Dissertations / Theses: 'Diplomatas'

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Delamonica, Laura Berdine Santos. "Mulheres diplomatas brasileiras." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UnB, 2014. http://repositorio.unb.br/handle/10482/16802.

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Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Relações Internacionais, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais, 2014.
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As questões relacionadas à situação das mulheres foram tratadas, por muito tempo, como temas que diziam respeito apenas ao âmbito privado, não sendo vistas como esfera de atuação dos Estados, nem consideradas importantes para as relações internacionais. Diante dessa realidade, a diplomacia torna-se uma interessante área de análise para se tentar compreender a inserção das mulheres em um âmbito tradicionalmente masculino. O presente trabalho terá, portanto, como foco a atuação das mulheres diplomatas brasileiras, analisando possíveis interesses comuns, identificando desafios e apresentando expectativas acerca dessa carreira de Estado. Por mais que este estudo busque examinar um universo abrangente – interesses, desafios e expectativas, é necessário, primeiramente, tentar responder a uma pergunta basilar: será que existe um interesse comum das mulheres a ser defendido? Diante desse questionamento, que se justifica em razão da heterogeneidade das mulheres diplomatas, partir-se-á da seguinte hipótese: existem interesses comuns das mulheres diplomatas, os quais se desdobram em desafios e expectativas. Para tentar responder a essas indagações iniciais, foram realizadas entrevistas com diplomatas brasileiras de diversos níveis hierárquicos, e as informações obtidas foram contrastadas com estudos acadêmicos a respeito do tema. A conjunção de tais análises permite concluir que, apesar das diferenças, há um incipiente interesse comum das mulheres a ser defendido no Itamaraty, que se desdobra em quatro eixos temáticos principais: vida pública e privada; relações de poder e prestígio; feminismo e sugestões concretas. ______________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT
For a long time, issues regarding the situation of women were treated only on the private sphere, and they were not seen as a scope of action of States nor considered important for international relations. Due to this reality, diplomacy becomes an interesting area of analysis to try to understand the integration of women in a traditionally male environment. Therefore, this work will focus on the performance of Brazilian women diplomats, analyzing possible common interests, identifying challenges and presenting expectations about the career. Since this research seeks to examine a comprehensive universe - interests, challenges and expectations, firstly it is necessary to try to answer a fundamental question: is there a common interest of women to be advocated? This question is justified by the heterogeneity of women diplomats. Accordingly, the following hypothesis will guide the present work: there are common interests of women diplomat, and there are challenges and expectations that derive from these interests. In order to answer these initial questions, a number of Brazilian diplomats from various hierarchical levels were interviewed, and the information obtained was contrasted with academic studies on the subject. The conjunction of analysis supports the following conclusion: despite their differences, there is an incipient common interest of women to be advocated at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which unfolds into four main themes: public and private life; relations of power and prestige; feminism and practical suggestions.

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Oliveira, Ana Paula Conceição. "Diplomatas negros (as): Ação afirmativa no Instituto Rio Branco e trajetórias de diplomatas (ex) bolsistas." http://www.posafro.ufba.br/_ARQ/dissertacao_APCOliveira.pdf, 2011. http://www.posafro.ufba.br/_ARQ/dissertacao_APCOliveira.pdf.

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O Programa de Ação Afirmativa do Instituto Rio Branco Bolsa Prêmio de Vocação para a Diplomacia surge da constatação de que o Ministério das Relações Exteriores não refletia em seus quadros diplomáticos a diversidade étnico-racial do Brasil. Fruto da III Conferência Mundial contra o Racismo, Discriminação Racial, Xenofobia e Intolerância Correlata, realizada em Durban – África do Sul – durante o governo de Fernando Henrique Cardoso, o programa completou oito anos em 2010 e até então, não haviam sido publicados resultados que versassem sobre esta iniciativa de política afirmativa ainda pouco difundida e conhecida pela sociedade brasileira. Esta pesquisa conta com as trajetórias e avaliações de diplomatas ex-bolsistas e depoimentos de dirigentes do programa para refletir sobre quais os resultados obtidos com esta ação afirmativa dentro deste período que vai de 2002 a 2010.
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Medeiros, Fernanda Luíza Silva de. "Feminizando a diplomacia : um estudo das narrativas de mulheres diplomatas." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UnB, 2017. http://repositorio.unb.br/handle/10482/31580.

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Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Relações Internacionais, 2017.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES).
Uma série de estudos indica que o campo diplomático foi construído como uma estrutura voltada para os homens, como o foram várias áreas da esfera pública. O resultado disso são barreiras e constrangimentos de gênero que prejudicam as chances das mulheres de entrar e progredir nesta carreira. Este efeito também colabora para a percepção geral do meio diplomático como um ambiente masculinizado e fechado às mulheres. Desse modo, essa dissertação busca mostrar e discutir as narrativas das mulheres diplomatas de maneira a contrastar suas vivências com as perspectivas e abordagens teóricas que lidam com a referida estrutura na qual atuam Para alcançar este objetivo, foram conduzidas entrevistas profundas com dezesseis diplomatas estrangeiras residentes em Brasília, com o fim de captar e analisar narrativas relativas a diferentes serviços diplomáticos, bem como apontar tendências que poderiam contribuir para o entendimento e mudança da estrutura de gênero por meio do método de análise de narrativas.
There are several studies implying that the diplomatic field was built as a male-oriented structure, catered by and for men – as were several other areas of the public sphere. This results in gendered constraints and barriers that jeopardize women’s entry and advancement in this career. It also furthers the perception of diplomacy as a masculine environment that is hostile to women. Considering this, this dissertation aims at displaying and discussing women diplomats’ narratives under this structure. To achieve this goal, in-depth interviews were conducted with sixteen foreign diplomats stationed in Brasília, Brazil, to apprehend and analyze experiences stemming from different foreign services, as well as to point out tendencies that could help in assessing and modifying this gendered structure through the narrative analysis approach.

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Celidonio, Bruno. "Celebridades diplomatas: atuações da indústria do entretenimento no cenário político internacional." Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio Grande do Sul, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10923/8326.

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In such a diverse and constantly evolving field of research as the International Relations, the appearance of new conceptions about its problems are often perceived, especially regarding the inclusion of new types of actors, themes on the international agenda and ways to exercise power on the global political scenario. Although much of the doctrine still states that this power is linked only to the State and the international organizations, governmental or not, it has been observed the growing participation of the entertainment industry in the international scenario, since it has shown an increasing volume of participation in initiatives, such as humanitarian, political and social, which may represent a clue that these exercises or decision-making processes can be quite advantageous not only for the industry, but for the organizations that promote these social actions of international character. Faced with this global participation, this study intends to examine whether this visibility of social issues through entertainment and celebrity culture affects international politics, making one celebrity a real actor of international relations, since they make the action goes beyond the local scope and achives the global concern.
Em um campo tão diverso e em constante evolução como o das Relações Internacionais, é frequente o surgimento de novas concepções acerca de suas problemáticas, em especial no que tange a inclusão de novos tipos atores, temas na agenda internacional e formas de se exercer o poder no cenário político global. Muito embora grande parte da doutrina ainda afirme que este poder esteja vinculado apenas ao Estado e organizações internacionais, governamentais ou não, se observa a crescente participação da indústria do entretenimento no cenário internacional, uma vez que esta vem apresentando um volume cada vez maior de participação em iniciativas humanitárias, políticas e sociais, podendo assim representar um indício de que tais exercícios ou processos de tomada de decisões podem ser bastante vantajosos tanto para esta indústria, quanto para as organizações que promovem estas ações sociais de caráter internacional. Frente a esta participação global, pretende o presente estudo analisar se esta visibilidade das causas sociais através do entretenimento e da cultura da celebridade afeta a política internacional, fazendo da celebridade um verdadeiro ator de relações internacionais, já que através destes personagens faz com que a ação social saia do escopo local e tome ares de preocupação global.

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Farias, Rogério de Souza. "Industriais, economistas e diplomatas : o Brasil e as negociações comerciais multilaterais (1946-1967)." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UnB, 2012. http://repositorio.unb.br/handle/10482/11197.

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Tese (doutorado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Relações Internacionais, 2012.
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Um dos fundamentos da ordem internacional constituída no ocidente após a Segunda Guerra Mundial foi a criação de um sistema de regras para regular o comércio internacional. Há extensa literatura sobre o assunto, sempre salientando o papel dos Estados Unidos da América, do Reino Unido e de outros países estratégicos. Pouco se sabe como os países em desenvolvimento atuaram na construção desse arcabouço regulatório. O objetivo deste trabalho é contribuir para diminuir essa carência, ao apresentar uma narrativa de como o Brasil portou-se no processo de negociação e implementação dessas regras. Foram industriais, economistas e diplomatas os principais atores dessa dinâmica. É pela análise dessa tríade que é possível compreender como um dos países com o maior projeto de industrialização por substituição de importações conseguiu manter-se membro de um arranjo que promovia exatamente o oposto dessa política. _________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT
The creation of a system or rules in the field of international trade was one of the cornerstones of the post-II World War order. There are numerous works about the issue, almost all highlighting the role of the United States, Britain and other strategic countries. Almost nothing is know about how developing countries acted in the building of this trading order. The object of this thesis is reduce this problem by presenting a narrative of how Brazil acted in the multilateral trading system negotiating process. The main actors in this process were industrialists, economists and diplomats. It is by examining them that is possible to understand how one of the most protectionist countries in the world managed to remain a contracting party of an agreement that jeopardized Brazilian projects of industrialization by import substitution.

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Celidonio, Bruno. "Celebridades diplomatas : atua??es da ind?stria do entretenimento no cen?rio pol?tico internacional." Pontif?cia Universidade Cat?lica do Rio Grande do Sul, 2016. http://tede2.pucrs.br/tede2/handle/tede/6718.

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In such a diverse and constantly evolving field of research as the International Relations, the appearance of new conceptions about its problems are often perceived, especially regarding the inclusion of new types of actors, themes on the international agenda and ways to exercise power on the global political scenario. Although much of the doctrine still states that this power is linked only to the State and the international organizations, governmental or not, it has been observed the growing participation of the entertainment industry in the international scenario, since it has shown an increasing volume of participation in initiatives, such as humanitarian, political and social, which may represent a clue that these exercises or decision-making processes can be quite advantageous not only for the industry, but for the organizations that promote these social actions of international character. Faced with this global participation, this study intends to examine whether this visibility of social issues through entertainment and celebrity culture affects international politics, making one celebrity a real actor of international relations, since they make the action goes beyond the local scope and achives the global concern.
Em um campo t?o diverso e em constante evolu??o como o das Rela??es Internacionais, ? frequente o surgimento de novas concep??es acerca de suas problem?ticas, em especial no que tange a inclus?o de novos tipos atores, temas na agenda internacional e formas de se exercer o poder no cen?rio pol?tico global. Muito embora grande parte da doutrina ainda afirme que este poder esteja vinculado apenas ao Estado e organiza??es internacionais, governamentais ou n?o, se observa a crescente participa??o da ind?stria do entretenimento no cen?rio internacional, uma vez que esta vem apresentando um volume cada vez maior de participa??o em iniciativas humanit?rias, pol?ticas e sociais, podendo assim representar um ind?cio de que tais exerc?cios ou processos de tomada de decis?es podem ser bastante vantajosos tanto para esta ind?stria, quanto para as organiza??es que promovem estas a??es sociais de car?ter internacional. Frente a esta participa??o global, pretende o presente estudo analisar se esta visibilidade das causas sociais atrav?s do entretenimento e da cultura da celebridade afeta a pol?tica internacional, fazendo da celebridade um verdadeiro ator de rela??es internacionais, j? que atrav?s destes personagens faz com que a a??o social saia do escopo local e tome ares de preocupa??o global.

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Pereira, Elcimar Dias. "Programa de ação afirmativa do Instituto Rio Branco: discursos de diplomatas e candidatos/as à diplomacia." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2014. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/17079.

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This research aims to describe and interpret speeches of ex-scholarship diplomats and diplomacy candidates (candidates for scholarship and scholarship holders) about their perceptions regarding the Affirmative Action Program (AAP) "Vocation for Diplomacy Award Scholarship" of the Rio Branco Institute (IRBr), an agency of the Ministry of External Relations, and the impact of the AAP in their professional and academic careers. The research is based on the assumption that there is an underrepresentation of black people in the diplomatic service and that the Affirmative Action Program does not place them on a par with white people to compete for the Entrance Examination for Diplomatic Career (EEDC).In addition to searching bibliographies of works that address the topic, public notices both from the AAP as the EEDC of the last ten years were studied. For the data analysis of this thesis, we used Nancy Fraser s Theory of Justice, from the perspectives of the three dimensions of justice (redistribution, recognition and representation) and Studies of Race Relations, through empirical data, presentation of concepts related to race, and affirmative action. For the development and organization of the study, we used the method of Depth Hermeneutics of John Thompson and the set of techniques for content analysis of Laurence Bardin. For empirical data collection, ten semi-structured interviews were performed with men and women, aged 24-44, candidates for scholarship, scholarship holders, ex-scholarship holders who passed the EEDC, and ex-scholarship holders who did not pass the examination. From the interviews, we found that the AAP was crucial for some of the respondents to decide to pursue a diplomatic career, and, to others, the scholarship meant the pursuit of the fulfillment of an old dream that seemed unattainable. It was also found that studying for the scholarship or being a scholarship holder was very important for the expansion of their professional and academic horizons, even for people who did not become diplomats. Regarding Nancy Fraser s theory, on the scope of the three dimensions necessary to obtain justice, it was considered, through the speech of the respondents, that the Program does not cover all three dimensions. Since the redistributive dimension provides financial opportunity to people who, without aid, could not perform the necessary training for the examination, the amount offered does not guarantee that black people are on a par with white people to compete. The recognition dimension leaves much to be desired in the view of most of the respondents, since actions that aim to transform the prejudiced conceptions related to black people are not carried in the prestigious space. More over, the limitation on the recognition dimension directly affects the representation dimension, since not always black diplomats are recognized as such in the places they are
percepções a respeito do Programa de Ação Afirmativa (PAA) Bolsa Prêmio de Vocação para Diplomacia do Instituto Rio Branco (IRBr), órgão do Itamaraty, e a repercussão do PAA em suas trajetórias profissionais e acadêmicas. Parte-se do pressuposto de que há uma sub-representação de negros/as na carreira diplomática e que esse Programa de Ação Afirmativa não coloca negros/as em pé de igualdade com os brancos para concorrer ao Concurso de Admissão para Carreira Diplomática (CACD). Para além de buscar bibliografias de trabalhos que abordam o tema, foram estudados os editais dos últimos dez anos tanto do PAA quanto do CACD. Para a análise dos dados desta tese, lançamos mão da Teoria de Justiça de Nancy Fraser, a partir das perspectivas das três dimensões de justiça (redistribuição, reconhecimento e representação) e dos Estudos de Relações Raciais, por meio de dados empíricos, apresentação de conceitos relativos à raça e ação afirmativa. Para o desenvolvimento e a organização do estudo, utilizamos o método de Hermenêutica de Profundidade de John Thompsom e o conjunto de técnicas para análise de conteúdo de Laurence Bardin. Para o levantamento dos dados empíricos foram realizadas dez entrevistas semi-estruturadas, com homens e mulheres, na faixa etária de 24 a 44 anos, com candidatos/as à bolsa, bolsistas e ex-bolsistas aprovados/as no CACD e ex-bolsistas não aprovados no concurso. A partir das entrevistas, foi possível identificar que o PAA foi crucial para que alguns/as entrevistados/as decidissem seguir a carreira diplomática e, para outros/as, a bolsa, significou a busca de realização de um sonho antigo que parecia inatingível. Verificou-se, também, que estudar para a bolsa ou ser bolsista foi muito importante para a ampliação dos horizontes profissionais e acadêmicos dos participantes, mesmo para as pessoas que não se tornaram diplomatas. Em relação à teoria de Nancy Fraser, relativa ao alcance das três dimensões necessárias para obter-se a justiça, considerou-se, a partir das falas dos/as entrevistados/as, que o Programa não contempla as três dimensões. Uma vez que a dimensão redistributiva oferece oportunidade financeira para pessoas que, sem o recurso, não conseguiriam realizar a formação necessária para o concurso, o valor oferecido não garante que negros/as estejam em pé de igualdade com os/as brancos/as para competir. A dimensão de reconhecimento deixaria a desejar, na visão da maioria dos/as entrevistados/as, pois, não são realizadas ações que visem transformar as concepções preconceituosas relacionadas aos negros/as em espaços de prestígio. E a limitação em relação à dimensão de reconhecimento afeta diretamente a dimensão de representação, uma vez que, nem sempre negros/as diplomatas, são reconhecidos/as como tal nos espaços em que circulam

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Coronato, Daniel Rei. "Diplomatas e estancieiros : o Brasil e a busca pelo equilíbrio de poder no Prata (1828-1852) /." Marília, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/152700.

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Orientador: Clodoaldo Bueno
Banca: Gabriela Nunes Ferreira
Banca: José Luis Bendicho Beired
Banca: Marco Aurélio Nogueira
Banca: Samuel Alves Soares
O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas
Resumo: A tese debate as interconexões entre a formação nacional brasileira e a dinâmica de equilíbrio de poder durante a formação dos Estados no subsistema do Prata. O cenário é o período entre os anos 1828-1852, intervalo marcado pela conclusão dos ciclos de independência, as diversas tentativas de formação das unidades políticas da região e o encadeamento de fatores que levaram a ascensão e queda do domínio de Juan Manuel de Rosas na Confederação Argentina. Esse momento foi destacado por intensas disputas, indefinições e guerras, que ajudariam a moldar o Brasil, especialmente no contexto da sua porção meridional. A província de São Pedro do Rio Grande do Sul foi o palco principal desse enredo, com o destino de suas populações e governo intimamente ligados aos acontecimentos da região, influenciando e sendo influenciados por eles. Daquela sua porção territorial vinham pressões e desafios que impunham ao governo imperial atenção especial e grandes desafios, o que ajudaria a dar os contornos gerais do modelo de ação externa brasileira para com os países platinos e suas fronteiras meridionais. O objetivo central da tese se concentra em analisar os elos entre os oligarcas rio-grandenses e o núcleo central do governo imperial, apresentando como os vínculos de dependência e complementariedade entre essas duas dimensões foram decisivos para a diplomacia brasileira no Prata, em meio a um ambiente de constantes transformações na distribuição de poder regional e debilidade nos mecanismos nac... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
Abstract: The thesis discusses the interconnections between the national formation of Brazil and the dynamics of balance of power during the formation of the states in the Plata subsystem. The scenario is the period between 1828 and 1852, marked by the completion of the independence cycles, the various attempts to form the political units of the region, and the chain of factors that led to the rise and fall of Juan Manuel de Rosa's dominion in the Argentine Confederation. This moment was highlighted by intense disputes, indefinitions and wars that would help to shape Brazil, especially in the context of its Southern portion. The province of São Pedro do Rio Grande do Sul was the background for this plot, with the fate of its populations and government closely connected to the events that happened in the area, influencing and being influenced by them. That part of its territory there were pressures and challenges that imposed on the imperial government special attention. This would help to give general outlines to Brazilian external action's model towards the countries in the Plata and their Southern borders. The central objective is to analyze the connections between the Rio Grande and the central nucleus of the imperial government, showing how this dependence and complementarity were decisive for the Brazilian diplomacy in the Plata river region, in this area of constant changes in the distribution of regional power and in national mechanism's weakness.
Resumen: La tesis debate las interconexiones entre la formación nacional brasileña y la dinámica de equilibrio de poder durante la formación de los Estados en el subsistema del Plata. El escenario es el período entre los años 1828-1852, intervalo marcado por la conclusión de los ciclos de independencia, los diversos intentos de formación de las unidades políticas de la región, y el encadenamiento de factores que llevaron la ascensión y caída del dominio de Juan Manuel de Rosas en la Confederación Argentina. Este momento fue destacado por intensas disputas, indefiniciones y guerras, que ayudarían a moldear a Brasil, especialmente en el contexto de su porción meridional. La provincia de San Pedro de Río Grande del Sur fue el escenario principal de esa trama, con el destino de sus poblaciones y gobierno íntimamente ligados a los acontecimientos de la región, influenciando y siendo influenciados por ellos. De su porción territorial venían presiones y desafíos que imponían al gobierno imperial atención especial y grandes desafíos, y que ayudarían a dar los contornos generales del modelo de acción exterior brasileño hacia los países platinos y sus fronteras meridionales. El objetivo central se concentra en analizar los enlaces entre los oligarcas río-grandenses y el núcleo central del gobierno imperial, presentando como los vínculos de dependencia y complementariedad entre esas dos dimensiones fueron decisivos para la diplomacia brasileña en el Plata, en medio de un ambiente de constantes t... (Resumen completo clicar acceso eletrônico abajo)
Doutor

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Lima, Rodolfo de Camargo. "Burocratas, burocracia e política: o Ministério das Relações Exteriores, um perfil." Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-16042015-192608/.

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O presente trabalho desenha um perfil do Ministério das Relações Exteriores a partir da compreensão de seus burocratas durante, principalmente, porém não exclusivamente, as gestões de FHC e Lula. Para tanto se analisam 1466 currículos de diplomatas que entraram na carreira desde 1961 até 2009 (com atualização em 2010), tendo em vista os elementos de ingresso e promoção (inscrições, aprovados, idade de entrada e progressão profissional) e as características do corpo burocrático como origem geográfica (nascimento), gênero, raça e formação educacional (graduação e pós-graduação). O estudo busca entender os câmbios da formação e composição dos atores que operam a diplomacia nacional com base nas continuidades e mudanças políticas e burocráticas do Ministério e do Estado brasileiro com especial atenção ao período democrático recente.
This work draws a profile of the Brazilian Department of State through its bureaucrats emphasizing mainly, but not exclusively, FHC and Lulas administration. By analyzing 1466 diplomats curriculum of those who entered in the career between 1961 and 2009 (updated in 2010), it aims initial elements (inscription, approbation, age of entrance and professional progression) and characteristics of the bureaucratic personnel such as geographic origins, gender, race and education (under graduation and graduation). The study seeks to understand the formation and composition of the actors that operates the national diplomacy grounded into the political and bureaucratic continuities and changes in the Department of State and the Brazilian State itself, focusing specially in the recent democratic period.

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Bély, Lucien. "Diplomates et diplomatie autour de la paix d'Utrecht." Lille 3 : ANRT, 1988. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37602781m.

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Bély, Lucien. "Diplomates et diplomatie autour de la paix d'Utrecht." Paris 1, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987PA010635.

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Ce travail ne vise pas à faire l'histoire des solutions diplomatiques imposées à Utrecht, mais il tente de lier l'histoire des négociations et des négociateurs aux réalités sociales, économiques, et politiques qui étaient celles de ce temps. Tous les éléments biographiques ont été rassemblés sur les origines sociales et les carrières des diplomates au début du XVIIIe siècle. Dans un second temps, à travers les correspondances politiques (affaires étrangères, Paris ; P. R. O. , londrès; Bodleian library, oxford; A. R. A. , La Haye; A. S. V. , Rome), l'étude a porté sur le travail du congrès d'Utrecht. Comme c'était une réunion internationale, la vie sociale était considérée comme un support des discussions. Il est important de voir comment les négociateurs jugeaient le rassemblement d'Utrecht et quels étaient les moyens qu'ils avaient de comprendre et de défendre des problèmes politiques (Quelle langue utiliser? Quelle documentation? Que faut-il écrire? Quelle attitude adopter en public?). Enfin les échanges quotidiens de lettres permettent de cerner comment ces spécialités de la paix se représentaient l'organisation des états européens. Dans un troisième temps, l'information secrète a retenu l'attention, car les diplomates voulaient être bien informés. Au portrait du "bon espion" qu'ils faisaient, on a opposé celui que brossait la police. Les réseaux d'espionnage, les méthodes du renseignement, la substance de l'information ont été ensuite abordés. Enfin, par le biais de la propagande, c'est l'utilisation et la manipulation de la nouvelle qui ont été étudiées. Un congrès est destiné à bâtir une paix: voilà pourquoi Utrecht est une occasion de considérer les rapports entre la paix et la guerre dans les sociétés anciennes. Le traité de 1713 a été permis par un accord commercial anglo-espagnol : les questions économiques ont donc joué un rôle important dans la négociation et il est utile de voir comment ces domaines étaient décrits par les diplomates. La guerre transformait aussi les voyages qui ont pu être approchés par le journal d'un précepteur anglais et une liste des passeports pour 1712. L'installation de la paix demandait du temps et sa célébration était un moyen d'interesser les peuples à un tel évènement politique. Enfin le début du XVIIIe siècle, avec l’abbé de Saint-Pierre, a vu s'amorcer une vaste réflexion sur les fondements d'une paix durable

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Maciel, Inês Pires. "A diplomacia portuguesa no Oriente (1498-1595) uma análise histórico-diplomática." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/6479.

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Tese de Mestrado em Relações Internacionais - Especialização em Diplomacia e Cooperação
A expansão portuguesa na zona do Índico e Extremo Oriente a partir de fins do século XV e ao longo do século XVI marca um ponto de viragem na ordem internacional. Nesta dissertação iremos procurar entender em que medida a diplomacia exerceu um papel mais ou menos preponderante na política de expansão portuguesa da época. O presente trabalho pretende contribuir para uma maior compreensão desse papel e das contribuições que as relações diplomáticas trouxeram para a afirmação do poderio hegemónico português, através de uma análise da sucessão de factos e das principais personagens envolvidas no estabelecimento de ligações políticas, comerciais e culturais com soberanos da zona geográfica em questão. Para além de uma análise das principais características da diplomacia levada a cabo à época, abordaremos zonas particulares de incidência dos esforços diplomáticos, e as características que foram assumidas em relação aos povos alvo, incluindo nessa análise os vários actores e facetas tanto da diplomacia formal como das iniciativas paralelas destinadas a fazer valer os interesses de cada uma das partes.
The Portuguese maritime expansion in the Indian Ocean and Far East from the late 15th century and throughout the 16th century marked a turning point in the international order. Throughout this paper we will try to understand to which measure Diplomacy has played a predominant part at this period of the Portuguese maritime expansion. This work aims at providing a better understanding of that part and the contributions that diplomatic relations have brought for the enhancement of Portugal as a hegemonic power, through an analysis of facts and of the main players involved in establishing political, commercial and cultural liaisons with sovereign states in the area. Besides analyzing the main characteristics of diplomatic relations carried out during this period, we will address particular zones where diplomatic efforts were more present, along with the characteristics assumed in respect to target areas; we will include in the analysis all the key players and types of diplomacy carried out, both formal and parallel, whose aim was to defend each part’s interests.

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Cruz, Abner Neemias da [UNESP]. "As práticas políticas de Silvestre Rebello: um diplomata brasileiro nos Estados Unidos da América (1824-1829)." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/149246.

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Durante o Primeiro Reinado, Silvestre Rebello, na categoria de encarregado plenipotenciário, representou o Brasil em Washington perante o Governo estadunidense. Esta dissertação tem por finalidade compreender as práticas políticas engendradas pelo diplomata Rebello entre 1824 a 1829. A partir da experiência política de Silvestre Rebello, analisaremos também algumas especificidades das relações entre Brasil e Estados Unidos durante o Primeiro Reinado, além de matizes do funcionamento da Secretaria de Estado de Negócios Estrangeiros e nuances relacionadas à solidificação do Império Brasileiro. Este estudo ancora-se, sobretudo, na análise da correspondência trocada entre Rebello e a Secretaria de Estado de Negócios Estrangeiros no período de 1824 a 1829, em conjunto com papéis administrativos produzidos por esse mesmo órgão, periódicos e revistas da época, atas do IHGB e materiais iconográficos.
At the time of the first reign, Silvestre Rebello was the Brazilian diplomat representing the Brazilian Government in the United States. This job aims to understand the politic actions of Rebello during the years of 1824 to 1829 including the specific matters involved in the established relation between Brazil and USA. This |Master's Thesis also intends to think about the Rebello actions and the institutional relations between the Brazilian Foreign Business Agency and the American Government and the public opinion about it. To get these objects, it is going to use the letters sent and receipt by Rebello and the Brazilian Foreign Business Agency in the years of 1824 to 1829 and also the official documents produced by the Brazilian and American agencies and the running newspapers.

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Cruz, Abner Neemias da. "As práticas políticas de Silvestre Rebello : um diplomata brasileiro nos Estados Unidos da América (1824-1829) /." Franca, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/149246.

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Orientador: Marisa Saenz Leme
Banca: Samuel Alves Soares
Banca: Diogo da Silva Roiz
Resumo: Durante o Primeiro Reinado, Silvestre Rebello, na categoria de encarregado plenipotenciário, representou o Brasil em Washington perante o Governo estadunidense. Esta dissertação tem por finalidade compreender as práticas políticas engendradas pelo diplomata Rebello entre 1824 a 1829. A partir da experiência política de Silvestre Rebello, analisaremos também algumas especificidades das relações entre Brasil e Estados Unidos durante o Primeiro Reinado, além de matizes do funcionamento da Secretaria de Estado de Negócios Estrangeiros e nuances relacionadas à solidificação do Império Brasileiro. Este estudo ancora-se, sobretudo, na análise da correspondência trocada entre Rebello e a Secretaria de Estado de Negócios Estrangeiros no período de 1824 a 1829, em conjunto com papéis administrativos produzidos por esse mesmo órgão, periódicos e revistas da época, atas do IHGB e materiais iconográficos.
Abstract: At the time of the first reign, Silvestre Rebello was the Brazilian diplomat representing the Brazilian Government in the United States. This job aims to understand the politic actions of Rebello during the years of 1824 to 1829 including the specific matters involved in the established relation between Brazil and USA. This |Master's Thesis also intends to think about the Rebello actions and the institutional relations between the Brazilian Foreign Business Agency and the American Government and the public opinion about it. To get these objects, it is going to use the letters sent and receipt by Rebello and the Brazilian Foreign Business Agency in the years of 1824 to 1829 and also the official documents produced by the Brazilian and American agencies and the running newspapers.
Mestre

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França, Tereza Cristina Nascimento. "Self Made Nation : Domício da Gama e o pragmatismo do bom senso." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UnB, 2007. http://repositorio.unb.br/handle/10482/4895.

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Tese (doutorado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Relações Internacionais, Programa de Pós-Graduação, 2007.
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Domício da Gama foi um diplomata que zelou pelos interesses do Brasil de modo muito particular. Guiado por sua própria norma de conduta, entendia que, caso fosse necessário, deveria estragar a sua própria situação em nome dos interesses nacionais. Vigilante e atento a tudo o que interessava ao Brasil, foi, antes de tudo, uma pessoa que optou por não chamar a atenção para si. Seu legado para a inserção internacional do Brasil foi uma visão de um Brasil forte por mérito próprio, e não utilizando o marchar se possível de Rio Branco ou ainda o marchar com de Lauro Müller. Nesta visão altaneira e exigente de um comportamento com densidade nacional, enquanto um bloco de condições fundamentais derivadas e instrumentais, percebe-se o quanto o pensamento de Domício da Gama era diferente dos seus coetâneos, visionário, ao pensar além de sua época. Ao estabelecer a proteção dos interesses nacionais como condição sine qua non para a preservação da identidade nacional em negociações internacionais, ele criou um limite fundamental entre as pretensões dos estados, seus relacionamentos e ingerências internas. Domício da Gama estabeleceu interesses nacionais enquanto paradigmas para a inserção do Estado nas relações internacionais, por não acreditar em amizades coletivas. Ao considerar que o hábito intervencionista norte-americano beirava os limites da descortesia internacional, ele pareceu vislumbrar um cenário que estaria em andamento cem anos depois.
Domício da Gama was a diplomat who watched over Brazilian interests in a very particular way. Guided for his own norms of behavior, he understood that if necessary he should ruin his personal situation on behalf of national interests. Paying attention to everything what concerned Brazil he was above all a person who chose not to attract attention for himself. His legacy for the international insertion of Brazil was a perception of an autonomous, self-made country, neither employing Rio Branco's "possible marching", nor Lauro Müller's "still marching with". From this point-of-view, for behaving consistently with national demands, considering existing constraints, Domício da Gama was different from his contemporary personalities. For practicing thoughts beyond his epoch, he was a visionary. Protecting national interests as sine qua non condition for national identity preservation at international negotiations, he created a fundamental line between states' intents, their relationships and internal interventions. Domício da Gama consolidated national interests as paradigms for state's insertion in international relations, for not believing in collective friendships. Considering that North-American interventionism was near international discourtesy, he glimpsed a scenario that would become reality about one hundred years later.

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Martins, Sara Faria. "A Relevância que a Formação dada pelo Instituto Diplomático tem, na valorização da condução da Política Externa Portuguesa do Ministério dos Negócios Estrangeiros." Master's thesis, Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/11890.

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Relatório de Estágio apresentado para cumprimento dos requisitos necessários à obtenção do grau de Mestre em Ciência Política e Relações Internacionais
O presente Relatório de Estágio tem por objectivo, a análise da formação que o Instituto Diplomático dá a diplomatas estrangeiros, de forma a entender em que medida, esta acção diplomática poderá inferir para a condução da Política Externa Portuguesa. Assim, serão realizados: um enquadramento teórico das palavras-chave, através de um encadeamento lógico destes conceitos, e uma análise das estruturas orgânicas do Instituto e do MNE, para que se possa perceber de que modo estas poderão ditar a sua acção. A partir, da análise de um estudo de caso, pretende-se percepcionar a forma como este, terá influenciado a concretização de objectivos políticos específicos, bem como, através do historial de formações realizadas pelo IDI, extrapolar elações que evidenciem em que medida as acções de formação, enquanto formas de soft power e da acção diplomática, podem auxiliar na construção da imagem do MNE e do próprio país.

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Souza, Raquel Costa de. "Política externa e informação na formação dos diplomatas brasileiros : um estudo de caso sobre as bibliotecas especializadas do Ministério das Relações Exteriores e do Instituto Rio Branco." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UnB, 2016. http://repositorio.unb.br/handle/10482/20292.

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Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Ciência da Informação, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Ciência da Informação, 2016.
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Esta pesquisa trata de bibliotecas especializadas, mais especificamente daquelas voltadas ao auxílio aos diplomatas brasileiros. Os diplomatas brasileiros são vinculados ao Ministério das Relações Exteriores (MRE), que é um órgão de assessoria à Presidência da República, na execução das relações diplomáticas com Estados e organismos internacionais e na formulação da política exterior do Brasil. O objetivo da pesquisa é identificar se as bibliotecas especializadas do Instituto Rio Branco (IRBR), centro de formação dos diplomatas brasileiros, e do próprio MRE atendem aos objetivos de suas organizações em relação a esses profissionais, a partir das referências recomendadas pelos cursos do IRBR e dos eixos centrais da política externa do Brasil. Para tal, a revisão de literatura apresenta conceitos sobre a política externa do Brasil, diplomacia, relações entre Biblioteconomia, Documentação e Ciência da Informação, biblioteca especializada e avaliação de bibliotecas. O referencial teórico baseia-se no trabalho sobre as bibliotecas especializadas realizado por N. Figueiredo em 1979. A pesquisa é descritiva e aplicada, e utilizou o método qualitativo. A coleta de dados foi realizada em duas etapas, com a pesquisa bibliográfica e com o uso de questionários e entrevista, envolvendo o catálogo coletivo Pergamum, os alunos matriculados no Curso de Formação de Diplomatas e os bibliotecários das duas instituições. A análise dos dados baseou-se em métodos estatísticos básicos, no caso da pesquisa bibliográfica, e na análise de conteúdo, no caso dos questionários e entrevista. A partir das informações obtidas foi possível perceber que as bibliotecas Embaixador Antônio Francisco Azeredo da Silveira e Embaixador João Guimarães Rosa cumprem parcialmente o seu papel enquanto centros de informação especializada, necessitando desenvolver novos serviços e corrigir determinadas falhas. E, de modo geral, a biblioteca especializada exerce um papel significativo na sociedade da informação até os dias atuais, conseguindo se manter relevante quando segue os objetivos da instituição que atende e utiliza as tecnologias da informação disponíveis. _______________________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT
Special libraries are the subject of this research, mainly those that help brazilian diplomats who are under the Ministry of External Relations, which supports the presidency with diplomatic relations with states and international organizations and elaborates the principles of brazilian foreign policy. This study also intends to identify if the special libraries of Rio Branco Institute and of the Ministry of External Relations follow their organizational goals on the diplomats-students they have. The literature review brings elements of brazilian foreign affairs, diplomacy, interactions between Librarianship, Documentation and Information Science, special library and libraries evaluation. The theoretical framework is based on N. Figueiredo’s paper from 1979. The research method is descriptive, applied and qualitative. Data were obtained by text references from Curso de Formação de Diplomatas and by surveys to its students, plus the librarians of both organizations Ministry of External Relations and Rio Branco Institute. Data analysis made use of basic statistical methods and content analyses. Thus it was possible to conclude that the libraries Embaixador Antônio Francisco Azeredo da Silveira and Embaixador João Guimarães Rosa suit their specialized information centre role, even if not entirely. And thereby it can be infered that the special library has an important role on information society until nowadays, being relevant when envolved on the goals of organizations they are in and when use the information technology availble.

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Tischer, Anuschka. "Französische Diplomatie und Diplomaten auf dem Westfälischen Friedenskongress : Außenpolitik unter Richelieu und Mazarin /." Münster : Aschendorff, 1999. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37218724r.

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Texte remanié de: Diss.--Philosophische Fakultät--Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität zu Bonn, 1998. Titre de soutenance : Außenpolitik von Richelieu zu Mazarin : französische Diplomatie und Diplomaten auf dem Westfälischen Friedenskongress.
Bibliogr. p. 439-467. Index.

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Dullin, Sabine. "Diplomates et diplomatie soviétiques en Europe (1930-1939) : structures et méthodes d'une politique extérieure sous Staline." Paris 1, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998PA010645.

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Cette thèse est une étude du commissariat du peuple aux affaires étrangères (NKID) entre 1930 et 1939, période où Litvinov est le chef de la diplomatie. S'inscrivant dans le champ des études historiques sur le processus de décision en politique étrangère, elle s'appuie, grâce à l'ouverture des archives à Moscou, sur une documentation nouvelle qui permet d'analyser de manière plus précise qu'avant les relations de travail existant entre le NKID et les dirigeants du parti. Elle permet aussi d'évaluer la place qu'avait l'appareil diplomatique par rapport au Komintern ou à d'autres institutions soviétiques comme les commissariats au commerce extérieur et à la défense. Cette étude de cas recoupe la question plus vaste du rôle que peuvent jouer les appareils gouvernementaux dans un état-parti à tendance totalitaire. Ces problématiques sont abordées à travers l'histoire de la politique extérieure de l'URSS en Europe. A des moments clé comme l'adhésion de l'URSS à la politique de sécurité collective en décembre 1933, son entrée à la SDN en septembre 1934 ou la conclusion du pacte d'assistance mutuelle avec la France en mai 1935, l'analyse du processus de décision montre l'influence acquise par Litvinov auprès de Staline ainsi que les fonctions d'information et de propagande dévolues aux ambassades soviétiques en Europe et aux délégués de l'URSS à Genève. Ces diplomates soviétiques possèdent des caractéristiques personnelles qui favorisent l'intégration de l'URSS au "concert européen". A partir de la fin 1936 en revanche, dans le contexte de la grande terreur et dans un climat de guerre imminente, le NKID, forge par Litvinov, s'affaiblit avant de disparaitre. Face à des dirigeants, revenant à un anti-impérialisme indifférencié et à une politique isolationniste, les options de Litvinov sont contestées, tandis que Staline, s'efforçant de faire disparaitre toute parcelle d'autonomie, utilise les purges pour prendre en main, sans plus d'intermédiaire, l'outil diplomatique
This thesis is a study of the people's commissariat for foreign affairs (NKID) between 1930 and 1939, when litvinov is the chief of the diplomacy. Belonging to the historical field of studies on the decision-making process, it is based, thanks to the opening of archives in moscow, on a new documentation which offers the possibility to analyse more precisely than before the working relations between NKID and the party's leading circles. It makes it also possible to evaluate the place of the diplomatic institution in regard to the comintern but also to soviet institutions, such as commissariats for foreign trade and for defense. Underlying this study-case, rests the larger question of the role played by higher administrations inside a party-state with totalitarian tendencies. These issues are treated throughout history of soviet union's foreign policy in Europe. At some key-moments, such as the soviet decision to follow a policy of collective security in december 1933, ussr's decision to join the league of nations in september 1934 or the signature of the mutual assistance pact with france in may 1935, the analysis of the decision-making process shows the influence gained by Litvinov amongst soviet leaders in the diplomatic field, and gives a better understanding of the job asked to soviet embassies in Europe and to soviet delegates in Geneva, charged of information and propaganda. Soviet diplomats have a profile allowing a good adaptation and a successful integration of the ussr in the "concert europeen". But, after the end of 1936, in the context of the great terror and a pre-war atmosphere, the NKID, forged by litvinov, becomes weaker, before disappearing totally. Facing party leaders coming back to the theory of undifferentiated anti-imperialism and to an isolationnist policy, Litvinov's projects become questioned, while stalin, doing his best to eliminate any scrap of autonomy, uses the purges to take control over diplomacy with no more go-between

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Damberg, Elin. "Tyst diplomati : En jämförande fallstudie som skildrar den tysta diplomatin som förhandlingsstrategi i konfliktlösningar." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-48779.

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Through an older study auspices, awakened an interest to study how the statesmen manage the world order. The answer has its starting point in diplomacy. This paper will focus on the most criticized and controversial branch of diplomacy: the quiet diplomacy. The quiet diplomacy is a deemed confidential and flexible method that is adopted for particularly sensitive conflict resolutions, which takes place at an intergovernmental level. The main purpose of this paper is to examine the diplomatic process in three journalistic cases. Although, these cases are different in one significant standing, one resemblance may be noticed. All cases encompass a quiet diplomacy. Have the quiet diplomacy developed opportunities or obstacles in the various mediation activities? Theories in the form of analysis dimensions serve as the framework in this paper and are tasked to derive the concept through the respective cases.

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Spies, Yolanda Kemp. "Meeting the challenge of developing world diplomacy in the 21st century : an assessment of perspectives on contemporary diplomatic training." Pretoria : [s.n.], 2005. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-08102006-134244/.

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22

Schneider, James D. "The English Diplomatic Corps, 1649-1660: a comparison of the diplomats of the Commonwealth and Protectorate and of Charles II." Thesis, Kansas State University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/8454.

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Master of Arts
Department of History
Marsha L. Frey
The diplomatic corps employed by Oliver Cromwell and Charles II from 1649 to 1660 differed greatly. This study will focus on the top three diplomatic ranks: ambassador, envoys and residents and will exclude agents and chargé d′affaires. The lesser ranks have been excluded for several reasons primarily because biographical information does not exist for many of them and as lesser diplomats their missions were not significant and often lasted only a matter of days. This prosopographical examination of the twenty-four diplomats employed by Charles II and Oliver Cromwell provides insight into their similarities as well as their differences. After examining the twenty-four, one from each side will be further researched. In matters of religion, Cromwell predictably sent Protestants. Charles also sent Protestants, but did send Roman Catholics, especially to Catholic courts. Despite the age difference between Cromwell and Charles II, age did not separate their diplomats. The average age of Cromwell’s and Charles’ II diplomats was both forty years. In matters of education, those who went to college had a tendency to choose the Puritan-influenced Cambridge for the Commonwealth and Protectorate and Oxford for the Royalists. The area a diplomat was from shows that the diplomats from north chose the side of the Commonwealth while those from London and south chose the Royalist side. Royalists had a higher percentage of military service and a higher percentage of Parliamentary service. Although more Commonwealth and Protectorate diplomats had a university education, the Royalists had a higher percentage of master’s degrees and the study of the law. When looking at a diplomat’s position in a family, the Commonwealth diplomats had a greater chance of being the oldest son, while the Royalists tended to be younger sons. This information is valuable because it expands the commonly held historiographical image of the typical Royalist and Commonwealth supporters and illustrates the differences between the general support and each sides diplomatic corps.

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Negrato, Claudio. "Lingua e linguaggio nei dispacci di Gasparo Contarini." Paris 8, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA084145.

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Cet étude est focalisé sur l'édition critique des dépêches de Gasparo Contarini, orateur de la République de Venise à Rome chez pope Clement VII (1528-1530). Je analyse la langue et le langage politique de Contarini avec une attention particulier aux nouveaux méthodes de communication de la langue diplomatique. Les lettres ont été rassemblées auprès de la Bibliothèque Nationale Marciana de Venise et le Archive d'État de Venise. Ces lettres-là sont très importantes pour les informations historiques et politiques et pour la capacité de Contarini à rendre la voix des protagonistes de la politique romaine de la Renaissance
My research focuses on the writing of a critical edition of Gasparo Contarini's dispatches when he was ambassador of the Republic of Venice in Rome to the pope Clements VII (1528-1530). I analyzed Contarini's political lexicon with a particular attention to the new lexical entries and the communicative strategies used in the diplomatic dispatches. The letters are stored in the Marciana National Library and the National Archive of Venice. These letters are worth to be studied since they both give important historical informations and present Contarini's ability to make a portrait of the most relevant political characters of the Roman Renaissance

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Lewin, André. "Diplomatie bilatérale, diplomatie multilatérale." Paris 2, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990PA020037.

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Les crises que traversent periodiquement les organisations internationales et les succes que remporte regulierement la politique de puissance de certains etats, ne sont que des obstacles sur la voie d'une multilateralisation progressive des relations entre les pays, amorcee depuis longtemps sur le plan tant quantitatif que qualitatif. L'auteur s'efforce de justifier ce point de vue a travers la trentaine d'ecrits presentes a l'appui de sa these, en comparant chaque fois que possible pratiques bilaterales et pratiques multilaterales. Sa connaissance personnelle des deux formes de diplomatie lui permet de completer ses analyses juridiques par des arguments et des observations pratiques. Les institutions qu'il examine appartiennent le plus souvent au systeme des nations unies, mais se situent egalement en dehors de celui-ci: organisation de l'unite africaine, ligue des etats arabes, interpol, etc. Les problemes qu'il aborde sont aussi bien specifiques (la ponderation des votes, la coordination, le maintien de la paix, le processus de decision, les hautes fonctions internationales, etc. . . ) que generaux (l'avenir des organisations internationales, l'adaptation du multilateralisme aux defis de notre temps, les politiques des organisations face a la crise, les princi@es communs des organisations internationales, etc. . . )
The crises periodically experienced by international institutions as well as the successes regularly obtained by the policies of power of certain countries are only obstacles on the way of a progressive "multilateralization" of international relations, which has in fact already started long ago both in quantity and quality. The author tries to justify this opinion through the thirty odd publications he presents in support of his thesis, in comparing whenever possible bilateral and multilateral practice. His personal knowledge of these two forms of diplomacy enables him to complete his juridical analyses by practical argument and factual observations. The institutions examined by him belong mostly to the united national family, but he also deals with some outside organizations, like the o. A. U. , the arab league, or interpol. The problems he envisages include specific ones (likes weighting of votes, coordination, peace-keeping, decision-making process, international civil service) as well as global ones (the future of international organizations, the adaptation of multilateralism to the challenges of the present world, the policies of the institutions faced with the current crises, common principles of international organizations, etc. . . )

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David, Anne. "De la carte ethnographique à la frontière des diplomates (1919) : l''illusion scientiste d'une ethno-diplomatie, ses vicissitudes et ses échecs en Europe centrale." Montpellier 3, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002MON30005.

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Clerc, Louis. "La Finlande dans la diplomatie française : représentations, forces organisationnelles et intérêt national dans les considérations finlandaises des diplomates et des militaires français (1918-1940)." Université Robert Schuman (Strasbourg) (1971-2008), 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007STR30001.

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Notre thèse vise à étudier la place de la Finlande dans la diplomatie et la stratégie française entre 1918 et 1940. Notre travail s'articule autour de trois questions principales :. Quelles sont les relations entretenues par les responsables français de politique étrangère avec la Finlande?. Quelles sont les structures de ces relations, la façon dont les responsables français replacent la Finlande dans le cadre de leurs visions du monde et de l'intérêt national?. Quels enseignements en termes d'organisation des relations entre un petit Etat et une grande puissance peut-on tirer du cas d'école des relations franco-finlandaises? Notre travail reprend le cours des relations franco-finlandaises de la reconnaissance par la France de l'indépendance finlandaise (4 janvier 1918) à la fin de la guerre finno-soviétique (13 mars 1940). Nous observons ces relations dans trois domaines : les représentations de la Finlande en France ; les forces organisationnelles à l'oeuvre dans les relations entre les responsables français et la Finlande ; la façon dont la Finlande s'insère dans les considérations d'intérêt national de ces responsables. Dans ces trois domaines, notre but est de trouver les influences pesant sur les responsables français dans leur appréciation des questions finlandaises. Ce travail nous permet de dresser un certain nombre de conclusions sur la nature des relations entre grandes puissances et petits Etats et sur la politique française en Baltique de 1918 à 1940
Our thesis aims at studying the place of Finland in French diplomacy and strategy from 1918 to 1940. Our work revolves around three sets of issues: What are the relations between the French foreign policy leadership and Finland? What are the structures of these relations, the way the French foreign policy leadership replaces Finland in their views of the world and their assessment of French national interest? What does this case-study teach us in terms of the way Great Powers relate to small States? Our work describes chronologically French-Finnish relations from the recognition by France of Finland’s independence (4th January 1918) to the end of the Finnish-Soviet war (13th March 1940). We observe these relations in three domains: the French representations about Finland; the organisational forces at work between the French leadership and Finland ; the way Finland is replaced in the French assessment of France’s national interest. In these three domains, our goal is to find the influences that weight on the French leadership’s assessment of Finland’s place in France’s national interest. This work allows us to draw a few conclusions of the way Great Powers relate to small States, and on French policy in the Baltic between the two World wars

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Chang, Che-Wei [Verfasser]. "Oskar Trautmann, ein deutscher Diplomat in Ostasien : Individuum, Nation und Diplomatie aus der Perspektive der Globalgeschichte 1877-1950 / Che-Wei Chang." Bonn : Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Bonn, 2021. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:hbz:5-63813.

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Pantalacci, Jean-Pierre. "Diplomatie et diplomates vénitiens à Rome au XVIe siècle : 1500-1535 : les rapports entre la Papauté et Venise à travers les Relazioni des ambassadeurs vénitiens." Paris 4, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002PA040232.

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L'objet de ces travaux est d'analyser les relations entre la papauté et Venise, dans la 1ère moitié du XVIe siècle, à travers les rapports des ambassadeurs vénitiens qui nous sont parvenus. La période retenue pour cette étude va de 1500 à 1535 et coresspond à quatre pontificats : ceux d'Alexandre VI, Julius II, Léon X et Clément VII. C'est une période riche en rebondissements sur la scène italienne et eurpéenne, période au cours de laquelle Venise se trouve tout à tour alliée et opposée à Rome. L'ambassadeur est à la fois observateur, juge et acteur de ces événements. Il porte également un regard sur les personnages des quatres pontifies et sur la Rome de cette époque
The aim of this work tends to analyse the relationships between the papacy and Venice in the first half of the XVIth century through the Venetian ambassadors'reports that have been preserved. The span of time chosen for this study covers the period 1500-1535 and corresponds to four pontificates : Alexander VI b. Borgia, Julius II b. Della Rovere, Leo X and Clement VII b. Medici. This period is particularly eventful both in Italy and Europe, period in which Venice found itself an ally and an opponent of Rome in turns. Thus, the Venetian ambassador is at same time an observer, a judge and an actor of these events. He also considers the personalities of the four pontiffs and Rome

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Falcke, Jeannette. "Studien zum diplomatischen Geschenkwesen am brandenburgisch-preußischen Hof im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert /." Berlin : Duncker & Humblot, 2006. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/fy0701/2006402928.html.

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Maxson, Brian Jeffrey. "Diplomatic Oratory." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2017. https://www.amzn.com/0888445660.

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Book Summary:Diplomacy has never been a politically neutral field of historical research, even when it was confined to merely reconstructing the context of wars and revolutions. Since the nineteenth century, Renaissance Italy has been at the forefront of scholarship on diplomacy; today, with increasing awareness of the long history of the subject as well as a broader spectrum of case studies, the study of Italian diplomacy has become sophisticated and highly articulated, offering scholars many new directions for further exploration. During the period c. 1350–c. 1520 covered by the present volume, diplomatic sources became extremely rich and abundant. This sourcebook presents a selection of primary materials, both published and unpublished, which are mostly unavailable to English readers: a broad range of diplomatic sources, thematically organized, are introduced, translated, and annotated by an international team of leading scholars of the Italian Renaissance. The aim of this volume is to illustrate the richness of diplomatic documents both for the study of diplomacy itself as well as for other areas of historical investigation, such as gender and sexuality, crime and justice, art and leisure, and medicine.

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Maybarduk, Sharon M. "An exploration of factors associated with reentry adjustment of U.S. foreign service spouses : a project based upon an independent investigation /." View online, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10090/5911.

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Maxson, Brian. "In the Presence of Mine Enemies: Pope Martin V, Florence, Diplomats, and Diplomacy." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2011. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/6222.

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Ngouaka-Tsoumou, André Ludovic. "La diplomatie francophone." Lyon 3, 2010. https://scd-resnum.univ-lyon3.fr/out/theses/2010_out_ngouaka_a.pdf.

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Les incertitudes de la mondialisation libérale dans les relations internationales, ont renforcé la prudence et la réserve dans l’opinion francophone répandue sur les cinq continents et structurée dans un grand ensemble géoculturel composé aujourd’hui de 70 pays. C’est la Francophonie politique. Elle se dévoile comme le pôle de la diversité, l’antidote de la pensée unique. C’est "une autre mondialisation", une autre façon de gérer les relations internationales, respectueuse de la dialectique de l’identité et de l’altérité. On nommera cela, faute d’autre appellation, "la Diplomatie francophone": une diplomatie de la rupture avec l’immobilisme en ce qu’elle s’adapte aux grandes mutations historiques. Sous-tendue par une volonté politique affirmée, elle dispose des atouts qui sont une première dans l’histoire des O. I. Géoculturelles. La diversité culturelle, le dialogue des cultures et la solidarité érigés en autres principes du Droit diplomatique relèvent d’une prouesse que l’on doit à la stratégie diplomatique francophone, donnant ainsi à la Francophonie une position d’influence spécifique et utile dans la mondialisation. Position qui consiste à s’afficher comme une communauté de valeurs, mais bien plus, à jouer sur le terrain le rôle de contrepoids de la vision uniformisatrice et unipolaire de la mondialisation non maîtrisée. "La diplomatie francophone" n’est pas une chimère. C’est une diplomatie d’une union géoculturelle qui, partageant la même langue, le français, fait du dialogue un outil de paix, de prévention des conflits et de la médiation internationale. C’est une diplomatie attractive et d’influence au service de grandes idées humanistes pour la construction d’une communauté internationale équilibrée et solidaire
The uncertainties of the liberal globalization in the international relations, reinforced prudence and the reserve in the French-speaking opinion widespread on the five continents and structured in a great geo-cultural unit today composed of 70 countries. That’s the political "Francophonie". It’s revealed like the pole of diversity, the antidote of the unique thinking. It’s "another globalization", another way of managing the international relations, respectful of the dialectic of identity and otherness. One will name that, for lack of another name, "the Francophone diplomacy": diplomacy of the rupture with the opposition to progress in what it adapts to the great historical changes. Underlain by an affirmed political will, it has the assets which are a first in geo-cultural international organisations history. The cultural diversity, the dialogue of the cultures and solidarity set up in other principles of the diplomatic Right concern a prowess that one must with the French-speaking diplomatic strategy, thus giving to the Francophonie position of a specific and useful influence in globalization. Position that consists in showing itself as a community of values, but much more, in playing the function of the standardized and “unipolar” view counterweight of uncontrolled globalization. "Francophone diplomacy" is not a dream. It is a diplomacy of a geo-cultural union which, sharing the same language, French, makes dialogue a tool of peace, conflicts prevention and international mediation. It’s a gravitational diplomacy and of influence to the service of great humanistic ideas for the construction of a balanced and interdependent international community

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Pejo, Philippe. "La diplomatie parlementaire." Thesis, Université Paris-Saclay (ComUE), 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016SACLS532.

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Concept original lié à une pratique contemporaine de l’action des parlements, la diplomatie parlementaire complète avec habilité la diplomatie classique, compétence régalienne des représentants étatiques du pouvoir exécutif. Justifiant son fondement légal sur le droit public en général et le droit parlementaire en particulier, la diplomatie parlementaire consacre l’internationalisation croissante de l’activité parlementaire et apporte son concours effectif à la démocratisation de la scène internationale
Original concept related to a contemporary practice of parliamentary action, the parliamentary diplomacy strengthens skillfully classical diplomacy, the regal skill of state executive branch officials. Justifying its legal basis on public law in general and particularly on parliamentary law, parliamentary diplomacy devotes increasing internationalization of parliamentary activity and provides effective support to the democratization of the international scene

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Ismail, Muhammad-Basheer Adisa. "Islamic diplomatic law and international diplomatic law : a quest for compatibility." Thesis, University of Hull, 2012. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:7135.

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Most literatures on international law have been observed to neglect or give scanty attention to the contribution of Islamic law towards the development of modern international law, particularly the principles relating to the diplomatic immunity and privileges. It has often been maintained, especially by some Western commentators that there is no modicum of materiality between Islamic siyar and the rules of conventional international law; as such, Islamic law has nothing to offer the international legal system. The current spades of global terrorism which are allegedly perpetrated in the name of Islam against diplomatic institutions have further widened this perceived incongruity between the two legal regimes. This study therefore critiques and also evaluates the exactitude of the contention that the sources of the two legal regimes are incompatible. This study equally examines the compatibility in the diplomatic principles between Islamic diplomatic law and international diplomatic law. It also contends that the attacks on diplomats and diplomatic facilities are antithetical to the classical principles of jihaad and Islamic diplomatic law. It further argues that the need to harmonise the two legal systems and have a thorough cross-cultural understanding amongst nations generally with a view to enhancing unfettered diplomatic cooperation should be of paramount priority.

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Brückner, Leslie. "A. F. Loève-Veimars (1799-1854) traducteur et diplomate : étude sur un médiateur culturel." Paris 8, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA083358.

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Ekman, Alice. "The shaping of national diplomatic practices : contemporary Chinese diplomacy as a case study." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013IEPP0016.

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Alors que la Chine est parvenue à établir des relations diplomatiques avec la quasi-totalité des Etats du monde, et que son Ministère des affaires étrangères s’est professionnalisé au fil de l’ouverture du pays, la pratique de la diplomatie chinoise comporte encore de nombreuses spécificités, qui dans certains cas influent sur le résultat des rencontres multilatérales. Quelles sont ces spécificités? Comment expliquer leur persistance dans un contexte d’ouverture et de professionnalisation? Sont-elles uniquement le fruit de l’héritage communiste? La thèse rejette partiellement l’approche culturaliste, puisqu’elle montre que les facteurs historiques, politiques et sociologiques peuvent jouer un rôle prépondérant dans la formation des pratiques diplomatiques nationales. Cependant, elle ne la rejette pas totalement : l'analyse croisée d'entretiens avec des diplomates chinois et non-chinois souligne l’influence du legs culturel (comparaison des diplomaties chinoises et taïwanaises, partageant un socle culturel commun mais formées dans des contextes politiques radicalement différents), mais aussi l’existence de divergences radicales d’approches entre corps diplomatiques vis-à-vis de la notion même de culture. Dans ce contexte, le jeu stratégique sur les « différences culturelles » est fréquent entre diplomaties, et une forme de particularisme culturel est promue par de nombreux pays émergents, dont la Chine, dans l’assertion de leur position. Ce jeu s’oppose au processus existant d’harmonisation des pratiques diplomatiques au niveau international et continuera probablement à exister compte-tenu de sa fonction stratégique
Whereas China successfully established official diplomatic relations with most states, and whilst its Ministry of Foreign Affairs has gone through a professionalisation process since the era of reform and opening up, particularities still remain within China’s diplomatic practices, which in some cases impact international encounters. What are these particularities? How can one explain their prevalence in a context of accelerated professionalisation? Are they only a direct result of the heavy Communist legacy? Based on cross-analysis of interviews conducted between 2008 and 2012 with Chinese and non-Chinese diplomats, the thesis partly dismisses the culturalist approach, as it shows that historical, political and sociological factors play an equally significant role in the shaping of China’s diplomatic practices. However, fully rejecting this approach would contradict the findings on the influence of the cultural legacy on China’s diplomacy, based on a detailed comparative analysis of two diplomacies that share a common cultural legacy but that have developed in a very different political context (comparison between diplomatic practices of the PRC and Taiwan), and most of all based on the fieldwork observations on the divergences of approach towards the notion of culture between and within diplomatic corps. Strategic play on ‘cultural’ differences does exist in foreign policy, and a form of cultural particularism is promoted by many emerging countries, including China, in asserting their new position. This can be seen as a counterforce to the globalisation of diplomatic practices, and is unlikely to disappear, considering its strategic function

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Scheffler, Matthias. "Mit Diplomatie und Handarbeit." Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2010. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-qucosa-61176.

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Den Begriff oder die Orchesterbibliotheken selbst kennt kaum jemand. Dabei spielen sie eine der wichtigsten Rollen bei den Orchestern. Denn wie gelangen stets die richtigen Noten pünktlich auf die Pulte der Dirigenten und Spieler? Die Orchesterbibliothekare legen meistens selbst Hand an und erarbeiten mit den Dramaturgen und Regisseuren eine Aufführungsfassung. Nicht selten müssen bis zu 100 Seiten Opernmaterial eingerichtet werden. Und das nicht gesamt, sondern einzeln für die Bläser, die Sänger und den Dirigenten.

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Krohn, Johannes. "Karl-Anders Wollters filmsamling på filmarkivet i Grängesberg." Thesis, Uppsala University, Department of ALM, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-126264.

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The aim with this archive guide is to give a guide to Karl-Anders Wollter’s film collection at Grängesberg Film archive. Karl-Anders Wollter worked between 1962–1993 for the State Department and mainly outside Sweden. The film collection consists of 67 films regarding his work, holidays and family life. In his work as a diplomat Wollter visited a lot of different places around the world, but he also travelled and made some trips with hisfamily. The collection also consists of footage from state visits, installations, negotiations in conflicts and inter-national conferences with politicians. Altogether the film collection gives not only a good view of how the life as a diplomat might be, but also of the development of the society and footage over villages and minor villages both in Sweden and other countries. This archive guide could thus serve as a guide both to those who are interested in the life as a diplomat, politic – and civic life and for those who are interested in cities and minor village’s devel-opment over time. This archive guide can also serve as a guide for those who are looking for film footage for various documentaries.

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Clayton, Roderick. "Diplomats and diplomacy in London, 1667-1672." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.307360.

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Franzó, Josiane Aparecida. "De herdeiro da fortuna a diplomata aposentado." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFSC, 2013. https://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/122568.

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Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Comunicação e Expressão, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Literatura, Florianópolis, 2013.
Made available in DSpace on 2014-08-06T17:05:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 324653.pdf: 149150577 bytes, checksum: 3fa1e34421bd6e0d23bee52384a5885b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013
Esta tese tem como proposta observar o arco histórico que vai das relações de favor como mediação entre senhores de escravos e homens formalmente livres, passa pela crise e brechas do sistema que permitem a ascensão de indivíduo de posição mediana, mas dotado de relevante ambição, esbarra no orgulho resultado da rejeição à sujeição que a relação de favor impõe, até o fim do sistema escravista com a elevação das novas classes, representadas nas figuras dos banqueiros, leiloeiros, funcionários do governo, comerciantes, entre outros. Machado de Assis nos fornece farto material, mesmo que em recortes, da realidade oitocentista, de fatos históricos, hábitos e costumes da época. É justamente, a partir desses recortes, que buscaremos compreender a sociedade escravista e pós-escravista; a política e economia brasileira em fase de transição, além do cidadão que a compunha

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Sueldo, Mariana. "Diplomatinio protokolo kaita ir jai įtaką darantys veiksniai." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2011. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2008~D_20110709_152158-43489.

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Santrauka Diplomatinio protokolo kaita kaip veidrodis atspindi visus visuomenės gyvenimo pokyčius. Didelę įtaką diplomatiniam protokolui turėjo revoliucinės idėjos, reikalavusios keisti visa ką, įskaitant diplomatų, kaip valstybių atstovų, tarpusavio bendravimą. Lygybės siekis ir aristokratiškų manierų atmetimas buvo pirmasis bandymas radikaliai keisti diplomatinį protokolą. Tačiau šis bandymas nebuvo iki galo sėkmingas. Iš pagrindų pakeistus tarpusavio bendravimo taisykles, vėliau vėl buvo bandoma sugrįžti prie anksčiau nusistovėjusių normų. Vis dėl to liko naujovių. Nuo XX amžiaus pradžios iki mūsų dienų dėl sparčiai tobulėjančių logistikos ir telekomunikacijos technologijų, į diplomatinio protokolo erdvę patenka vis daugiau ir naujų veikėjų. Komunikacija darosi intensyvesnė, tai savo ruožtu sąlygoja tarptautinio bendravimo taisyklių paprastėjimą. Intensyvus technologijų vystymas padarė žiniasklaidą aktyvia diplomatinės komunikacijos tarpininke, tarnaujančia ne tik kaip komunikacinio pranešimo kanalas, bet ir kaip pranešimo interpretuotoja. Diplomatinio protokolo erdvės plėtimasis įtraukia diplomatinės komunikacijos dalyvius į praktiškai nepertraukiamą komunikacijos procesą, kuris tampa kasdienybe. Šis tapsmas vėlgi sąlygoja protokolo taisyklių paprastėjimą ir bendravimo betarpiškumo didėjimą. Diplomatinis protokolas, nors ceremonijų ir ritualų bei diplomatų tarpasmeninis bendravimas supaprastėjo, vis dėlto yra būtina tarptautinės komunikacijos priemonė, kuria naudojasi ne... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]
ABSTRACT The developments in diplomatic protocol unquestionably reflect, as on a mirror, all the social, historical, economic, geopolitical and technological changes that through the passage of time take place in the life of any society. Revolutionary ideas can be considered some of the most influential factors affecting diplomatic protocol, as they sought a thorough transformation that would not leave a single sphere of life untouched, not even the way diplomats should interact. The frenetic pursuit of equality and refusal of aristocratic manners was the first though unsuccessful attempt to radically change diplomatic protocol. Interpersonal communication rules established by revolutionary force would later on turn back to previously set norms. Yet some innovations remained, at least in the revolutionary spirit that would always stir the minds of future generations to find new agents of change. The rapidly advancing logistics and telecommunication technologies led to an expansion of the diplomatic protocol arena, onto which more and more players can be seen entering from the most varied walks of life and professions. Communication amongst them has become more intense than ever before, and this has undoubtedly conditioned the need to simplify the rules of interpersonal communication. The smart pace of technological development has also made of mass media an active mediator, which does not only function as a communication channel, but has also taken the role of information... [to full text]

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Johansson, Gustav. "La diplomatie publique : une comparaison entre la France et la Suède." Thesis, Växjö University, School of Humanities, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-5610.

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Dans la mondialisation d’aujourd’hui et dans un monde plus démocratique et ouvert, la diplomatie publique est devenue un sujet qui suscite de plus en plus d’intérêt. Selon Anholt, un analyste de société anglais, tous les gouvernements doivent, pour le compte du peuple, des institutions et des entreprises, développer une stratégie pour améliorer et fortifier la perception du pays. La théorie utilisée est celle d’Anholt appelée Nation branding où il applique une théorie commerciale dans le monde des sciences politiques et sociales en comparant les pays aux marques commerciales. Dans ce mémoire, en utilisant les méthodes de l’étude du corpus et l’entretien, je compare les stratégies et les objectifs de la diplomatie publique de la France et de la Suède. Après avoir fait un inventaire des cinq grandes voies de promouvoir un pays à l’extérieur et après avoir regardé les stratégies actuelles des deux pays, on trouve de nombreuses similarités, surtout dans les stratégies des cinq voies de promouvoir un pays. Les différences se trouvent ailleurs. Par exemple la Suède n’hésite pas à comparer l’image du pays avec une marque commerciale selon la théorie de Nation branding tandis que la France est plus hésitante, mais le nouveau ministre des Affaires étrangères et européennes en France est favorable à la notion. D’autre part, j’ai pu constater que l’optique suédoise de la diplomatie publique correspond plutôt à une volonté de placer la Suède sur la scène mondiale et d’instaurer un sentiment de good will tandis que la France souhaite avant tout sauvegarder son rang de puissance mondiale et considère la position forte de sa langue comme une condition nécessaire pour ce faire. L’action culturelle extérieure suédoise s’organise surtout depuis la Suède, parce que la Suède n’a pas de réseau culturel comparable à celui de la France. La mise en place du Conseil de la promotion de l’image de la Suède dans le monde permet partiellement de contrer la grandeur de la France.

In the globalization of today, in a more democratic and open world, public diplomacy has become a subject that gets more and more attention. According to Anholt, a British social analyst, all governments should, on behalf of the people, the institutions and the companies, develop a strategy to improve and strengthen the perception of the country. The theory applied is Anholt’s Nation Branding where he uses the ideas of branding for the public diplomacy of a country. He likes to compare countries to commercial brands. The aim of this minor thesis is to compare the strategies and objectives of the public diplomacy of today in France and Sweden. To reach my conclusions I have collected information from Anholt’s books of Nation branding and from the official websites of the different national administrations. I also made interviews with people involved in the matter. There are five ways to communicate the image of a country abroad. France and Sweden have similar strategies within these fields. The differences are to be found, foremost in the way of talking about the country as a brand and the value of Nation Branding. It’s a part of the Swedish strategy while the French are more reluctant. At the same time, the French minister of foreign and European affairs, Kouchner, seems to be influenced by the ideas behind Nation Branding. I have also come to the conclusion that the aim of the Swedish public diplomacy regards primary to place Sweden on the world map and to create a sense of good will while the main priority of France is to stay a leading world nation and considers the language aspect very important to do so. The Swedish cultural diplomacy is organized at the head office in Stockholm while the French have an immense network of cultural institutes. As Sweden is not represented worldwide, the Swedish solution is a national council of international representations that work together to form a strategy to promote Sweden.

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44

Lüning, Carl. "Marin diplomati i Arktis." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-6699.

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The Arctic area is in a state of rapid change. New fairways open up as the ice melts, which – in turn – presents both opportunities and threats to the neighboring states. As the Arctic is of both economical and strategic interest, these states include both great powers like the U.S. and Russia but also small powers like Norway and Denmark. The purpose of this thesis is to investigate how these states use their armed forces in claim of the Arctic and – more specifically – how Maritime Diplomacy is used in this situation. The thesis furthers attempts to address the question whether there are differences between the large states on the one hand, and the smaller ones on the other when using Maritime Diplomacy. The theoretical framework used in the thesis comes from several well known scholars and military theorists including Cable and Corbett which focus on maritime strategy. The analyses suggest that there are indeed significant differences between the studied states in terms of their use of Maritime Diplomacy. The thesis concludes that the four nations uses it’s maritime diplomacy tools in a coherent way. But there is a difference between great powers and smaller states since the smaller tend to use influence as a tool in greater extent. The thesis also shows that Russia as the only state that uses a coercive tool.

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45

Lukovicsová, Nicola. "The history of diplomatic protocol with the emphasis on French influence on diplomatic protocol and new cultural influences on today´s diplomatic protocol." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-193888.

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The Master's Thesis on "The History of Diplomatic Protocol with the Emphasis on French Influence on Diplomatic Protocol and New Cultural Influences on Today's Diplomatic Protocol" aims at introducing the topic of History of Diplomatic protocol and is further elaborating on the topic in terms of various influences on Diplomacy and Diplomatic protocol. The purpose was to show that the evolution of the practices, protocols and etiquette is a gradual process of change. Nowadays we live in the world strongly influenced by the European tradition that mainly comes from France. However, the changing world and process of globalization makes it easier for people to interact, share their values and spread their ideas.

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46

Nanz, Tobias. "Grenzverkehr eine Mediengeschichte der Diplomatie." Zürich Berlin Diaphanes, 2008. http://d-nb.info/999191640/04.

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47

Arbi, Moubachir el. "Politique et diplomatie chez Leibniz." Lille 3 : ANRT, 1985. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37594077m.

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48

Bachardoust, Ramazan. "Diplomatie et la guerre d'Afghanistan." Toulouse 1, 1995. http://www.theses.fr/1995TOU10030.

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Cette recherche est consacrée à l'étude de l'activité diplomatique - au sens large de ce terme - qui a accompagné le déroulement de la guerre d'Afghanistan de 1979 à 1992. La première partie analyse d'abord la façon dont se sont articulées l'intervention militaire et la stratégie diplomatique de l'URSS, tandis que la seconde évoque les réactions diplomatiques des états les plus concernés par ces événements pour des raisons géographiques, idéologiques ou stratégiques : les Etats-Unis, le Pakistan et l'Iran. La description et l'analyse des politiques diplomatiques de ces différents acteurs, en relation avec les normes juridiques régissant la société internationale, s'accompagnent d'une réflexion sur les processus de décision et les facteurs qui en ont influencé la forme et le contenu
This research is dedicated to the study of diplomatic activity. Liberally in a broad sense which accompanied the unfolding of the Afghanistan war from 1979 to 1992. The first part analyses initially how was the Russian military intervention and diplomatic strategy are linked, while the second evokes the diplomatic reactions from the states most concerned by these events for geographic ideology, or strategic reasons : the United States, the Pakistan, the Iran. The description and analyses of the diplomatic politics of these different participants, a relation with the legal norms which govern the international society, is accompanied with a reflection on the decision process and the factors which influenced its form and content

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49

El, Qour Tahar. "La diplomatie économique au Maroc." Paris, EHESS, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007EHES0068.

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L'action diplomatique a toujours été marquée par son statut très particulier. Elle a ainsi un effet évident sur les relations internationales et intercommunautaires. Cependant, le travail diplomatique ne se limite plus au discours politique visant à mettre fin aux affrontements militaires, il dépend plus de facteurs économiques dans un souci de concilier les intérêts et d'éviter les guerres économiques. La thèse se veut une lecture critique des plus importants acteurs de la diplomatie économique marocaine que nous avons classés selon leur importance en : acteurs officiels (l'institution royale, le gouvernement et le parlement), les nouveaux canaux de la diplomatie économique marocaine (Le conseil national du commerce extérieur, le centre marocain de la promotion des exportations, les groupes locaux et les lobbies). De ce fait les réalisations demeurent modestes et négligeables par rapport à d'autres pays dans la même situation que le Maroc. Afin de vérifier ces résultats, nous avons effectué une lecture dans les relations économiques marocaines en identifiant de nombreux points forts et de dysfonctionnements dans les choix du partenariat stratégique avec plusieurs pays. Il s'avère ainsi que la politique du libre-échange n'a pas toujours été utile pour l'économie marocaine parce qu'elle a eu des effets néfastes ou collatéraux sur de nombreux secteurs productifs et sur les relations économiques du Maroc avec d'autres pays. Parmi les plus importantes conclusions auxquelles nous avons abouties, il y a lieu de signaler la nécessité d'une mise à niveau managériale de l'économie marocaine
The diplomatic action has always been marked by its particular status. Consequently it has an obvious effect on the international and intercommunity relations. However, the diplomatic work is not only limited to the political discourse aiming at putting an end to military confrontations, but it also depends on economic factors to reconcile interests and to avoid economic wars. The present work presents a critical reading of the most important actors of the Moroccan economic diplomacy classified according to their degree of importance : official actors (the royal institution, the government and the parliament), the new channels of the Morocco economic diplomacy (the national counsel of external trade, the Morocco centre of exportation promotion, Local communes and pressure groups). Needless to say that the results of this study can be effective it they are complemented by other studies which have to dismantle the role of the actors in the Moroccan economic diplomatic work taking in to consideration planification, strategies and indicators of measurement, evaluation and results effectiveness

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50

Mavoungou, Jean-François. "La Diplomatie congolaise : 1960 - 1986." Paris 1, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990PA010257.

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Ce travail fixe le schéma de l'organisation et du fonctionnement, mesure l'influence de chacun des instruments qui participent où gèrent les relations extérieures du Congo, d'une part, explique les enjeux du Congo sur la scène internationale, évalue leur mise en œuvre dans ses rapports avec l'extérieur et éclaire les principales difficultés de celle-ci, d'autre part. Certains acteurs, de par la nature et l'importance de leurs prérogatives, participent, plus que d'autres, aux relations extérieures du Congo ; il en résulte que ceux-là sont plus influents que ceux-ci, et qu'au sein de l'ensemble, il existe, entre les acteurs, une hiérarchie de poids dans les relations extérieures de l'état. L'action diplomatique est un mélange original d'impuissance, d'adresse, de ruse, de dogmatisme et parfois de simple bon sens, les objectifs poursuivis par le Congo et les principes d'actions n'ont jamais reçu une application effective et adéquate. Un renouvellement des modalités de fonctionnement et d'organisation des instruments, d'une part, et une volonté politique, mettant en œuvre les stratégies, notamment au niveau des rapports bilatéraux, en fonction de leur utilité et primauté du point de vue des populations, d'autre part, rendraient, nulle doute, la diplomatie congolaise efficace, rentable et fiable
This work gives an outline of the organization and functionning of congolese diplomacy. It assesses the respective influences of each of the instruments which make up the congo's foreign affairs, explains the country's stakes on the international scene evaluating their implementation in foreign affairs, and highlights the main diplomatic difficulties. Certain actors, according to their nature and importance, participate more than others in the foreign affairs of the congo. Consequently, some of these elements are more influential than others, and on the whole a hierarchy exists between them in the foreign affairs of the stae. The diplomatic action is therefore a curious mixture of powerlessness, shrewdness, tactics, dogmatism ans soletimes just pure common sense. Viewed globally, the objectives and therefore the principles of action followed by the congo have never seen an adequate and effective application. A renewal of the modes of functionning and organization of the instruments and a political will implementing strategies (for instance with population in bilateral affairs, according to their usefulness and primacy) would certainly render congolese diplomacy more efficient, reliable and profitable

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Diplomatas'

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