to follow the timeline of this evolution of interpreting from 1918 to 1940, as well as to locate events, languages interpreted, and attitudes vis-à-vis interpreters.Between the two World Wars, diplomatic interpreting in Estonia was carried out by diplomats themselves, acting as interpreters. As early as September 1919, in preparation for the beginning of the Tartu Peace negotiations with Russia, the state language of the Republic of Estonia (Estonian) was used together with interpreters. French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu has argued that the state can „reap symbolic benefits“ by speaking „with distinction and thereby distinguish[ing itself] from all those who are less well endowed with linguistic capital“ (Bourdieu 1997: 21). The use of Estonian was directly linked to the prestige of the state language and to sending a message that contributed explicitly to the growth of the state’s symbolic capital. It also presupposed the subsequent use of interpreters throughout the period under review.The Foreign Ministry was established on 14 November 1918. Of the first three officials, two were designated as interpreters (tõlk). From 1918 to 1940, the Foreign Ministry and legations had 34 officials on the staff list whose job description included the word tõlk (interpreter). No job description mentions the word tõlkija (translator), as no terminological difference was made between tõlk and tõlkija. In the inter-war period neither the ministerial officials nor diplomats had had any professional interpreter training.To the author’s knowledge, this article is the first to associate diplomatic interpreting in Estonia with the creation of symbolic capital for the state. Symbolic capital is one of the key concepts Bourdieu introduced. By applying this concept to research on diplomatic interpreting in Estonia, we can identify a new aspect of the value of interpreters. Bourdieu stresses that political acts may enhance the symbolic capital of a state „with only their faces, their names and their honor“ (Bourdieu 1992: 119). A diplomatic interpreter is at the centre of historic events not as a passive mediator but as an active agent with a responsibility to communicate legitimate views and actions unambiguously. Diplomatic interpreters, in the sense meant by Bourdieu, enjoyed a privilege, because their acts contributed to symbolic capital and because of their association with those who laid the foundation for Estonia’s symbolic capital.

IntroductionFirmly located within the discourse of visible culture as the lofty preserve of art exhibitions and museum artefacts, the noun “curate” has gradually transformed into the verb “to curate”. Williams writes that “curate” has become a fashionable code word among the aesthetically minded to describe a creative activity. Designers no longer simply sell clothes; they “curate” merchandise. Chefs no longer only make food; they also “curate” meals. Chosen for their keen eye for a particular style or a precise shade, it is their knowledge of their craft, their reputation, and their sheer ability to choose among countless objects which make the creative process a creative activity in itself. Writing from within the framework of “curate” as a creative process, this article discusses how the state banquet for Queen Elizabeth II, hosted by Irish President Mary McAleese at Dublin Castle in May 2011, was carefully curated to represent Ireland’s diplomatic, cultural, and culinary identity. The paper will focus in particular on how the menu for the banquet was created and how the banquet’s brief, “Ireland on a Plate”, was fulfilled.History and BackgroundFood has been used by nations for centuries to display wealth, cement alliances, and impress foreign visitors. Since the feasts of the Numidian kings (circa 340 BC), culinary staging and presentation has belonged to “a long, multifaceted and multicultural history of diplomatic practices” (IEHCA 5). According to the works of Baughman, Young, and Albala, food has defined the social, cultural, and political position of a nation’s leaders throughout history.In early 2011, Ross Lewis, Chef Patron of Chapter One Restaurant in Dublin, was asked by the Irish Food Board, Bord Bía, if he would be available to create a menu for a high-profile banquet (Mahon 112). The name of the guest of honour was divulged several weeks later after vetting by the protocol and security divisions of the Department of the Taoiseach (Prime Minister) and the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. Lewis was informed that the menu was for the state banquet to be hosted by President Mary McAleese at Dublin Castle in honour of Queen Elizabeth II’s visit to Ireland the following May.Hosting a formal banquet for a visiting head of state is a key feature in the statecraft of international and diplomatic relations. Food is the societal common denominator that links all human beings, regardless of culture (Pliner and Rozin 19). When world leaders publicly share a meal, that meal is laden with symbolism, illuminating each diner’s position “in social networks and social systems” (Sobal, Bove, and Rauschenbach 378). The public nature of the meal signifies status and symbolic kinship and that “guest and host are on par in terms of their personal or official attributes” (Morgan 149). While the field of academic scholarship on diplomatic dining might be young, there is little doubt of the value ascribed to the semiotics of diplomatic gastronomy in modern power structures (Morgan 150; De Vooght and Scholliers 12; Chapple-Sokol 162), for, as Firth explains, symbols are malleable and perfectly suited to exploitation by all parties (427).Political DiplomacyWhen Ireland gained independence in December 1921, it marked the end of eight centuries of British rule. The outbreak of “The Troubles” in 1969 in Northern Ireland upset the gradually improving environment of British–Irish relations, and it would be some time before a state visit became a possibility. Beginning with the peace process in the 1990s, the IRA ceasefire of 1994, and the Good Friday Agreement in 1998, a state visit was firmly set in motion by the visit of Irish President Mary Robinson to Buckingham Palace in 1993, followed by the unofficial visit of the Prince of Wales to Ireland in 1995, and the visit of Irish President Mary McAleese to Buckingham Palace in 1999. An official invitation to Queen Elizabeth from President Mary McAleese in March 2011 was accepted, and the visit was scheduled for mid-May of the same year.The visit was a highly performative occasion, orchestrated and ordained in great detail, displaying all the necessary protocol associated with the state visit of one head of state to another: inspection of the military, a courtesy visit to the nation’s head of state on arrival, the laying of a wreath at the nation’s war memorial, and a state banquet.These aspects of protocol between Britain and Ireland were particularly symbolic. By inspecting the military on arrival, the existence of which is a key indicator of independence, Queen Elizabeth effectively demonstrated her recognition of Ireland’s national sovereignty. On making the customary courtesy call to the head of state, the Queen was received by President McAleese at her official residence Áras an Uachtaráin (The President’s House), which had formerly been the residence of the British monarch’s representative in Ireland (Robbins 66). The state banquet was held in Dublin Castle, once the headquarters of British rule where the Viceroy, the representative of Britain’s Court of St James, had maintained court (McDowell 1).Cultural DiplomacyThe state banquet provided an exceptional showcase of Irish culture and design and generated a level of preparation previously unseen among Dublin Castle staff, who described it as “the most stage managed state event” they had ever witnessed (Mahon 129).The castle was cleaned from top to bottom, and inventories were taken of the furniture and fittings. The Waterford Crystal chandeliers were painstakingly taken down, cleaned, and reassembled; the Killybegs carpets and rugs of Irish lamb’s wool were cleaned and repaired. A special edition Newbridge Silverware pen was commissioned for Queen Elizabeth and Prince Philip to sign the newly ordered Irish leather-bound visitors’ book. A new set of state tableware was ordered for the President’s table. Irish manufacturers of household goods necessary for the guest rooms, such as towels and soaps, hand creams and body lotions, candle holders and scent diffusers, were sought. Members of Her Majesty’s staff conducted a “walk-through” several weeks in advance of the visit to ensure that the Queen’s wardrobe would not clash with the surroundings (Mahon 129–32).The promotion of Irish manufacture is a constant thread throughout history. Irish linen, writes Kane, enjoyed a reputation as far afield as the Netherlands and Italy in the 15th century, and archival documents from the Vaucluse attest to the purchase of Irish cloth in Avignon in 1432 (249–50). Support for Irish-made goods was raised in 1720 by Jonathan Swift, and by the 18th century, writes Foster, Dublin had become an important centre for luxury goods (44–51).It has been Irish government policy since the late 1940s to use Irish-manufactured goods for state entertaining, so the material culture of the banquet was distinctly Irish: Arklow Pottery plates, Newbridge Silverware cutlery, Waterford Crystal glassware, and Irish linen tablecloths. In order to decide upon the table setting for the banquet, four tables were laid in the King’s Bedroom in Dublin Castle. The Executive Chef responsible for the banquet menu, and certain key personnel, helped determine which setting would facilitate serving the food within the time schedule allowed (Mahon 128–29). The style of service would be service à la russe, so widespread in restaurants today as to seem unremarkable. Each plate is prepared in the kitchen by the chef and then served to each individual guest at table. In the mid-19th century, this style of service replaced service à la française, in which guests typically entered the dining room after the first course had been laid on the table and selected food from the choice of dishes displayed around them (Kaufman 126).The guest list was compiled by government and embassy officials on both sides and was a roll call of Irish and British life. At the President’s table, 10 guests would be served by a team of 10 staff in Dorchester livery. The remaining tables would each seat 12 guests, served by 12 liveried staff. The staff practiced for several days prior to the banquet to make sure that service would proceed smoothly within the time frame allowed. The team of waiters, each carrying a plate, would emerge from the kitchen in single file. They would then take up positions around the table, each waiter standing to the left of the guest they would serve. On receipt of a discreet signal, each plate would be laid in front of each guest at precisely the same moment, after which the waiters would then about foot and return to the kitchen in single file (Mahon 130).Post-prandial entertainment featured distinctive styles of performance and instruments associated with Irish traditional music. These included reels, hornpipes, and slipjigs, voice and harp, sean-nόs (old style) singing, and performances by established Irish artists on the fiddle, bouzouki, flute, and uilleann pipes (Office of Public Works).Culinary Diplomacy: Ireland on a PlateLewis was given the following brief: the menu had to be Irish, the main course must be beef, and the meal should represent the very best of Irish ingredients. There were no restrictions on menu design. There were no dietary requirements or specific requests from the Queen’s representatives, although Lewis was informed that shellfish is excluded de facto from Irish state banquets as a precautionary measure. The meal was to be four courses long and had to be served to 170 diners within exactly 1 hour and 10 minutes (Mahon 112). A small army of 16 chefs and 4 kitchen porters would prepare the food in the kitchen of Dublin Castle under tight security. The dishes would be served on state tableware by 40 waiters, 6 restaurant managers, a banqueting manager and a sommélier. Lewis would be at the helm of the operation as Executive Chef (Mahon 112–13).Lewis started by drawing up “a patchwork quilt” of the products he most wanted to use and built the menu around it. The choice of suppliers was based on experience but also on a supplier’s ability to deliver perfectly ripe goods in mid-May, a typically black spot in the Irish fruit and vegetable growing calendar as it sits between the end of one season and the beginning of another. Lewis consulted the Queen’s itinerary and the menus to be served so as to avoid repetitions. He had to discard his initial plan to feature lobster in the starter and rhubarb in the dessert—the former for the precautionary reasons mentioned above, and the latter because it featured on the Queen’s lunch menu on the day of the banquet (Mahon 112–13).Once the ingredients had been selected, the menu design focused on creating tastes, flavours and textures. Several draft menus were drawn up and myriad dishes were tasted and discussed in the kitchen of Lewis’s own restaurant. Various wines were paired and tasted with the different courses, the final choice being a Château Lynch-Bages 1998 red and a Château de Fieuzal 2005 white, both from French Bordeaux estates with an Irish connection (Kellaghan 3). Two months and two menu sittings later, the final menu was confirmed and signed off by state and embassy officials (Mahon 112–16).The StarterThe banquet’s starter featured organic Clare Island salmon cured in a sweet brine, laid on top of a salmon cream combining wild smoked salmon from the Burren and Cork’s Glenilen Farm crème fraîche, set over a lemon balm jelly from the Tannery Cookery School Gardens, Waterford. Garnished with horseradish cream, wild watercress, and chive flowers from Wicklow, the dish was finished with rapeseed oil from Kilkenny and a little sea salt from West Cork (Mahon 114). Main CourseA main course of Irish beef featured as the pièce de résistance of the menu. A rib of beef from Wexford’s Slaney Valley was provided by Kettyle Irish Foods in Fermanagh and served with ox cheek and tongue from Rathcoole, County Dublin. From along the eastern coastline came the ingredients for the traditional Irish dish of smoked champ: cabbage from Wicklow combined with potatoes and spring onions grown in Dublin. The new season’s broad beans and carrots were served with wild garlic leaf, which adorned the dish (Mahon 113). Cheese CourseThe cheese course was made up of Knockdrinna, a Tomme style goat’s milk cheese from Kilkenny; Milleens, a Munster style cow’s milk cheese produced in Cork; Cashel Blue, a cow’s milk blue cheese from Tipperary; and Glebe Brethan, a Comté style cheese from raw cow’s milk from Louth. Ditty’s Oatmeal Biscuits from Belfast accompanied the course.DessertLewis chose to feature Irish strawberries in the dessert. Pat Clarke guaranteed delivery of ripe strawberries on the day of the banquet. They married perfectly with cream and yoghurt from Glenilen Farm in Cork. The cream was set with Irish Carrageen moss, overlaid with strawberry jelly and sauce, and garnished with meringues made with Irish apple balsamic vinegar from Lusk in North Dublin, yoghurt mousse, and Irish soda bread tuiles made with wholemeal flour from the Mosse family mill in Kilkenny (Mahon 113).The following day, President McAleese telephoned Lewis, saying of the banquet “Ní hé go raibh sé go maith, ach go raibh sé míle uair níos fearr ná sin” (“It’s not that it was good but that it was a thousand times better”). The President observed that the menu was not only delicious but that it was “amazingly articulate in terms of the story that it told about Ireland and Irish food.” The Queen had particularly enjoyed the stuffed cabbage leaf of tongue, cheek and smoked colcannon (a traditional Irish dish of mashed potatoes with curly kale or green cabbage) and had noted the diverse selection of Irish ingredients from Irish artisans (Mahon 116). Irish CuisineWhen the topic of food is explored in Irish historiography, the focus tends to be on the consequences of the Great Famine (1845–49) which left the country “socially and emotionally scarred for well over a century” (Mac Con Iomaire and Gallagher 161). Some commentators consider the term “Irish cuisine” oxymoronic, according to Mac Con Iomaire and Maher (3). As Goldstein observes, Ireland has suffered twice—once from its food deprivation and second because these deprivations present an obstacle for the exploration of Irish foodways (xii). Writing about Italian, Irish, and Jewish migration to America, Diner states that the Irish did not have a food culture to speak of and that Irish writers “rarely included the details of food in describing daily life” (85). Mac Con Iomaire and Maher note that Diner’s methodology overlooks a centuries-long tradition of hospitality in Ireland such as that described by Simms (68) and shows an unfamiliarity with the wealth of food related sources in the Irish language, as highlighted by Mac Con Iomaire (“Exploring” 1–23).Recent scholarship on Ireland’s culinary past is unearthing a fascinating story of a much more nuanced culinary heritage than has been previously understood. This is clearly demonstrated in the research of Cullen, Cashman, Deleuze, Kellaghan, Kelly, Kennedy, Legg, Mac Con Iomaire, Mahon, O’Sullivan, Richman Kenneally, Sexton, and Stanley, Danaher, and Eogan.In 1996 Ireland was described by McKenna as having the most dynamic cuisine in any European country, a place where in the last decade “a vibrant almost unlikely style of cooking has emerged” (qtd. in Mac Con Iomaire “Jammet’s” 136). By 2014, there were nine restaurants in Dublin which had been awarded Michelin stars or Red Ms (Mac Con Iomaire “Jammet’s” 137). Ross Lewis, Chef Patron of Chapter One Restaurant, who would be chosen to create the menu for the state banquet for Queen Elizabeth II, has maintained a Michelin star since 2008 (Mac Con Iomaire, “Jammet’s” 138). Most recently the current strength of Irish gastronomy is globally apparent in Mark Moriarty’s award as San Pellegrino Young Chef 2015 (McQuillan). As Deleuze succinctly states: “Ireland has gone mad about food” (143).This article is part of a research project into Irish diplomatic dining, and the author is part of a research cluster into Ireland’s culinary heritage within the Dublin Institute of Technology. The aim of the research is to add to the growing body of scholarship on Irish gastronomic history and, ultimately, to contribute to the discourse on the existence of a national cuisine. If, as Zubaida says, “a nation’s cuisine is its court’s cuisine,” then it is time for Ireland to “research the feasts as well as the famines” (Mac Con Iomaire and Cashman 97).ConclusionThe Irish state banquet for Queen Elizabeth II in May 2011 was a highly orchestrated and formalised process. From the menu, material culture, entertainment, and level of consultation in the creative content, it is evident that the banquet was carefully curated to represent Ireland’s diplomatic, cultural, and culinary identity.The effects of the visit appear to have been felt in the years which have followed. Hennessy wrote in the Irish Times newspaper that Queen Elizabeth is privately said to regard her visit to Ireland as the most significant of the trips she has made during her 60-year reign. British Prime Minister David Cameron is noted to mention the visit before every Irish audience he encounters, and British Foreign Secretary William Hague has spoken in particular of the impact the state banquet in Dublin Castle made upon him. Hennessy points out that one of the most significant indicators of the peaceful relationship which exists between the two countries nowadays was the subsequent state visit by Irish President Michael D. Higgins to Britain in 2013. This was the first state visit to the United Kingdom by a President of Ireland and would have been unimaginable 25 years ago. The fact that the President and his wife stayed at Windsor Castle and that the attendant state banquet was held there instead of Buckingham Palace were both deemed to be marks of special favour and directly attributed to the success of Her Majesty’s 2011 visit to Ireland.As the research demonstrates, eating together unites rather than separates, gathers rather than divides, diffuses political tensions, and confirms alliances. It might be said then that the 2011 state banquet hosted by President Mary McAleese in honour of Queen Elizabeth II, curated by Ross Lewis, gives particular meaning to the axiom “to eat together is to eat in peace” (Taliano des Garets 160).AcknowledgementsSupervisors: Dr Máirtín Mac Con Iomaire (Dublin Institute of Technology) and Dr Michael Kennedy (Royal Irish Academy)Fáilte IrelandPhotos of the banquet dishes supplied and permission to reproduce them for this article kindly granted by Ross Lewis, Chef Patron, Chapter One Restaurant ‹http://www.chapteronerestaurant.com/›.Illustration ‘Ireland on a Plate’ © Jesse Campbell BrownRemerciementsThe author would like to thank the anonymous reviewers for their feedback and suggestions on an earlier draft of this article.ReferencesAlbala, Ken. The Banquet: Dining in the Great Courts of Late Renaissance Europe. 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IntroductionThere are two types of Africa. The first is a place where people and cultures live. The second is the image of Africa that has been invented through colonial knowledge and power. The colonial image of Africa, as the Other of Europe, a land “enveloped in the dark mantle of night” was supported by western states as it justified their colonial practices (Hegel 91). Any evidence that challenged the myth of the Dark Continent was destroyed, removed or ignored. While the looting of African natural resources has been studied, the looting of African knowledges hasn’t received as much attention, partly based on the assumption that Africans did not produce knowledge that could be stolen. This article invalidates this myth by examining the legacy of Ethiopia’s indigenous Ge’ez literature, and its looting and abduction by powerful western agents. The article argues that this has resulted in epistemic violence, where students of the Ethiopian indigenous education system do not have access to their books, while European orientalists use them to interpret Ethiopian history and philosophy using a foreign lens. The analysis is based on interviews with teachers and students of ten Ge’ez schools in Ethiopia, and trips to the Ethiopian manuscript collections in The British Library, The Princeton Library, the Institute of Ethiopian Studies and The National Archives in Addis Ababa.The Context of Ethiopian Indigenous KnowledgesGe’ez is one of the ancient languages of Africa. According to Professor Ephraim Isaac, “about 10,000 years ago, one single nation or community of a single linguistic group existed in Ethiopia, Eritrea, and the Horn of Africa” (The Habesha). The language of this group is known as Proto-Afroasiatic or Afrasian languages. It is the ancestor of the Semitic, Cushitic, Nilotic, Omotic and other languages that are currently spoken in Ethiopia by its 80 ethnic groups, and the neighbouring countries (Diakonoff). Ethiopians developed the Ge’ez language as their lingua franca with its own writing system some 2000 years ago. Currently, Ge’ez is the language of academic scholarship, studied through the traditional education system (Isaac, The Ethiopian). Since the fourth century, an estimated 1 million Ge’ez manuscripts have been written, covering religious, historical, mathematical, medicinal, and philosophical texts.One of the most famous Ge’ez manuscripts is the Kebra Nagast, a foundational text that embodied the indigenous conception of nationhood in Ethiopia. The philosophical, political and religious themes in this book, which craft Ethiopia as God’s country and the home of the Ark of the Covenant, contributed to the country’s success in defending itself from European colonialism. The production of books like the Kebra Nagast went hand in hand with a robust indigenous education system that trained poets, scribes, judges, artists, administrators and priests. Achieving the highest stages of learning requires about 30 years after which the scholar would be given the rare title Arat-Ayina, which means “four eyed”, a person with the ability to see the past as well as the future. Today, there are around 50,000 Ge’ez schools across the country, most of which are in rural villages and churches.Ge’ez manuscripts are important textbooks and reference materials for students. They are carefully prepared from vellum “to make them last forever” (interview, 3 Oct. 2019). Some of the religious books are regarded as “holy persons who breathe wisdom that gives light and food to the human soul”. Other manuscripts, often prepared as scrolls are used for medicinal purposes. Each manuscript is uniquely prepared reflecting inherited wisdom on contemporary lives using the method called Tirguamme, the act of giving meaning to sacred texts. Preparation of books is costly. Smaller manuscript require the skins of 50-70 goats/sheep and large manuscript needed 100-120 goats/sheep (Tefera).The Loss of Ethiopian ManuscriptsSince the 18th century, a large quantity of these manuscripts have been stolen, looted, or smuggled out of the country by travellers who came to the country as explorers, diplomats and scientists. The total number of Ethiopian manuscripts taken is still unknown. Amsalu Tefera counted 6928 Ethiopian manuscripts currently held in foreign libraries and museums. This figure does not include privately held or unofficial collections (41).Looting and smuggling were sponsored by western governments, institutions, and notable individuals. For example, in 1868, The British Museum Acting Director Richard Holms joined the British army which was sent to ‘rescue’ British hostages at Maqdala, the capital of Emperor Tewodros. Holms’ mission was to bring treasures for the Museum. Before the battle, Tewodros had established the Medhanialem library with more than 1000 manuscripts as part of Ethiopia’s “industrial revolution”. When Tewodros lost the war and committed suicide, British soldiers looted the capital, including the treasury and the library. They needed 200 mules and 15 elephants to transport the loot and “set fire to all buildings so that no trace was left of the edifices which once housed the manuscripts” (Rita Pankhurst 224). Richard Holmes collected 356 manuscripts for the Museum. A wealthy British woman called Lady Meux acquired some of the most illuminated manuscripts. In her will, she bequeathed them to be returned to Ethiopia. However, her will was reversed by court due to a campaign from the British press (Richard Pankhurst). In 2018, the V&A Museum in London displayed some of the treasures by incorporating Maqdala into the imperial narrative of Britain (Woldeyes, Reflections).Britain is by no means the only country to seek Ethiopian manuscripts for their collections. Smuggling occurred in the name of science, an act of collecting manuscripts for study. Looting involved local collaborators and powerful foreign sponsors from places like France, Germany and the Vatican. Like Maqdala, this was often sponsored by governments or powerful financers. For example, the French government sponsored the Dakar-Djibouti Mission led by Marcel Griaule, which “brought back about 350 manuscripts and scrolls from Gondar” (Wion 2). It was often claimed that these manuscripts were purchased, rather than looted. Johannes Flemming of Germany was said to have purchased 70 manuscripts and ten scrolls for the Royal Library of Berlin in 1905. However, there was no local market for buying manuscripts. Ge’ez manuscripts were, and still are, written to serve spiritual and secular life in Ethiopia, not for buying and selling. There are countless other examples, but space limits how many can be provided in this article. What is important to note is that museums and libraries have accrued impressive collections without emphasising how those collections were first obtained. The loss of the intellectual heritage of Ethiopians to western collectors has had an enormous impact on the country.Knowledge Grabbing: The Denial of Access to KnowledgeWith so many manuscripts lost, European collectors became the narrators of Ethiopian knowledge and history. Edward Ullendorff, a known orientalist in Ethiopian studies, refers to James Bruce as “the explorer of Abyssinia” (114). Ullendorff commented on the significance of Bruce’s travel to Ethiopia asperhaps the most important aspect of Bruce’s travels was the collection of Ethiopic manuscripts… . They opened up entirely new vistas for the study of Ethiopian languages and placed this branch of Oriental scholarship on a much more secure basis. It is not known how many MSS. reached Europe through his endeavours, but the present writer is aware of at least twenty-seven, all of which are exquisite examples of Ethiopian manuscript art. (133)This quote encompasses three major ways in which epistemic violence occurs: denial of access to knowledge, Eurocentric interpretation of Ethiopian manuscripts, and the handling of Ge’ez manuscripts as artefacts from the past. These will be discussed below.Western ‘travellers’, such as Bruce, did not fully disclose how many manuscripts they took or how they acquired them. The abundance of Ethiopian manuscripts in western institutions can be compared to the scarcity of such materials among traditional schools in Ethiopia. In this research, I have visited ten indigenous schools in Wollo (Lalibela, Neakutoleab, Asheten, Wadla), in Gondar (Bahita, Kuskwam, Menbere Mengist), and Gojam (Bahirdar, Selam Argiew Maryam, Giorgis). In all of the schools, there is lack of Ge’ez manuscripts. Students often come from rural villages and do not receive any government support. The scarcity of Ge’ez manuscripts, and the lack of funding which might allow for the purchasing of books, means the students depend mainly on memorising Ge’ez texts told to them from the mouth of their teacher. Although this method of learning is not new, it currently is the only way for passing indigenous knowledges across generations.The absence of manuscripts is most strongly felt in the advanced schools. For instance, in the school of Qene, poetic literature is created through an in-depth study of the vocabulary and grammar of Ge’ez. A Qene student is required to develop a deep knowledge of Ge’ez in order to understand ancient and medieval Ge’ez texts which are used to produce poetry with multiple meanings. Without Ge’ez manuscripts, students cannot draw their creative works from the broad intellectual tradition of their ancestors. When asked how students gain access to textbooks, one student commented:we don’t have access to Birana books (Ge’ez manuscripts written on vellum). We cannot learn the ancient wisdom of painting, writing, and computing developed by our ancestors. We simply buy paper books such as Dawit (Psalms), Sewasew (grammar) or Degwa (book of songs with notations) and depend on our teachers to teach us the rest. We also lend these books to each other as many students cannot afford to buy them. Without textbooks, we expect to spend double the amount of time it would take if we had textbooks. (Interview, 3 Sep. 2019)Many students interrupt their studies and work as labourers to save up and buy paper textbooks, but they still don’t have access to the finest works taken to Europe. Most Ge’ez manuscripts remaining in Ethiopia are locked away in monasteries, church stores or other places to prevent further looting. The manuscripts in Addis Ababa University and the National Archives are available for researchers but not to the students of the indigenous system, creating a condition of internal knowledge grabbing.While the absence of Ge’ez manuscripts denied, and continues to deny, Ethiopians the chance to enrich their indigenous education, it benefited western orientalists to garner intellectual authority on the field of Ethiopian studies. In 1981, British Museum Director John Wilson said, “our Abyssinian holdings are more important than our Indian collection” (Bell 231). In reaction, Richard Pankhurst, the Director of Ethiopian Studies in Addis Ababa, responded that the collection was acquired through plunder. Defending the retaining of Maqdala manuscripts in Europe, Ullendorff wrote:neither Dr. Pankhurst nor the Ethiopian and western scholars who have worked on this collection (and indeed on others in Europe) could have contributed so significantly to the elucidation of Ethiopian history without the rich resources available in this country. Had they remained insitu, none of this would have been possible. (Qtd. in Bell 234)The manuscripts are therefore valued based on their contribution to western scholarship only. This is a continuation of epistemic violence whereby local knowledges are used as raw materials to produce Eurocentric knowledge, which in turn is used to teach Africans as though they had no prior knowledge. Scholars are defined as those western educated persons who can speak European languages and can travel to modern institutions to access the manuscripts. Knowledge grabbing regards previous owners as inexistent or irrelevant for the use of the grabbed knowledges.Knowledge grabbing also means indigenous scholars are deprived of critical resources to produce new knowledge based on their intellectual heritage. A Qene teacher commented: our students could not devote their time and energy to produce new knowledges in the same way our ancestors did. We have the tradition of Madeladel, Kimera, Kuteta, Mielad, Qene and tirguamme where students develop their own system of remembering, reinterpreting, practicing, and rewriting previous manuscripts and current ones. Without access to older manuscripts, we increasingly depend on preserving what is being taught orally by elders. (Interview, 4 Sep. 2019)This point is important as it relates to the common myth that indigenous knowledges are artefacts belonging to the past, not the present. There are millions of people who still use these knowledges, but the conditions necessary for their reproduction and improvement is denied through knowledge grabbing. The view of Ge’ez manuscripts as artefacts dismisses the Ethiopian view that Birana manuscripts are living persons. As a scholar told me in Gondar, “they are creations of Egziabher (God), like all of us. Keeping them in institutions is like keeping living bodies in graveyards” (interview, 5 Oct. 2019).Recently, the collection of Ethiopian manuscripts by western institutions has also been conducted digitally. Thousands of manuscripts have been microfilmed or digitised. For example, the EU funded Ethio-SPaRe project resulted in the digital collection of 2000 Ethiopian manuscripts (Nosnitsin). While digitisation promises better access for people who may not be able to visit institutions to see physical copies, online manuscripts are not accessible to indigenous school students in Ethiopia. They simply do not have computer or internet access and the manuscripts are catalogued in European languages. Both physical and digital knowledge grabbing results in the robbing of Ethiopian intellectual heritage, and denies the possibility of such manuscripts being used to inform local scholarship. Epistemic Violence: The European as ExpertWhen considered in relation to stolen or appropriated manuscripts, epistemic violence is the way in which local knowledge is interpreted using a foreign epistemology and gained dominance over indigenous worldviews. European scholars have monopolised the field of Ethiopian Studies by producing books, encyclopaedias and digital archives based on Ethiopian manuscripts, almost exclusively in European languages. The contributions of their work for western scholarship is undeniable. However, Kebede argues that one of the detrimental effects of this orientalist literature is the thesis of Semiticisation, the designation of the origin of Ethiopian civilisation to the arrival of Middle Eastern colonisers rather than indigenous sources.The thesis is invented to make the history of Ethiopia consistent with the Hegelian western view that Africa is a Dark Continent devoid of a civilisation of its own. “In light of the dominant belief that black peoples are incapable of great achievements, the existence of an early and highly advanced civilization constitutes a serious anomaly in the Eurocentric construction of the world” (Kebede 4). To address this anomaly, orientalists like Ludolph attributed the origin of Ethiopia’s writing system, agriculture, literature, and civilisation to the arrival of South Arabian settlers. For example, in his translation of the Kebra Nagast, Budge wrote: “the SEMITES found them [indigenous Ethiopians] negro savages, and taught them civilization and culture and the whole scriptures on which their whole literature is based” (x).In line with the above thesis, Dillman wrote that “the Abyssinians borrowed their Numerical Signs from the Greeks” (33). The views of these orientalist scholars have been challenged. For instance, leading scholar of Semitic languages Professor Ephraim Isaac considers the thesis of the Arabian origin of Ethiopian civilization “a Hegelian Eurocentric philosophical perspective of history” (2). Isaac shows that there is historical, archaeological, and linguistic evidence that suggest Ethiopia to be more advanced than South Arabia from pre-historic times. Various Ethiopian sources including the Kebra Nagast, the works of historian Asres Yenesew, and Ethiopian linguist Girma Demeke provide evidence for the indigenous origin of Ethiopian civilisation and languages.The epistemic violence of the Semeticisation thesis lies in how this Eurocentric ideological construction is the dominant narrative in the field of Ethiopian history and the education system. Unlike the indigenous view, the orientalist view is backed by strong institutional power both in Ethiopia and abroad. The orientalists control the field of Ethiopian studies and have access to Ge’ez manuscripts. Their publications are the only references for Ethiopian students. Due to Native Colonialism, a system of power run by native elites through the use of colonial ideas and practices (Woldeyes), the education system is the imitation of western curricula, including English as a medium of instruction from high school onwards. Students study the west more than Ethiopia. Indigenous sources are generally excluded as unscientific. Only the Eurocentric interpretation of Ethiopian manuscripts is regarded as scientific and objective.ConclusionEthiopia is the only African country never to be colonised. In its history it produced a large quantity of manuscripts in the Ge’ez language through an indigenous education system that involves the study of these manuscripts. Since the 19th century, there has been an ongoing loss of these manuscripts. European travellers who came to Ethiopia as discoverers, missionaries and scholars took a large number of manuscripts. The Battle of Maqdala involved the looting of the intellectual products of Ethiopia that were collected at the capital. With the introduction of western education and use of English as a medium of instruction, the state disregarded indigenous schools whose students have little access to the manuscripts. This article brings the issue of knowledge grapping, a situation whereby European institutions and scholars accumulate Ethiopia manuscripts without providing the students in Ethiopia to have access to those collections.Items such as manuscripts that are held in western institutions are not dead artefacts of the past to be preserved for prosperity. They are living sources of knowledge that should be put to use in their intended contexts. Local Ethiopian scholars cannot study ancient and medieval Ethiopia without travelling and gaining access to western institutions. This lack of access and resources has made European Ethiopianists almost the sole producers of knowledge about Ethiopian history and culture. For example, indigenous sources and critical research that challenge the Semeticisation thesis are rarely available to Ethiopian students. Here we see epistemic violence in action. Western control over knowledge production has the detrimental effect of inventing new identities, subjectivities and histories that translate into material effects in the lives of African people. In this way, Ethiopians and people all over Africa internalise western understandings of themselves and their history as primitive and in need of development or outside intervention. African’s intellectual and cultural heritage, these living bodies locked away in graveyards, must be put back into the hands of Africans.AcknowledgementThe author acknowledges the support of the Australian Academy of the Humanities' 2019 Humanities Travelling Fellowship Award in conducting this research.ReferencesBell, Stephen. “Cultural Treasures Looted from Maqdala: A Summary of Correspondence in British National Newspapers since 1981.” Kasa and Kasa. Eds. Tadesse Beyene, Richard Pankhurst, and Shifereraw Bekele. Addis Ababa: Ababa University Book Centre, 1990. 231-246.Budge, Wallis. A History of Ethiopia, Nubia and Abyssinia. London: Methuen and Co, 1982.Demeke, Girma Awgichew. The Origin of Amharic. Trenton: Red Sea Press, 2013.Diakonoff, Igor M. Afrasian Languages. Moscow: Nauka, 1988.Dillmann, August. Ethiopic Grammar. Eugene: Wipf & Stock, 2005.Hegel, Georg W.F. The Philosophy of History. New York: Dover, 1956.Isaac, Ephraim. The Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahido Church. New Jersey: Red Sea Press, 2013.———. “An Open Letter to an Inquisitive Ethiopian Sister.” The Habesha, 2013. 1 Feb. 2020 <http://www.zehabesha.com/an-open-letter-to-an-inquisitive-young-ethiopian-sister-ethiopian-history-is-not-three-thousand-years/>.Kebra Nagast. "The Queen of Sheba and Her Only Son Menyelik I." Trans. Wallis Budge. London: Oxford UP, 1932.Pankhurst, Richard. "The Napier Expedition and the Loot Form Maqdala." Presence Africaine 133-4 (1985): 233-40.Pankhurst, Rita. "The Maqdala Library of Tewodros." Kasa and Kasa. Eds. Tadesse Beyene, Richard Pankhurst, and Shifereraw Bekele. Addis Ababa: Ababa University Book Centre, 1990. 223-230.Tefera, Amsalu. ነቅዐ መጻህፍት ከ መቶ በላይ በግዕዝ የተጻፉ የእኢትዮጵያ መጻህፍት ዝርዝር ከማብራሪያ ጋር።. Addis Ababa: Jajaw, 2019.Nosnitsin, Denis. "Ethio-Spare Cultural Heritage of Christian Ethiopia: Salvation, Preservation and Research." 2010. 5 Jan. 2019 <https://www.aai.uni-hamburg.de/en/ethiostudies/research/ethiospare/missions/pdf/report2010-1.pdf>. Ullendorff, Edward. "James Bruce of Kinnaird." The Scottish Historical Review 32.114, part 2 (1953): 128-43.Wion, Anaïs. "Collecting Manuscripts and Scrolls in Ethiopia: The Missions of Johannes Flemming (1905) and Enno Littmann (1906)." 2012. 5 Jan. 2019 <https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00524382/document>. Woldeyes, Yirga Gelaw. Native Colonialism: Education and the Economy of Violence against Traditions in Ethiopia. Trenton: Red Sea Press, 2017.———. “Reflections on Ethiopia’s Stolen Treasures on Display in a London Museum.” The Conversation. 2018. 5 June 2018 <https://theconversation.com/reflections-on-ethiopias-stolen-treasures-on-display-in-a-london-museum-97346>.Yenesew, Asres. ትቤ፡አክሱም፡መኑ፡ አንተ? Addis Ababa: Nigid Printing House, 1959 [1951 EC].

<p><strong>Guest editors: Joanne Lehrer (Université du Québec en Outaouais), Christine Massing (University of Regina), Scott Hughes (Mount Royal University), and Alaina Roach O’Keefe (University of Prince Edward Island)</strong></p><p>Not only is professional learning conceptualised as critical for increasing educational quality and enhancing children’s learning and developmental outcomes (e.g. Lazarri et al., 2013; Munton et al., 2002; Penn, 2009; Vandenbroeck et al., 2016), but specific elements of professional learning (in both initial and continuing education, or preservice and in-service learning) have been identified as essential to transforming early childhood educators’ and preschool teachers’ professional identities and practice. For example, critical and supported reflection (Thomas &amp; Packer, 2013), learning experiences that target entire teams (Vangrieken, Dochy, &amp; Raes, 2016), collaborative and empowering practice (Helterbran &amp; Fennimore, 2004), and competent leadership (Colmer et al., 2008) have all been found to be effective means of supporting professional learning.</p><p>While there appears to be consensus in the literature around <em>what</em> needs to be done, and even around <em>how</em> it should be done, numerous constraints prevent the implementation and maintenance of sustainable and transformational professional learning in ECEC. Vandenbroeck and colleagues (2016) go beyond the focus on individuals and childcare teams, identifying two further levels necessary for competent systems of professional learning: partnerships between local early childhood programs and social, cultural, and educational institutions (such as colleges and universities); and governance regarding vision, finance, and monitoring. In the Canadian context, the Canadian Child Care Federation has also stressed the importance of a system-wide strategy to strengthen the child care workforce (CCCF, 2016). However, early childhood services in Canada are under the purview of the provincial and territorial governments and, therefore, the conditions, regulations, certification requirements, curriculum documents, and educational systems vary widely from jurisdiction to jurisdiction. The educational requirements for certification, for example, may include no formal training (in NWT and Nunavut), one entry-level short course, one-year certificates, or two-year diplomas. This complicates efforts to define who the early childhood professional is and what opportunities are constitutive of professional learning (Prochner, Cleghorn, Kirova, &amp; Massing, 2016). While these disparities within the field may impede the development of a cohesive strategy, Campbell et al. (2016) recently asserted that much can be learned from sharing and appreciating the rich diversity of approaches to professional learning both within and across provinces and territories. In addition, examples from other countries serve to broaden the discussion and expand our understanding of what is possible (Vandenboreock et al., 2016).</p><p>This special issue, then, is dedicated to sharing stories of hope and coordinated action, linking theory with practice. We seek Canadian and international submissions related to professional learning practices that extend beyond individual programs, showcasing partnerships and community mobilization efforts within and across various settings for young children (child care, Kindergarten, drop-in centres, etc.) in relation to philosophical, practical, critical, transformative, personal, and/or hopeful themes. Each submission will respond to one or more of the key questions, including, but not limited to:</p><ul><li>How can professional learning be conceptualised?</li><li>How do we build and maintain effective partnerships to foster professional learning?</li><li>What strategies for transformative community mobilization might be shared?</li><li>How can innovative strategies be applied on a wider scale?</li><li>How might taken-for-granted professional learning and evaluation practice be disrupted?</li><li>What story about professional learning do you need (or want) to tell?</li><li>How has your community been transformed through a particular activity, event, or practice?</li><li>How might the lives and futures of children be positively shaped by engagement in partnerships and mobilization?</li><li>Where might we be in 5, 10, or 15 years through such endeavours?</li></ul><p>We welcome submissions in multiple formats, including research articles, theoretical papers, multimedia pieces, art work, book reviews, and so forth. These may be submitted in English, French, or in any Canadian Indigenous language. </p><p>Submissions are due August 1, 2017 and should be submitted as per <a href="http://journals.uvic.ca/index.php/jcs/about/submissions#onlineSubmissions">Journal of Childhood Studies submission guidelines. </a></p><p><strong><br /></strong></p><p> </p><p>References</p><p>Campbell, C., Osmond-Johnson, P., Faubert, B., Zeichner, K., Hobbs-Johnson, A. with S. Brown, P. DaCosta, A. Hales, L. Kuehn, J. Sohn, &amp; K. Steffensen (2016). <em>The state of educators’ professional learning in Canada</em>. Oxford, OH: Learning Forward.</p><p>Canadian Child Care Foundation [CCCF], (2016). <em>An Early Learning and Child Care Framework for Canada’s Children</em>. Retrieved from: http://www.cccf-fcsge.ca/wp-content/uploads/CCCF_Framework-ENG.pdf</p><p>Colmer, K., Waniganayake, M. &amp; Field, L. (2014). Leading professional learning in early childhood centres: who are the educational leaders<em>?, Australasian Journal of Early Childhood</em>, 39(4), 103-113.</p><p>Helterbran, V.R. &amp; Fennimore, B.S. (2004). Early childhood professional development: Building from a base of teacher investigation. <em>Early Childhood Education Journal, 31</em>(4), 267-271.</p><p>Lazarri, A., Picchio, M., &amp; Musatti, T. (2013). Sustaining ECEC quality through continuing professional development: systemic approaches to practitioners’ professionalization in the Italian context. <em>Early Years: An International Research Journal, 33</em>(2), 133-145.</p><p>Munton, T., Mooney, A., Moss, P., Petrie, P., Calrk, A., Woolner, J. et al., (2002). <em>Research on ratios, group size, and staff qualifications and training in early years and childcare settings</em>. London: University of London.</p><p>Penn, H. (2009). <em>Early childhood education and care: Key lessons from research for policy makers</em>. Brussels: Nesse.</p><p>Prochner, L., Cleghorn, A., Kirova, A., &amp; Massing, C. (2016). <em>Teacher education in diverse settings: Making space for intersecting worldviews</em>. Rotterdam, The Netherlands: Sense Publishers.</p><p>Thomas, S., &amp; Packer, D. S. (2013). A Reflective Teaching Road Map for Pre-service and Novice Early Childhood Educators. <em>International Journal of Early Childhood Special Education</em>, <em>5</em>(1), 1-14.</p><p>Vandenbroeck, M., Peeters, J., Urban, M. &amp; Lazzari, A. (2016). Introduction. In M. Vandenbroeck, M. Urban &amp; J. Peeters (Eds.) <em>Pathways to Professionalism in Early Childhood Education and Care</em>, (pp. 1-14). London: Routledge.</p><p>Vangrieken, K., Dochy, F., &amp; Raes, E. (2016). Team learning in teacher teams: team entitativity as a bridge between teams-in-theory and teams-in-practice. <em>European Journal Of Psychology Of Education - EJPE (Springer Science &amp; Business Media B.V.)</em>, <em>31</em>(3), 275-298. doi:10.1007/s10212-015-0279-0</p>

<table id="announcementDescription" width="100%"><tbody><tr><td><p><strong>Guest editors: Joanne Lehrer (Université du Québec en Outaouais), Christine Massing (University of Regina), Scott Hughes (Mount Royal University), and Alaina Roach O’Keefe (University of Prince Edward Island)</strong></p><p>Not only is professional learning conceptualised as critical for increasing educational quality and enhancing children’s learning and developmental outcomes (e.g. Lazarri et al., 2013; Munton et al., 2002; Penn, 2009; Vandenbroeck et al., 2016), but specific elements of professional learning (in both initial and continuing education, or preservice and in-service learning) have been identified as essential to transforming early childhood educators’ and preschool teachers’ professional identities and practice. For example, critical and supported reflection (Thomas &amp; Packer, 2013), learning experiences that target entire teams (Vangrieken, Dochy, &amp; Raes, 2016), collaborative and empowering practice (Helterbran &amp; Fennimore, 2004), and competent leadership (Colmer et al., 2008) have all been found to be effective means of supporting professional learning.</p><p>While there appears to be consensus in the literature around <em>what</em> needs to be done, and even around <em>how</em> it should be done, numerous constraints prevent the implementation and maintenance of sustainable and transformational professional learning in ECEC. Vandenbroeck and colleagues (2016) go beyond the focus on individuals and childcare teams, identifying two further levels necessary for competent systems of professional learning: partnerships between local early childhood programs and social, cultural, and educational institutions (such as colleges and universities); and governance regarding vision, finance, and monitoring. In the Canadian context, the Canadian Child Care Federation has also stressed the importance of a system-wide strategy to strengthen the child care workforce (CCCF, 2016). However, early childhood services in Canada are under the purview of the provincial and territorial governments and, therefore, the conditions, regulations, certification requirements, curriculum documents, and educational systems vary widely from jurisdiction to jurisdiction. The educational requirements for certification, for example, may include no formal training (in NWT and Nunavut), one entry-level short course, one-year certificates, or two-year diplomas. This complicates efforts to define who the early childhood professional is and what opportunities are constitutive of professional learning (Prochner, Cleghorn, Kirova, &amp; Massing, 2016). While these disparities within the field may impede the development of a cohesive strategy, Campbell et al. (2016) recently asserted that much can be learned from sharing and appreciating the rich diversity of approaches to professional learning both within and across provinces and territories. In addition, examples from other countries serve to broaden the discussion and expand our understanding of what is possible (Vandenboreock et al., 2016).</p><p>This special issue, then, is dedicated to sharing stories of hope and coordinated action, linking theory with practice. We seek Canadian and international submissions related to professional learning practices that extend beyond individual programs, showcasing partnerships and community mobilization efforts within and across various settings for young children (child care, Kindergarten, drop-in centres, etc.) in relation to philosophical, practical, critical, transformative, personal, and/or hopeful themes. Each submission will respond to one or more of the key questions, including, but not limited to:</p><ul><li>How can professional learning be conceptualised?</li><li>How do we build and maintain effective partnerships to foster professional learning?</li><li>What strategies for transformative community mobilization might be shared?</li><li>How can innovative strategies be applied on a wider scale?</li><li>How might taken-for-granted professional learning and evaluation practice be disrupted?</li><li>What story about professional learning do you need (or want) to tell?</li><li>How has your community been transformed through a particular activity, event, or practice?</li><li>How might the lives and futures of children be positively shaped by engagement in partnerships and mobilization?</li><li>Where might we be in 5, 10, or 15 years through such endeavours?</li></ul><p>We welcome submissions in multiple formats, including research articles, theoretical papers, multimedia pieces, art work, book reviews, and so forth. These may be submitted in English, French, or in any Canadian Indigenous language. </p><p><span>Submissions are due August 1, 2017</span> and should be submitted as per <a href="http://journals.uvic.ca/index.php/jcs/about/submissions#onlineSubmissions">Journal of Childhood Studies submission guidelines. </a></p><p><strong><br /></strong></p><p> </p><p>References</p><p>Campbell, C., Osmond-Johnson, P., Faubert, B., Zeichner, K., Hobbs-Johnson, A. with S. Brown, P. DaCosta, A. Hales, L. Kuehn, J. Sohn, &amp; K. Steffensen (2016). <em>The state of educators’ professional learning in Canada</em>. Oxford, OH: Learning Forward.</p><p>Canadian Child Care Foundation [CCCF], (2016). <em>An Early Learning and Child Care Framework for Canada’s Children</em>. Retrieved from: http://www.cccf-fcsge.ca/wp-content/uploads/CCCF_Framework-ENG.pdf</p><p>Colmer, K., Waniganayake, M. &amp; Field, L. (2014). Leading professional learning in early childhood centres: who are the educational leaders<em>?, Australasian Journal of Early Childhood</em>, 39(4), 103-113.</p><p>Helterbran, V.R. &amp; Fennimore, B.S. (2004). Early childhood professional development: Building from a base of teacher investigation. <em>Early Childhood Education Journal, 31</em>(4), 267-271.</p><p>Lazarri, A., Picchio, M., &amp; Musatti, T. (2013). Sustaining ECEC quality through continuing professional development: systemic approaches to practitioners’ professionalization in the Italian context. <em>Early Years: An International Research Journal, 33</em>(2), 133-145.</p><p>Munton, T., Mooney, A., Moss, P., Petrie, P., Calrk, A., Woolner, J. et al., (2002). <em>Research on ratios, group size, and staff qualifications and training in early years and childcare settings</em>. London: University of London.</p><p>Penn, H. (2009). <em>Early childhood education and care: Key lessons from research for policy makers</em>. Brussels: Nesse.</p><p>Prochner, L., Cleghorn, A., Kirova, A., &amp; Massing, C. (2016). <em>Teacher education in diverse settings: Making space for intersecting worldviews</em>. Rotterdam, The Netherlands: Sense Publishers.</p><p>Thomas, S., &amp; Packer, D. S. (2013). A Reflective Teaching Road Map for Pre-service and Novice Early Childhood Educators. <em>International Journal of Early Childhood Special Education</em>, <em>5</em>(1), 1-14.</p><p>Vandenbroeck, M., Peeters, J., Urban, M. &amp; Lazzari, A. (2016). Introduction. In M. Vandenbroeck, M. Urban &amp; J. Peeters (Eds.) <em>Pathways to Professionalism in Early Childhood Education and Care</em>, (pp. 1-14). London: Routledge.</p><p>Vangrieken, K., Dochy, F., &amp; Raes, E. (2016). Team learning in teacher teams: team entitativity as a bridge between teams-in-theory and teams-in-practice. <em>European Journal Of Psychology Of Education - EJPE (Springer Science &amp; Business Media B.V.)</em>, <em>31</em>(3), 275-298. doi:10.1007/s10212-015-0279-0</p></td></tr></tbody></table>

Historians of Modern Architecture have cultivated the image of the architect as a temperamental genius, unconcerned by issues of politeness or pragmatics—a reading reinforced in cultural representations of Modern Architects, such as Howard Roark, the protagonist in Ayn Rand’s 1943 novel The Fountainhead (a character widely believed to be based on the architect Frank Lloyd Wright). The perception of the Modern Architect as an artistic hero or genius has also influenced the reception of their work. Despite their indisputable place within the architectural canon, many important works of Modern Architecture were contested on pragmatic grounds, such as cost, brief and particularly concerning issues of suitability and effectiveness in relation to climate and weather. A number of famed cases resulted in legal action between clients and architects, and in many more examples historians have critically framed these accounts to highlight alternate issues and agendas. “Complaints about the weather,” in relation to architecture, inevitably raise issues regarding a work’s “success,” particularly in view of the tensions between artistry and functionality inherent in the discipline of architecture. While in more recent decades these ideas have been framed around ideas of sustainability—particularly in relation to contemporary buildings—more traditionally they have been engaged through discussions of an architect’s ethical responsibility to deliver a habitable building that meets the client’s needs. This paper suggests these complaints often raise a broader range of issues and are used to highlight tensions inherent in the discipline. In the history of Modern Architecture, these complaints are often framed through gender studies, ethics and, more recently, artistic asceticism. Accounts of complaints and disputes are often invoked in the social construction (or deconstruction) of artistic genius – whether in a positive or negative light. Through its discussion of a number of famed examples, this paper will discuss the framing of climate in relation to the figure of the Modern Architect and the reception of the architectural “masterpiece.” Dear Monsieur Le Corbusier … In June 1930 Mme Savoye, the patron of the famed Villa Savoye on the outskirts of Paris, wrote to her architect, Le Corbusier, stating: “it is still raining in our garage” (Sbriglio 144)—a persistent theme in their correspondence. This letter followed another sent in March after discovering leaks in the garage and several bedrooms following a visit during inclement weather. While sent prior to the building’s completion, she also noted that rainfall on the bathroom skylight “makes a terrible noise […] which prevents us from sleeping in bad weather” (Sbriglio 142). Claiming to have warned Le Corbusier about the concern, the contractor refused to accept responsibility, prompting some rather fiery correspondence between the two. This problem, compounded by issues with the heating system, resulted in the house feeling, as Sbriglio notes, “cold and damp” and subject to “substantial heat loss due to the large glazing”—a cause for particular concern given the health problems of the clients’ only child, Roger Savoye, that saw him spend time in a French Sanatorium (Sbriglio 145). While the cause of Roger’s illness is not clear, at least one writer (albeit with a noticeable lack of footnotes or supporting evidence) has linked this directly to the villa (de Botton 65). Mme Savoye’s complaints about dampness, humidity, condensation and leaking in her home persisted in subsequent years, prompting Benton to summarise in 1987, “every autumn […] there were cries of distress from the Savoye family with the first rains” (Villas 204). These also extended to discussion of the heating system, which while proving insufficient was also causing flooding (Benton, "Villa" 93). In 1935 Savoye again wrote to Le Corbusier, wearily stating: It is raining in the hall, it’s raining on the ramp and the wall of the garage is absolutely soaked [….] it’s still raining in my bathroom, which floods in bad weather, as the water comes in through the skylight. The gardener’s walls are also wet through. (Sbriglio 146-7) Savoye’s understandable vexation with waterproofing problems in her home continued to escalate. With a mixture of gratitude and frustration, a letter sent two years later stated: “After innumerable demands you have finally accepted that this house which you built in 1929 in uninhabitable…. Please render it inhabitable immediately. I sincerely hope that I will not have to take recourse to legal action” (Sbriglio 147). Paradoxically, Le Corbusier was interested in the potential of architecture and urban planning to facilitate health and well-being, as well as the effects that climate may play in this. Early twentieth century medical thought advocated heliotherary (therapeutic exposure to sunlight) for a diverse range of medical conditions, ranging from rickets to tuberculosis. Similarly the health benefits of climate, such as the dryness of mountain air, had been recognised for much longer, and had led to burgeoning industries associated with health, travel and climate. The dangers of damp environments had also long been medically recognised. Le Corbusier’s awareness of the health benefits of sunshine led to the inclusion of a solarium in the villa that afforded both framed and unframed views of the surrounding countryside, such as those that were advocated in the seventeenth century as an antidote to melancholy (Burton 65-66). Both Benton and Sbriglio present Mme Savoye’s complaints as part of their comprehensive histories of an important and influential work of Modern Architecture. Each reproduce excerpts from archival letters that are not widely translated or accessible, and Benton’s 1984 essay is the source other authors generally cite in discussing these matters. In contrast, for example, Murphy’s 2002 account of the villa’s conversion from “house” to “historical monument” cites the same letters (via Benton) as part of a broader argument that highlights the “undomestic” or “unhomely” nature of the work by cataloguing such accounts of the client’s experience of discomfort while residing in the space – thus revisiting a number of common criticisms of Modern Architecture. Le Corbusier’s reputation for designing buildings that responded poorly to climate is often referenced in popular accounts of his work. For example, a 1935 article published in Time states: Though the great expanses of glass that he favors may occasionally turn his rooms into hothouses, his flat roofs may leak and his plans may be wasteful of space, it was Architect Le Corbusier who in 1923 put the entire philosophy of modern architecture into a single sentence: “A house is a machine to live in.” Reference to these issues are usually made rather minimally in academic accounts of his work, and few would agree with this article’s assertion that Le Corbusier’s influence as a phrasemaker would rival the impact of his architecture. In contrast, such issues, in relation to other architects, are often invoked more rhetorically as part of a variety of historical agendas, particularly in constructing feminist histories of architecture. While Corbusier and his work have often been the source of intellectual contention from feminist scholars—for example in regard to authorial disputes and fractious relationships with the likes of Eileen Gray or Charlotte Perriand – discussion of the functional failures in the Villa Savoye are rarely addressed from this perspective. Rather, feminist scholars have focussed their attention on a number of other projects, most notably the case of the Farnsworth House, another canonical work of Modernism. Dear Herr Mies van der Rohe … Mies van der Rohe’s Farnsworth House, completed in 1951 in Plano Illinois, was commissioned as a country weekend residence by an unmarried female doctor, a brief credited with freeing the architect from many of the usual pragmatic requirements of a permanent city residence. In response Mies designed a rectilinear steel and glass pavilion, which hovered (to avoid the flood levels) above the landscape, sheltered by maple trees, in close proximity to the Fox River. The refined architectural detail, elegant formal properties, and poetic relationship with the surrounding landscape – whether in its autumnal splendour or covered in a thick blanket of snow – captivated architects seeing it become, like the Villa Savoye, one of the most revered architectural works of the twentieth century. Prior to construction a model was exhibited in the Museum of Modern Art in New York and, upon completion the building became a pilgrimage site for architects and admirers. The exhibition of the design later fuelled debate about whether Dr Farnsworth constituted a patron or a client (Friedman 134); a distinction generating very different expectations for the responsibilities of the architect, particularly regarding the production of a habitable home that met the client’s brief versus producing a design of architectural merit. The house was intended as a frame for viewing and contemplating nature, thus seeing nature and climate aligned with the transcendental qualities of the design. Following a visit during construction, Farnsworth described the building’s relationship to the elements, writing: “the two horizontal planes of the unfinished building, floating over the meadows, were unearthly beautiful under a sun which glowed like a wild rose” (5). Similarly, in 1951, Arthur Drexler described the building as “a quantity of air caught between a floor and a roof” (Vandenberg 6). Seven years later the architect himself asserted that nature “gained a more profound significance” when viewed from within the house (Friedman 139). While the transparency of the house was “forgiven” by its isolated location and the lack of visibility from neighbouring properties, the issues a glass and steel box might pose for the thermal comfort of its occupant are not difficult to imagine. Following the house’s completion, Farnsworth fitted windows with insect screens and blinds (although Mies intended for curtains to be installed) that clumsily undermined the refined and minimalistic architectural details. Controversy surrounding the house was, in part, the result of its bold new architectural language. However, it was also due to the architect-client relationship, which turned acrimonious in a very public manner. A dispute between Mies and Farnsworth regarding unpaid fees was fought both in the courtroom and the media, becoming a forum for broader debate as various journals (for example, House Beautiful), publicly took sides. The professional female client versus the male architect and the framing of their dispute by historians and the media has seen this project become a seminal case-study in feminist architectural histories, such as Friedman’s Women and the Making of the Modern House of 1998. Beyond the conflict and speculation about the individuals involved, at the core of these discussions were the inadequacies of the project in relation to comfort and climate. For example, Farnsworth describes in her journal finding the house awash with several inches of water, leading to a court session being convened on the rooftop in order to properly ascertain the defects (14). Written retrospectively, after their relationship soured, Farnsworth’s journal delights in recounting any errors or misjudgements made by Mies during construction. For example, she described testing the fireplace to find “the house was sealed so hermetically that the attempt of a flame to go up the chimney caused an interior negative pressure” (2). Further, her growing disenchantment was reflected in bleak descriptions aligning the building with the weather. Describing her first night camping in her home, she wrote: “the expanses of the glass walls and the sills were covered with ice. The silent meadows outside white with old and hardened snow reflected the bleak [light] bulb within, as if the glass house itself were an unshaded bulb of uncalculated watts lighting the winter plains” (9). In an April 1953 article in House Beautiful, Elizabeth Gordon publicly sided with Farnsworth as part of a broader campaign against the International Style. She condemned the home, and its ‘type’ as “unlivable”, writing: “You burn up in the summer and freeze in the winter, because nothing must interfere with the ‘pure’ form of their rectangles” (250). Gordon included the lack of “overhanging roofs to shade you from the sun” among a catalogue of “human qualities” she believed architects sacrificed for the expression of composition—a list that also included possessions, children, pets and adequate kitchen facilities (250). In 1998 excerpts from this article were reproduced by Friedman, in her seminal work of feminist architectural history, and were central in her discussion of the way that debates surrounding this house were framed through notions of gender. Responding to this conflict, and its media coverage, in 1960 Peter Blake wrote: All great houses by great architects tend to be somewhat impractical; many of Corbu’s and Wright’s house clients find that they are living in too expensive and too inefficient buildings. Yet many of these clients would never exchange their houses for the most workable piece of mediocrity. (88) Far from complaining about the weather, the writings of its second owner, Peter Palumbo, poetically meditate the building’s relationship to the seasons and the elements. In his foreword to a 2003 monograph, he wrote: life inside the house is very much a balance with nature, and an extension of nature. A change in the season or an alteration of the landscape creates a marked change in the mood inside the house. With an electric storm of Wagnerian proportions illuminating the night sky and shaking the foundations of the house to their very core, it is possible to remain quite dry! When, with the melting snows of spring, the Fox River becomes a roaring torrent that bursts its banks, the house assumes a character of a house-boat, the water level sometimes rising perilously close to the front door. On such occasions, the approach to the house is by canoe, which is tied to the steps of the upper terrace. (Vandenberg 5) Palumbo purchased the house from Farnsworth and commissioned Mies’s grandson to restore it to its original condition, removing the blinds and insect screens, and installing an air-conditioning system. The critical positioning of Palumbo has been quite different from that of Farnsworth. His restoration and writings on the project have in some ways seen him positioned as the “real” architectural patron. Furthermore, his willingness to tolerate some discomfort in his inhabitation has seen him in some ways prefigure the type of resident that will be next be discussed in reference to recent owners of Wright properties. Dear Mr Wright … Accounts of weatherproofing problems in buildings designed by Frank Lloyd Wright have become the basis of mythology in the architectural discipline. For example, in 1936 Herbert Johnson and J. Vernon Steinle visited Wright’s Richard Lloyd Jones house in Oklahoma. As Jonathan Lipman wrote, “Steinle’s most prominent recollection of the house was that there were scores of tubs and canning jars in the house catching water leaking through the roof” (45). While Lipman notes the irony that both the house and office Wright designed for Johnson would suffer the same problem, it is the anecdotal accounts of the former that have perhaps attracted the most interest. An oft-recounted story tells of Johnson telephoning Wright, during a dinner party, with regard to water dripping from the ceiling into his guest-of-honour’s soup; the complaint was reportedly rebuffed unsympathetically by Wright who suggested the lady should move her chair (Farr 272). Wright himself addressed his reputation for designing buildings that leaked in his Autobiography. In reference to La Miniatura in Pasadena, of 1923, he contextualised difficulties with the local climate, which he suggested was prone to causing leaks, writing: “The sun bakes the roof for eleven months, two weeks and five days, shrinking it to a shrivel. Then giving the roof no warning whatever to get back to normal if it could, the clouds burst. Unsuspecting roof surfaces are deluged by a three inch downpour.” He continued, stating: I knew all this. And I know there are more leaking roofs in Southern California than in all the rest of the world put together. I knew that the citizens come to look upon water thus in a singularly ungrateful mood. I knew that water is all that enables them to have their being there, but let any of it through on them from above, unexpectedly, in their houses and they go mad. It is a kind of phobia. I knew all this and I have taken seriously precautions in the details of this little house to avoid such scenes as a result of negligible roofs. This is the truth. (250) Wright was quick to attribute blame—directed squarely at the builder. Never one for quiet diplomacy, he complained that the “builder had lied to [him] about the flashing under and within the coping walls” (250) and he was ignorant of the incident because the client had not informed him of the leak. He suggested the client’s silence was undoubtedly due to her “not wishing to hurt [his] feelings”. Although given earlier statements it might be speculated that she did not wish to be accused of pandering to a phobia of leaks. Wright was dismissive of the client’s inconvenience, suggesting she would be able to continue as normal until the next rains the following year and claiming he “fixed the house” once he “found out about it” (250). Implicit in this justification was the idea that it was not unreasonable to expect the client to bear a few days of “discomfort” each year in tolerance of the local climate. In true Wright style, discussions of these problems in his autobiography were self-constructive concessions. While Wright refused to take responsibility for climate-related issues in La Minatura, he was more forthcoming in appreciating the triumphs of his Imperial Hotel in Japan—one of the only buildings in the vicinity to survive the 1923 earthquake. In a chapter of his autobiography titled “Building against Doomsday (Why the Great Earthquake did not destroy the Imperial Hotel),” Wright reproduced a telegram sent by Okura Impeho stating: “Hotel stands undamaged as monument of your genius hundreds of homeless provided perfectly maintained service. Congratulations” (222). Far from unconcerned by nature or climate, Wright’s works celebrated and often went to great effort to accommodate the poetic qualities of these. In reference to his own home, Taliesin, Wright wrote: I wanted a home where icicles by invitation might beautify the eaves. So there were no gutters. And when the snow piled deep on the roofs […] icicles came to hang staccato from the eaves. Prismatic crystal pendants sometimes six feet long, glittered between the landscape and the eyes inside. Taliesin in winter was a frosted palace roofed and walled with snow, hung with iridescent fringes. (173) This description was, in part, included as a demonstration of his “superior” understanding and appreciation of nature and its poetic possibilities; an understanding not always mirrored by his clients. Discussing the Lloyd Lewis House in Libertyville, Illinois of 1939, Wright described his endeavours to keep the house comfortable (and avoid flooding) in Spring, Autumn and Summer months which, he conceded, left the house more vulnerable to winter conditions. Utilising an underfloor heating system, which he argued created a more healthful natural climate rather than an “artificial condition,” he conceded this may feel inadequate upon first entering the space (495). Following the client’s complaints that this system and the fireplace were insufficient, particularly in comparison with the temperature levels he was accustomed to in his workplace (at The Daily News), Wright playfully wrote: I thought of various ways of keeping the writer warm, I thought of wiring him to an electric pad inside his vest, allowing lots of lead wire so he could get around. But he waved the idea aside with contempt. […] Then I suggested we appeal to Secretary Knox to turn down the heat at the daily news […] so he could become acclimated. (497) Due to the client’s disinclination to bear this discomfort or use any such alternate schemes, Wright reluctantly refit the house with double-glazing (at the clients expense). In such cases, discussion of leaks or thermal discomfort were not always negative, but were cited rhetorically implying that perfunctory building techniques were not yet advanced enough to meet the architect’s expectations, or that their creative abilities were suppressed by conservative or difficult clients. Thus discussions of building failures have often been invoked in the social construction of the “architect-genius.” Interestingly accounts of the permeability of Wright’s buildings are more often included in biographical rather that architectural writings. In recent years, these accounts of weatherproofing problems have transformed from accusing letters or statements implying failure to a “badge of honour” among occupants who endure discomfort for the sake of art. This changing perspective is usually more pronounced in second generation owners, like Peter Palumbo (who has also owned Corbusier and Wright designed homes), who are either more aware of the potential problems in owning such a house or are more tolerant given an understanding of the historical worth of these projects. This is nowhere more evident than in a profile published in the real estate section of the New York Times. Rather than concealing these issues to preserve the resale value of the property, weatherproofing problems are presented as an endearing quirk. The new owners of Wright’s Prefab No. 1 of 1959, on Staten Island declared they initially did not have enough pots to place under the fifty separate leaks in their home, but in December 2005 proudly boasted they were ‘down to only one leak’ (Bernstein, "Living"). Similarly, in 2003 the resident of a Long Island Wright-designed property, optimistically claimed that while his children often complained their bedrooms were uncomfortably cold, this encouraged the family to spend more time in the warmer communal spaces (Bernstein, "In a House"). This client, more than simply optimistic, (perhaps unwittingly) implies an awareness of the importance of “the hearth” in Wright’s architecture. In such cases complaints about the weather are re-framed. The leaking roof is no longer representative of gender or power relationships between the client and the uncompromising artistic genius. Rather, it actually empowers the inhabitant who rises above their circumstances for the sake of art, invoking a kind of artistic asceticism. While “enlightened” clients of famed architects may be willing to suffer the effects of climate in the interiors of their homes, their neighbours are less tolerant as suggested in a more recent example. Complaints about the alteration of the micro-climate surrounding Frank Gehry’s Walt Disney Concert Hall in Los Angeles prompted the sandblasting of part of the exterior cladding to reduce glare. In 2004, USA Today reported that reflections from the stainless steel cladding were responsible for raising the temperature in neighbouring buildings by more than 9° Celsius, forcing neighbours to close their blinds and operate their air-conditioners. There were also fears that the glare might inadvertently cause traffic problems. Further, one report found that average ground temperatures adjacent to the building peaked at approximately 58° Celsius (Schiler and Valmont). Unlike the Modernist examples, this more recent project has not yet been framed in aid of a critical agenda, and has seemingly been reported simply for being “newsworthy.” Benign Conversation Discussion of the suitability of Modern Architecture in relation to climate has proven a perennial topic of conversation, invoked in the course of recurring debates and criticisms. The fascination with accounts of climate-related problems—particularly in discussing the work of the great Modernist Architects like Le Corbusier, Mies van der Rohe and Frank Lloyd Wright—is in part due to a certain Schadenfreude in debunking the esteem and authority of a canonical figure. This is particularly the case with one, such as Wright, who was characterised by significant self-confidence and an acerbic wit often applied at the expense of others. Yet these accounts have been invoked as much in the construction of the figure of the architect as a creative genius as they have been in the deconstruction of this figure—as well as the historical construction of the client and the historians involved. In view of the growing awareness of the threats and realities of climate change, complaints about the weather are destined to adopt a new significance and be invoked in support of a different range of agendas. While it may be somewhat anachronistic to interpret the designs of Frank Lloyd Wright or Mies van der Rohe in terms of current discussions about sustainability in architecture, these topics are often broached when restoring, renovating or adapting the designs of such architects for new or contemporary usage. In contrast, the climatic problems caused by Gehry’s concert hall are destined to be framed according to a different set of values—such as the relationship of his work to the time, or perhaps in relation to contemporary technology. While discussion of the weather is, in the conversational arts, credited as benign topic, this is rarely the case in architectural history. References Benton, Tim. The Villas of Le Corbusier 1920-1930. New Haven: Yale UP, 1987. ———. “Villa Savoye and the Architects’ Practice (1984).” Le Corbusier: The Garland Essays. Ed. H. Allen Brooks. New York: Garland, 1987. 83-105. Bernstein, Fred A. “In a House That Wright Built.” New York Times 21 Sept. 2003. 3 Aug. 2009 < http://www.nytimes.com/2003/09/21/nyregion/in-a-house-that-wright-built.html >. ———. “Living with Frank Lloyd Wright.” New York Times 18 Dec. 2005. 30 July 2009 < http://www.nytimes.com/2005/12/18/realestate/18habi.html >. Blake, Peter. Mies van der Rohe: Architecture and Structure. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1963 (1960). Burton, Robert. The Anatomy of Melancholy, vol. II. Eds. Nicolas K. Kiessling, Thomas C. Faulkner and Rhonda L. Blair. Oxford: Clarendon, 1995 (1610). Campbell, Margaret. “What Tuberculosis Did for Modernism: The Influence of a Curative Environment on Modernist Design and Architecture.” Medical History 49 (2005): 463–488. “Corbusierismus”. Art. Time 4 Nov. 1935. 18 Aug. 2009 < http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,755279,00.html >. De Botton, Alain. The Architecture of Happiness. London: Penguin, 2006. Farnsworth, Edith. ‘Chapter 13’, Memoirs. Unpublished journals in three notebooks, Farnsworth Collection, Newberry Library, Chicago, unpaginated (17pp). 29 Jan. 2009 < http://www.farnsworthhouse.org/pdf/edith_journal.pdf >. Farr, Finis. Frank Lloyd Wright: A Biography. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1961. Friedman, Alice T. Women and the Making of the Modern House: A Social and Architectural History. New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1998. Gordon, Elizabeth. “The Threat to the Next America.” House Beautiful 95.4 (1953): 126-30, 250-51. Excerpts reproduced in Friedman. Women and the Making of the Modern House. 140-141. Hardarson, Ævar. “All Good Architecture Leaks—Witticism or Word of Wisdom?” Proceedings of the CIB Joint Symposium 13-16 June 2005, Helsinki < http://www.metamorfose.ntnu.no/Artikler/Hardarson_all_good_architecture_leaks.pdf >. Huck, Peter. “Gehry’s Hall Feels Heat.” The Age 1 March 2004. 22 Aug. 2009 < http://www.theage.com.au/articles/2004/02 /27/1077676955090.html >. Lipman, Jonathan. Frank Lloyd Wright and the Johnson Wax Buildings. Introduction by Kenneth Frampton. London: Architectural Press, 1984. Murphy, Kevin D. “The Villa Savoye and the Modernist Historic Monument.” Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 61.1 (2002): 68-89. “New L.A. Concert Hall Raises Temperatures of Neighbours.” USA Today 24 Feb. 2004. 24 Aug. 2009 < http://www.usatoday.com/news/nation/2004-02-24-concert-hall_x.htm >. Owens, Mitchell. “A Wright House, Not a Shrine.” New York Times 25 July 1996. 30 July 2009 . Sbriglio, Jacques. Le Corbusier: La Villa Savoye, The Villa Savoye. Paris: Fondation Le Corbusier; Basel: Birkhäuser, 1999. Schiler, Marc, and Elizabeth Valmont. “Microclimatic Impact: Glare around the Walt Disney Concert Hall.” 2005. 24 Aug. 2009 < http://www.sbse.org/awards/docs/2005/1187.pdf >. Vandenberg, Maritz. Farnsworth House. Ludwig Mies van der Rohe. Foreword by Lord Peter Palumbo. London: Phaidon Press, 2003. Wright, Frank Lloyd. An Autobiography. New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 1943.

From elephants to ABBA fans, silicon to hormone, the following discussion uses a new research method to look at printed text, motion pictures and a teenage rebel icon. If by ‘print’ we mean a mechanically reproduced impression of a cultural symbol in a medium, then printing has been with us since before microdot security prints were painted onto cars, before voice prints, laser prints, network servers, record pressings, motion picture prints, photo prints, colour woodblock prints, before books, textile prints, and footprints. If we accept that higher mammals such as elephants have a learnt culture, then it is possible to extend a definition of printing beyond Homo sapiens. Poole reports that elephants mechanically trumpet reproductions of human car horns into the air surrounding their society. If nothing else, this cross-species, cross-cultural reproduction, this ‘ability to mimic’ is ‘another sign of their intelligence’. Observation of child development suggests that the first significant meaningful ‘impression’ made on the human mind is that of the face of the child’s nurturer – usually its mother. The baby’s mind forms an ‘impression’, a mental print, a reproducible memory data set, of the nurturer’s face, voice, smell, touch, etc. That face is itself a cultural construct: hair style, makeup, piercings, tattoos, ornaments, nutrition-influenced skin and smell, perfume, temperature and voice. A mentally reproducible pattern of a unique face is formed in the mind, and we use that pattern to distinguish ‘familiar and strange’ in our expanding social orbit. The social relations of patterned memory – of imprinting – determine the extent to which we explore our world (armed with research aids such as text print) or whether we turn to violence or self-harm (Bretherton). While our cultural artifacts (such as vellum maps or networked voice message servers) bravely extend our significant patterns into the social world and the traversed environment, it is useful to remember that such artifacts, including print, are themselves understood by our original pattern-reproduction and impression system – the human mind, developed in childhood. The ‘print’ is brought to mind differently in different discourses. For a reader, a ‘print’ is a book, a memo or a broadsheet, whether it is the Indian Buddhist Sanskrit texts ordered to be printed in 593 AD by the Chinese emperor Sui Wen-ti (Silk Road) or the US Defense Department memo authorizing lower ranks to torture the prisoners taken by the Bush administration (Sanchez, cited in ABC). Other fields see prints differently. For a musician, a ‘print’ may be the sheet music which spread classical and popular music around the world; it may be a ‘record’ (as in a ‘recording’ session), where sound is impressed to wax, vinyl, charged silicon particles, or the alloys (Smith, “Elpida”) of an mp3 file. For the fine artist, a ‘print’ may be any mechanically reproduced two-dimensional (or embossed) impression of a significant image in media from paper to metal, textile to ceramics. ‘Print’ embraces the Japanese Ukiyo-e colour prints of Utamaro, the company logos that wink from credit card holographs, the early photographs of Talbot, and the textured patterns printed into neolithic ceramics. Computer hardware engineers print computational circuits. Homicide detectives investigate both sweaty finger prints and the repeated, mechanical gaits of suspects, which are imprinted into the earthy medium of a crime scene. For film makers, the ‘print’ may refer to a photochemical polyester reproduction of a motion picture artifact (the reel of ‘celluloid’), or a DVD laser disc impression of the same film. Textualist discourse has borrowed the word ‘print’ to mean ‘text’, so ‘print’ may also refer to the text elements within the vision track of a motion picture: the film’s opening titles, or texts photographed inside the motion picture story such as the sword-cut ‘Z’ in Zorro (Niblo). Before the invention of writing, the main mechanically reproduced impression of a cultural symbol in a medium was the humble footprint in the sand. The footprints of tribes – and neighbouring animals – cut tracks in the vegetation and the soil. Printed tracks led towards food, water, shelter, enemies and friends. Having learnt to pattern certain faces into their mental world, children grew older and were educated in the footprints of family and clan, enemies and food. The continuous impression of significant foot traffic in the medium of the earth produced the lines between significant nodes of prewriting and pre-wheeled cultures. These tracks were married to audio tracks, such as the song lines of the Australian Aborigines, or the ballads of tramping culture everywhere. A typical tramping song has the line, ‘There’s a track winding back to an old-fashion shack along the road to Gundagai,’ (O’Hagan), although this colonial-style song was actually written for radio and became an international hit on the airwaves, rather than the tramping trails. The printed tracks impressed by these cultural flows are highly contested and diverse, and their foot prints are woven into our very language. The names for printed tracks have entered our shared memory from the intersection of many cultures: ‘Track’ is a Germanic word entering English usage comparatively late (1470) and now used mainly in audio visual cultural reproduction, as in ‘soundtrack’. ‘Trek’ is a Dutch word for ‘track’ now used mainly by ecotourists and science fiction fans. ‘Learn’ is a Proto-Indo-European word: the verb ‘learn’ originally meant ‘to find a track’ back in the days when ‘learn’ had a noun form which meant ‘the sole of the foot’. ‘Tract’ and ‘trace’ are Latin words entering English print usage before 1374 and now used mainly in religious, and electronic surveillance, cultural reproduction. ‘Trench’ in 1386 was a French path cut through a forest. ‘Sagacity’ in English print in 1548 was originally the ability to track or hunt, in Proto-Indo-European cultures. ‘Career’ (in English before 1534) was the print made by chariots in ancient Rome. ‘Sleuth’ (1200) was a Norse noun for a track. ‘Investigation’ (1436) was Latin for studying a footprint (Harper). The arrival of symbolic writing scratched on caves, hearth stones, and trees (the original meaning of ‘book’ is tree), brought extremely limited text education close to home. Then, with baked clay tablets, incised boards, slate, bamboo, tortoise shell, cast metal, bark cloth, textiles, vellum, and – later – paper, a portability came to text that allowed any culture to venture away from known ‘foot’ paths with a reduction in the risk of becoming lost and perishing. So began the world of maps, memos, bills of sale, philosophic treatises and epic mythologies. Some of this was printed, such as the mechanical reproduction of coins, but the fine handwriting required of long, extended, portable texts could not be printed until the invention of paper in China about 2000 years ago. Compared to lithic architecture and genes, portable text is a fragile medium, and little survives from the millennia of its innovators. The printing of large non-text designs onto bark-paper and textiles began in neolithic times, but Sui Wen-ti’s imperial memo of 593 AD gives us the earliest written date for printed books, although we can assume they had been published for many years previously. The printed book was a combination of Indian philosophic thought, wood carving, ink chemistry and Chinese paper. The earliest surviving fragment of paper-print technology is ‘Mantras of the Dharani Sutra’, a Buddhist scripture written in the Sanskrit language of the Indian subcontinent, unearthed at an early Tang Dynasty site in Xian, China – making the fragment a veteran piece of printing, in the sense that Sanskrit books had been in print for at least a century by the early Tang Dynasty (Chinese Graphic Arts Net). At first, paper books were printed with page-size carved wooden boards. Five hundred years later, Pi Sheng (c.1041) baked individual reusable ceramic characters in a fire and invented the durable moveable type of modern printing (Silk Road 2000). Abandoning carved wooden tablets, the ‘digitizing’ of Chinese moveable type sped up the production of printed texts. In turn, Pi Sheng’s flexible, rapid, sustainable printing process expanded the political-cultural impact of the literati in Asian society. Digitized block text on paper produced a bureaucratic, literate elite so powerful in Asia that Louis XVI of France copied China’s print-based Confucian system of political authority for his own empire, and so began the rise of the examined public university systems, and the civil service systems, of most European states (Watson, Visions). By reason of its durability, its rapid mechanical reproduction, its culturally agreed signs, literate readership, revered authorship, shared ideology, and distributed portability, a ‘print’ can be a powerful cultural network which builds and expands empires. But print also attacks and destroys empires. A case in point is the Spanish conquest of Aztec America: The Aztecs had immense libraries of American literature on bark-cloth scrolls, a technology which predated paper. These libraries were wiped out by the invading Spanish, who carried a different book before them (Ewins). In the industrial age, the printing press and the gun were seen as the weapons of rebellions everywhere. In 1776, American rebels staffed their ‘Homeland Security’ units with paper makers, knowing that defeating the English would be based on printed and written documents (Hahn). Mao Zedong was a book librarian; Mao said political power came out of the barrel of a gun, but Mao himself came out of a library. With the spread of wireless networked servers, political ferment comes out of the barrel of the cell phone and the internet chat room these days. Witness the cell phone displays of a plane hitting a tower that appear immediately after 9/11 in the Middle East, or witness the show trials of a few US and UK lower ranks who published prints of their torturing activities onto the internet: only lower ranks who published prints were arrested or tried. The control of secure servers and satellites is the new press. These days, we live in a global library of burning books – ‘burning’ in the sense that ‘print’ is now a charged silicon medium (Smith, “Intel”) which is usually made readable by connecting the chip to nuclear reactors and petrochemically-fired power stations. World resources burn as we read our screens. Men, women, children burn too, as we watch our infotainment news in comfort while ‘their’ flickering dead faces are printed in our broadcast hearths. The print we watch is not the living; it is the voodoo of the living in the blackout behind the camera, engaging the blood sacrifice of the tormented and the unfortunate. Internet texts are also ‘on fire’ in the third sense of their fragility and instability as a medium: data bases regularly ‘print’ fail-safe copies in an attempt to postpone the inevitable mechanical, chemical and electrical failure that awaits all electronic media in time. Print defines a moral position for everyone. In reporting conflict, in deciding to go to press or censor, any ‘print’ cannot avoid an ethical context, starting with the fact that there is a difference in power between print maker, armed perpetrators, the weak, the peaceful, the publisher, and the viewer. So many human factors attend a text, video or voice ‘print’: its very existence as an aesthetic object, even before publication and reception, speaks of unbalanced, and therefore dynamic, power relationships. For example, Graham Greene departed unscathed from all the highly dangerous battlefields he entered as a novelist: Riot-torn Germany, London Blitz, Belgian Congo, Voodoo Haiti, Vietnam, Panama, Reagan’s Washington, and mafia Europe. His texts are peopled with the injustices of the less fortunate of the twentieth century, while he himself was a member of the fortunate (if not happy) elite, as is anyone today who has the luxury of time to read Greene’s works for pleasure. Ethically a member of London and Paris’ colonizers, Greene’s best writing still electrifies, perhaps partly because he was in the same line of fire as the victims he shared bread with. In fact, Greene hoped daily that he would escape from the dreadful conflicts he fictionalized via a body bag or an urn of ashes (see Sherry). In reading an author’s biography we have one window on the ethical dimensions of authority and print. If a print’s aesthetics are sometimes enduring, its ethical relationships are always mutable. Take the stylized logo of a running athlete: four limbs bent in a rotation of action. This dynamic icon has symbolized ‘good health’ in Hindu and Buddhist culture, from Madras to Tokyo, for thousands of years. The cross of bent limbs was borrowed for the militarized health programs of 1930s Germany, and, because of what was only a brief, recent, isolated yet monstrously horrific segment of its history in print, the bent-limbed swastika is now a vilified symbol in the West. The sign remains ‘impressed’ differently on traditional Eastern culture, and without the taint of Nazism. Dramatic prints are emotionally charged because, in depicting Homo sapiens in danger, or passionately in love, they elicit a hormonal reaction from the reader, the viewer, or the audience. The type of emotions triggered by a print vary across the whole gamut of human chemistry. A recent study of three genres of motion picture prints shows a marked differences in the hormonal responses of men compared to women when viewing a romance, an actioner, and a documentary (see Schultheiss, Wirth, and Stanton). Society is biochemically diverse in its engagement with printed culture, which raises questions about equality in the arts. Motion picture prints probably comprise around one third of internet traffic, in the form of stolen digitized movie files pirated across the globe via peer-to-peer file transfer networks (p2p), and burnt as DVD laser prints (BBC). There is also a US 40 billion dollar per annum legitimate commerce in DVD laser pressings (Grassl), which would suggest an US 80 billion per annum world total in legitimate laser disc print culture. The actively screen literate, or the ‘sliterati’ as I prefer to call them, research this world of motion picture prints via their peers, their internet information channels, their television programming, and their web forums. Most of this activity occurs outside the ambit of universities and schools. One large site of sliterate (screen literate) practice outside most schooling and official research is the net of online forums at imdb.com (International Movie Data Base). Imdb.com ‘prints’ about 25,000,000 top pages per month to client browsers. Hundreds of sliterati forums are located at imdb, including a forum for the Australian movie, Muriel’s Wedding (Hogan). Ten years after the release of Muriel’s Wedding, young people who are concerned with victimization and bullying still log on to http://us.imdb.com/title/tt0110598/board/> and put their thoughts into print: I still feel so bad for Muriel in the beginning of the movie, when the girls ‘dump’ her, and how much the poor girl cried and cried! Those girls were such biartches…I love how they got their comeuppance! bunniesormaybemidgets’s comment is typical of the current discussion. Muriel’s Wedding was a very popular film in its first cinema edition in Australia and elsewhere. About 30% of the entire over-14 Australian population went to see this photochemical polyester print in the cinemas on its first release. A decade on, the distributors printed a DVD laser disc edition. The story concerns Muriel (played by Toni Collette), the unemployed daughter of a corrupt, ‘police state’ politician. Muriel is bullied by her peers and she withdraws into a fantasy world, deluding herself that a white wedding will rescue her from the torments of her blighted life. Through theft and deceit (the modus operandi of her father) Muriel escapes to the entertainment industry and finds a ‘wicked’ girlfriend mentor. From a rebellious position of stubborn independence, Muriel plays out her fantasy. She gets her white wedding, before seeing both her father and her new married life as hollow shams which have goaded her abandoned mother to suicide. Redefining her life as a ‘game’ and assuming responsibility for her independence, Muriel turns her back on the mainstream, image-conscious, female gang of her oppressed youth. Muriel leaves the story, having rekindled her friendship with her rebel mentor. My methodological approach to viewing the laser disc print was to first make a more accessible, coded record of the entire movie. I was able to code and record the print in real time, using a new metalanguage (Watson, “Eyes”). The advantage of Coding is that ‘thinks’ the same way as film making, it does not sidetrack the analyst into prose. The Code splits the movie print into Vision Action [vision graphic elements, including text] (sound) The Coding splits the vision track into normal action and graphic elements, such as text, so this Coding is an ideal method for extracting all the text elements of a film in real time. After playing the film once, I had four and a half tightly packed pages of the coded story, including all its text elements in square brackets. Being a unique, indexed hard copy, the Coded copy allowed me immediate access to any point of the Muriel’s Wedding saga without having to search the DVD laser print. How are ‘print’ elements used in Muriel’s Wedding? Firstly, a rose-coloured monoprint of Muriel Heslop’s smiling face stares enigmatically from the plastic surface of the DVD picture disc. The print is a still photo captured from her smile as she walked down the aisle of her white wedding. In this print, Toni Collette is the Mona Lisa of Australian culture, except that fans of Muriel’s Wedding know the meaning of that smile is a magical combination of the actor’s art: the smile is both the flush of dreams come true and the frightening self deception that will kill her mother. Inserting and playing the disc, the text-dominant menu appears, and the film commences with the text-dominant opening titles. Text and titles confer a legitimacy on a work, whether it is a trade mark of the laser print owners, or the household names of stars. Text titles confer status relationships on both the presenters of the cultural artifact and the viewer who has entered into a legal license agreement with the owners of the movie. A title makes us comfortable, because the mind always seeks to name the unfamiliar, and a set of text titles does that job for us so that we can navigate the ‘tracks’ and settle into our engagement with the unfamiliar. The apparent ‘truth’ and ‘stability’ of printed text calms our fears and beguiles our uncertainties. Muriel attends the white wedding of a school bully bride, wearing a leopard print dress she has stolen. Muriel’s spotted wild animal print contrasts with the pure white handmade dress of the bride. In Muriel’s leopard textile print, we have the wild, rebellious, impoverished, inappropriate intrusion into the social ritual and fantasy of her high-status tormentor. An off-duty store detective recognizes the printed dress and calls the police. The police are themselves distinguished by their blue-and-white checked prints and other mechanically reproduced impressions of cultural symbols: in steel, brass, embroidery, leather and plastics. Muriel is driven in the police car past the stenciled town sign (‘Welcome To Porpoise Spit’ heads a paragraph of small print). She is delivered to her father, a politician who presides over the policing of his town. In a state where the judiciary, police and executive are hijacked by the same tyrant, Muriel’s father, Bill, pays off the police constables with a carton of legal drugs (beer) and Muriel must face her father’s wrath, which he proceeds to transfer to his detested wife. Like his daughter, the father also wears a spotted brown print costume, but his is a batik print from neighbouring Indonesia (incidentally, in a nation that takes the political status of its batik prints very seriously). Bill demands that Muriel find the receipt for the leopard print dress she claims she has purchased. The legitimate ownership of the object is enmeshed with a printed receipt, the printed evidence of trade. The law (and the paramilitary power behind the law) are legitimized, or contested, by the presence or absence of printed text. Muriel hides in her bedroom, surround by poster prints of the pop group ABBA. Torn-out prints of other people’s weddings adorn her mirror. Her face is embossed with the clown-like primary colours of the marionette as she lifts a bouquet to her chin and stares into the real time ‘print’ of her mirror image. Bill takes the opportunity of a business meeting with Japanese investors to feed his entire family at ‘Charlie Chan’’s restaurant. Muriel’s middle sister sloppily wears her father’s state election tee shirt, printed with the text: ‘Vote 1, Bill Heslop. You can’t stop progress.’ The text sets up two ironic gags that are paid off on the dialogue track: “He lost,’ we are told. ‘Progress’ turns out to be funding the concreting of a beach. Bill berates his daughter Muriel: she has no chance of becoming a printer’s apprentice and she has failed a typing course. Her dysfunction in printed text has been covered up by Bill: he has bribed the typing teacher to issue a printed diploma to his daughter. In the gambling saloon of the club, under the arrays of mechanically repeated cultural symbols lit above the poker machines (‘A’ for ace, ‘Q’ for queen, etc.), Bill’s secret girlfriend Diedre risks giving Muriel a cosmetics job. Another text icon in lights announces the surf nightclub ‘Breakers’. Tania, the newly married queen bitch who has made Muriel’s teenage years a living hell, breaks up with her husband, deciding to cash in his negotiable text documents – his Bali honeymoon tickets – and go on an island holiday with her girlfriends instead. Text documents are the enduring site of agreements between people and also the site of mutations to those agreements. Tania dumps Muriel, who sobs and sobs. Sobs are a mechanical, percussive reproduction impressed on the sound track. Returning home, we discover that Muriel’s older brother has failed a printed test and been rejected for police recruitment. There is a high incidence of print illiteracy in the Heslop family. Mrs Heslop (Jeannie Drynan), for instance, regularly has trouble at the post office. Muriel sees a chance to escape the oppression of her family by tricking her mother into giving her a blank cheque. Here is the confluence of the legitimacy of a bank’s printed negotiable document with the risk and freedom of a blank space for rebel Muriel’s handwriting. Unable to type, her handwriting has the power to steal every cent of her father’s savings. She leaves home and spends the family’s savings at an island resort. On the island, the text print-challenged Muriel dances to a recording (sound print) of ABBA, her hand gestures emphasizing her bewigged face, which is made up in an impression of her pop idol. Her imitation of her goddesses – the ABBA women, her only hope in a real world of people who hate or avoid her – is accompanied by her goddesses’ voices singing: ‘the mystery book on the shelf is always repeating itself.’ Before jpeg and gif image downloads, we had postcard prints and snail mail. Muriel sends a postcard to her family, lying about her ‘success’ in the cosmetics business. The printed missal is clutched by her father Bill (Bill Hunter), who proclaims about his daughter, ‘you can’t type but you really impress me’. Meanwhile, on Hibiscus Island, Muriel lies under a moonlit palm tree with her newly found mentor, ‘bad girl’ Ronda (Rachel Griffiths). In this critical scene, where foolish Muriel opens her heart’s yearnings to a confidante she can finally trust, the director and DP have chosen to shoot a flat, high contrast blue filtered image. The visual result is very much like the semiabstract Japanese Ukiyo-e woodblock prints by Utamaro. This Japanese printing style informed the rise of European modern painting (Monet, Van Gogh, Picasso, etc., were all important collectors and students of Ukiyo-e prints). The above print and text elements in Muriel’s Wedding take us 27 minutes into her story, as recorded on a single page of real-time handwritten Coding. Although not discussed here, the Coding recorded the complete film – a total of 106 minutes of text elements and main graphic elements – as four pages of Code. Referring to this Coding some weeks after it was made, I looked up the final code on page four: taxi [food of the sea] bq. Translation: a shop sign whizzes past in the film’s background, as Muriel and Ronda leave Porpoise Spit in a taxi. Over their heads the text ‘Food Of The Sea’ flashes. We are reminded that Muriel and Ronda are mermaids, fantastic creatures sprung from the brow of author PJ Hogan, and illuminated even today in the pantheon of women’s coming-of-age art works. That the movie is relevant ten years on is evidenced by the current usage of the Muriel’s Wedding online forum, an intersection of wider discussions by sliterate women on imdb.com who, like Muriel, are observers (and in some cases victims) of horrific pressure from ambitious female gangs and bullies. Text is always a minor element in a motion picture (unless it is a subtitled foreign film) and text usually whizzes by subliminally while viewing a film. By Coding the work for [text], all the text nuances made by the film makers come to light. While I have viewed Muriel’s Wedding on many occasions, it has only been in Coding it specifically for text that I have noticed that Muriel is a representative of that vast class of talented youth who are discriminated against by print (as in text) educators who cannot offer her a life-affirming identity in the English classroom. Severely depressed at school, and failing to type or get a printer’s apprenticeship, Muriel finds paid work (and hence, freedom, life, identity, independence) working in her audio visual printed medium of choice: a video store in a new city. Muriel found a sliterate admirer at the video store but she later dumped him for her fantasy man, before leaving him too. One of the points of conjecture on the imdb Muriel’s Wedding site is, did Muriel (in the unwritten future) get back together with admirer Brice Nobes? That we will never know. While a print forms a track that tells us where culture has been, a print cannot be the future, a print is never animate reality. At the end of any trail of prints, one must lift one’s head from the last impression, and negotiate satisfaction in the happening world. References Australian Broadcasting Corporation. “Memo Shows US General Approved Interrogations.” 30 Mar. 2005 http://www.abc.net.au>. 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Muriel’s Wedding. Dir. PJ Hogan. Perf. Toni Collette, Rachel Griffiths, Bill Hunter, and Jeannie Drynan. Village Roadshow, 1994. O’Hagan, Jack. On The Road to Gundagai. 1922. 2 Apr. 2005 http://ingeb.org/songs/roadtogu.html>. Poole, J.H., P.L. Tyack, A.S. Stoeger-Horwath, and S. Watwood. “Animal Behaviour: Elephants Are Capable of Vocal Learning.” Nature 24 Mar. 2005. Sanchez, R. “Interrogation and Counter-Resistance Policy.” 14 Sept. 2003. 30 Mar. 2005 http://www.abc.net.au>. Schultheiss, O.C., M.M. Wirth, and S.J. Stanton. “Effects of Affiliation and Power Motivation Arousal on Salivary Progesterone and Testosterone.” Hormones and Behavior 46 (2005). Sherry, N. The Life of Graham Greene. 3 vols. London: Jonathan Cape 2004, 1994, 1989. Silk Road. Printing. 2000. 20 Feb. 2005 http://www.silk-road.com/artl/printing.shtml>. Smith, T. “Elpida Licenses ‘DVD on a Chip’ Memory Tech.” The Register 20 Feb. 2005 http://www.theregister.co.uk/2005/02>. —. “Intel Boffins Build First Continuous Beam Silicon Laser.” The Register 20 Feb. 2005 http://www.theregister.co.uk/2005/02>. Watson, R. S. “Eyes And Ears: Dramatic Memory Slicing and Salable Media Content.” Innovation and Speculation, ed. Brad Haseman. Brisbane: QUT. [in press] Watson, R. S. Visions. Melbourne: Curriculum Corporation, 1994. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Watson, Robert. "E-Press and Oppress: Audio Visual Print Drama, Identity, Text and Motion Picture Rebellion." M/C Journal 8.2 (2005). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0506/08-watson.php>. APA Style Watson, R. (Jun. 2005) "E-Press and Oppress: Audio Visual Print Drama, Identity, Text and Motion Picture Rebellion," M/C Journal, 8(2). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0506/08-watson.php>.