Academic literature on the topic 'Diplomatic leadership'
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Journal articles on the topic "Diplomatic leadership"
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Noor Muhammad, Salmah Jan. "Leadership of Malacca Sultanate Rulers In Establishing Diplomatic Relations." Malay Literature 30, no. 2 (December 1, 2017): 181–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.37052/ml.30(2)no1.
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Leadership is the ability of a government in shaping the people’s mind to achieve goals that have been planned together in order to strengthen its administration especially in establishing diplomatic relations with other countries. Without the mobilization of intellectual and physical cooperation from these two groups, it is impossible for a government to succeed in its diplomatic missions. Therefore, this article will discuss the leadership of the Malay sultanate in establishing diplomatic relations through data analysis of the events described in historiographic manuscripts such as Sulalat al- Salatin , Al-Tarikh Salasilah Negeri Kedah , Hikayat Merong Mahawangsa and Tuhfat al-Nafis . In addition, this article also describes the effectiveness of this leadership in response to the diplomatic relations that had been initiated by and accepted from other governments. The result of the study will show that a variety of methods or approaches were used by the rulers of the Malay sultanate in advancing the government’s reputation from the economic, social and physical aspects. Keywords: leadership, leaders/rulers, Malay sultanate, diplomatic, historiography Abstrak Kepemimpinan merupakan upaya pemerintah dalam usaha membentuk jiwa dan minda rakyat untuk bersama-sama merealisasikan matlamat yang telah direncanakan bagi memantapkan tadbir urus kerajaan, khususnya, dalam usaha menjalinkan hubungan diplomatik dengan kerajaan lain. Tanpa penggemblengan daya fikir dan fizikal daripada dua golongan ini, adalah mustahil untuk sesebuah kerajaan itu berjaya dalam misi diplomatiknya. Oleh itu, makalah ini akan membincangkan kepemimpinan pemerintah kesultanan Melayu dalam hubungan diplomatik dengan menggunakan kaedah analisis data terhadap peristiwa yang terdapat dalam naskhah historiografi seperti Sulalat al- Salatin , Al-Tarikh Salasilah Negeri Kedah , Hikayat Merong Mahawangsa dan Tuhfat al-Nafis . Selain itu, tulisan ini juga menghuraikan keberkesanan kepemimpinan tersebut terhadap hubungan diplomatik yang ditawarkan dan diterima daripada kerajaan luar. Dapatan menunjukkan bahawa terdapat pelbagai kaedah kepemimpinan yang digunakan oleh pemerintah kesultanan Melayu untuk melonjakkan nama kerajaan yang diperintah dari aspek ekonomi, sosial dan fizikal. Kata kunci: kepemimpinan, pemerintah, kesultanan Melayu, diplomatik, historiografi
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Hermawan, Cecep, and Hasan Sidik. "Momentum Diplomasi Maritim Indonesia: Rencana Aksi Nasional Penanganan Sampah Plastik di Laut 2019-2024." Padjadjaran Journal of International Relations 1, no. 1 (June 17, 2019): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.24198/padjir.v1i1.21590.
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The purpose of this article are explaining the National Action Plan against Marine Plastic Debris 2018-2025 as the diplomatic momentum for Indonesia to to succeed in its maritime diplomacy. Researchers used the theory of maritime diplomacy proposed by Christian le Miere. In analyzing existing maritime diplomacy, researchers used the momentum diplomatic theory from G.R. Berridge in researching diplomatic strategies used in transforming national policies into diplomatic strategies. In this study, researchers used qualitative research with discourse analysis as the technique for data analysis to analyze the establishment of existing momentum. From this study, it’s found that the National Action Plan Against Marine Plastic Debtis is Indonesia’s Diplomatic Momentum. Proven by the elevation of the issues, as well supported by Indonesia’s leadership in ASEAN, East Asia Summit, and Our Ocean Conference, as well as the establishment of Indonesia Oceans Multi-Donor Trust Fund showing the success of National Action Plan as Indonesia’s Maritime Diplomacy Momentum. Tujuan dari artikel ini adalah untuk menjelaskan bagaimana Rencana Aksi Nasional Penanganan Sampah Plastik di Laut 2018-2025 dapat menjadi sebuah momentum diplomatik bagi Indonesia dalam mewujudkan visi diplomasi maritimnya. Peneliti menggunakan teori Diplomasi Maritim yang dikemukakan Christian le Miere. Dalam menganalisis diplomasi maritim yang ada, peneliti menggunakan teori momentum diplomatik dari G.R. Berridge untuk menganalisis proses perubahan kebijakan nasional menjadi strategi diplomasi. Dalam artikel ini, penulis menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan teknik analisis data berupa analisis wacana untuk menganalisis pembentukan momentum yang ada. Artikel ini menemukan bahwa Rencana Aksi Nasional Penanganan Sampah Plastik di Laut 2018-2025 merupakan momentum diplomatik Indonesia. Hal ini ditunjukkan dengan peningkatan urgensi dari isu sampah plastik, dan didukung dengan posisi kepemimpinan Indonesia di tingkat ASEAN, East Asia Summit dan Our Ocean Conference, serta terbentuknya Indonesia-Oceans Multi-Donor Trust Fund menunjukkan keberhasilan penggunaan Rencana Aksi sebagai momentum diplomatik dari diplomasi maritim Indonesia.
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Bjola, Corneliu, and Costas M. Constantinou. "Diplomatic Challenges in a Crisis World." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 10, no. 1 (January 27, 2015): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-12341291.
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The objective of this forum is to provide a framework for intellectual exchange and debate about the role of diplomacy in negotiating global crises and the impact of such crises on the evolution of diplomatic leadership, identity and method. Drawing on theories of leadership, decision-making, power and crisis management, the five contributions to this forum invite readers to reflect upon the analytical implications of theorizing crisis diplomacy.
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Eke, Kola. "The Quest for Diplomatic Leadership in the Poetry of Tanure Ojaide." Matatu 40, no. 1 (December 1, 2012): 51–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-040001004.
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The essay focuses on the issue of leadership in the poet's society. It is fascinating to note that Ojaide suggests leadership training courses for aspiring African leaders. Specifically, this study shows that the poet would like an aspiring leader to take lessons in diplomacy. This is because leadership involves knowing how to work with the people. At Edon, the student learns that the loyalty of the masses is essential to good governance. The aspiring leader is taught to study the people and their temperaments. He should be able to gain and hold the loyalty of the masses. Knowledge of the human temperament is indispensable in enabling leaders deal with, and better comprehend, the people. In working with people, leaders need to be tactful and careful. The purpose of this essay is to demonstrate Ojaide's quest for diplomatic leadership in Africa in general, and Nigeria in particular.
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Vicziany, Marika. "Australia‐India security dialogues: Academic leadership in the diplomatic vacuum." South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 23, sup1 (January 2000): 159–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00856400008723406.
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Maurer, Heidi, and Kristi Raik. "Neither Fish nor Fowl. How eu Delegations Challenge the Institution of Diplomacy: The Cases of Moscow and Washington." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 13, no. 1 (September 15, 2018): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685373-13010034.
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Summary This article explores European diplomatic cooperation abroad since 2009 by studying diplomatic structures and practices in two key locations: Moscow and Washington, dc. It analyses the functions of European Union (eu) delegations as part of the hybrid eu foreign policy system and their way of engaging with the changing global patterns of diplomatic practice. The empirical analysis draws on extensive semi-structured interviews conducted in Moscow and Washington during 2013-2014. Our cases confirm the deeper institutionalization and intensification of European diplomatic cooperation abroad. The eu delegations increasingly assumed traditional diplomatic tasks and coordinated member states on the ground. The eu delegations’ ability to establish good working relationships with member states as well as the leadership of key individuals (notably eu ambassadors) were key factors in shaping how this new system fell into place, which shows the continued prevalence of hybridity in eu foreign policy-making.
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Freeman, Chas W. "Diplomatic Doctrine and Style with Chinese Characteristics." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 16, no. 2-3 (November 23, 2020): 370–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-bja10053.
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Summary Chinese diplomatic style is the product of many influences. It is rooted in 2,000 years of history but also reflects changes resulting from the Chinese Revolution and the dramatic expansion of its wealth, power, status and interests ongoing today. Much is made of the hierarchical tradition in China’s diplomatic thinking and its resistance to Western diplomatic norms. However, these provide unreliable guides for contemporary Chinese diplomacy. While ‘face’, in terms of the respect of others remains an important consideration, Chinese diplomacy is influenced by upholding its understanding of the principles of sovereignty, non-intervention and self-determination. It is also influenced by the ruling Chinese Communist Party’s conceptions of how political leadership and control are exercised and maintained. These concerns manifest themselves in the way Chinese diplomatic style has avoided force, favoured ambiguity and operated with a clear, but creatively interpreted, distinction between non-negotiable core principles and more flexible concrete arrangements.
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Matkó, Andrea. "The Role of transformal leadership in local governments’ efficiency." Acta Agraria Debreceniensis, no. 54 (August 12, 2013): 33–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.34101/actaagrar/54/2145.
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Local governments had to respond to the challenges of the dynamically changing environment. A key element of the rapid adaptation lies in the right leadership. The local governments also recognized that the traditional management principles are found not to be effective in today's economic, political and social challenges.
The employees of the organizations are successful in the attainment of leadership, which are planning the next year, performance-based, as well as the leading is diplomatic, charismatic-development, group integrators. The investigated local governments’ middle level leaders believe that in the current economic and political situation only those organizations able to keep up, which emphasize the trans-formal leadership.
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Chechelnytska, Hanna. "State activity of the Ukrainian People's Republic Central Council: a comparative analysis against the background of diplomacy in Central-Eastern Europe." LAPLAGE EM REVISTA 7, no. 3C (September 30, 2021): 369–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.24115/s2446-6220202173c1632p.369-380.
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The article describes the state activities of the Ukrainian People's Republic against the background of the implementation of its diplomacy in the region of Central and Eastern Europe. At the same time, the process of formation of the executive diplomatic body of the Ukrainian People's Republic - General Secretariat of International Affairs is highlighted. The Ukrainian leadership offered the utopian idea of forming a federation to the regional governments of Kuban, Crimea, the Don, and Siberia. Thus, the article analyzes the main blunders of the Central Rada on the way of formation of statehood and highlights the main vectors of discussion on this issue. The main geopolitical climate, in particular in Central and Eastern Europe, which existed for the diplomatic activity of the Ukrainian state is also investigated. In particular, it is noted that the diplomatic situation in general was not particularly favorable for the state activity of Ukraine.
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Maria Alexandra, Florentina Wulandari. "US FOREIGN POLICY IN RESTORING DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH CUBA IN 2015-2016." Sociae Polites 20, no. 2 (December 10, 2019): 81–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.33541/sp.v20i2.1459.
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At the end of 2014, the United States, under the leadership of President Barack Obama, decided to improve relations with Cuba. The relationship between the two countries has a long history. After 53 years of severing diplomatic ties with Cuba, America finally made a change through the policy of diplomatic relations improvement that began in 2015. This study analyzes the background that encourages the restoration of political ties between the United States and Cuba, examining the implementation of foreign policy forms between the two countries As a result of the restoration of diplomatic relations between the United States and Cuba through diplomatic channels. This research uses foreign policy theory and the theory of international pathways. The research method used is qualitative research with a secondary data source, with a data collection technique through a literature study. The study found that in the policy of restoring the diplomatic relations between the United States and Cuba happened for three main reasons, the first one. President Obama realized that US sanctions to Cuba is a policy that is not successful; the United States no longer wants to lose the market, which was very promising in Cuba. And also, the United States has a ton amount of pressure internationally and domestically, asking them to recover their relations with Cuba. These reasons ultimately implemented through diplomatic channels by both countries. They have implications such as increased bilateral visits, increased investment, and business as well as cultural exchange through communities and students.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Diplomatic leadership"
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Stephenson, Elise M. "The face of Australia: Women in international affairs." Thesis, Griffith University, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/397586.
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Australia’s foreign service is undergoing fundamental and rapid gendered change. Women form the majority of the Australian Public Service (APS) and a growing proportion of representation in international affairs agencies. Coinciding with an increasingly feminist and women-informed foreign policy across Australia, women verge on parity in diplomatic leadership for the first time in history. Yet, beyond high-profile appointments and shifting demographic profiles across agencies, gendered (and racialised, heteronormative, and classed) power structures continue to impact on whom is given the opportunity to represent Australia internationally. Women remain under-represented in senior leadership and international representation, and experience greater challenges in international affairs agencies than domestic government service. Therefore, this thesis uses a comparative case study approach to analyse women’s under-representation in four of Australia’s premier international affairs agencies: the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT); Defence (inclusive of the Department of Defence (DoD) and the Australian Defence Force (ADF)); the Department of Home Affairs (Home Affairs); and the Australian Federal Police (AFP). The research applies Feminist Institutionalist (FI) theory to explore institutional history and change, as well as analyse the demographics and experiences of women in executive level (EL) and senior executive service (SES) in order to answer the research question of why do women remain under-represented in Australian international affairs? Data is triangulated through a mixed methods research design, involving 57 in-depth qualitative interviews, observation in the field, and quantitative data analysis from the past 34 years. The research finds that gendered challenges pervade Australian international affairs. It is a field teeming with complex and multifaceted rules that challenge women at every turn, where gendered institutions endure through fluidity and adaptation. Gendered institutions have resulted in the under-representation of women in leadership and international representation. This is due to: (1) historical legacies that maintain male-domination and masculine supremacy in the field; (2) contemporary layering and duplication of regressive gendered institutions across individual, agency, diplomatic field, and society contexts; and (3) the compounding effect of challenges at different stages of women’s posting cycles, careers and lives.
The thesis makes four core significant and original contributions. Firstly, it represents the largest and most comprehensive Australian study of gender in international affairs to date, and a significant contemporary global case study. Secondly, it develops a new FI framework for understanding gendered institutions in international affairs, applicable to researchers of gender and diplomacy and other international fields. Thirdly, it offers five original empirical findings, including that women were most proportionally represented in leadership and international representation in more militaristic agency structures, inverting conventional theory on militaries as the most male-dominated and patriarchal spheres of the state. Fourthly, this thesis contributes an FI mixed methods approach to understanding “hidden” informal institutions across contexts deeply layered, complex and cross-cultural.
Overall, it is clear that as long as gendered challenges continue to impede women’s inclusion in international affairs, this damages states’ abilities to accurately determine and maintain state sovereignty, as well as represent and decide on matters of national interest. Leaders at this level act as the filter through which all international decisions are communicated, assessed, implemented, and evaluated. In essence, who leads, matters.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Govt & Int Relations
Griffith Business School
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George, Atim Eneida. "Generative Leadership and the Life of Aurelia Erskine Brazeal, a Trailblazing African American Female Foreign Service Officer." Antioch University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=antioch1581697056034498.
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Chérigui, Hayète. "La politique méditerranéenne de la France : entre diplomatie collective et leadership." Paris 5, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996PA05D005.
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La préoccupation du rôle et du rang de la France sur la scène internationale constitue le fil conducteur de l'initiative diplomatique française en méditerranée. La stratégie méditerranéenne de la France opère sur deux registres : elle est énoncée dans une perspective de valorisation des capacités de puissance de la France et dans le but d'évaluer, de conforter et de renforcer sa recherche de leadership sur la scène régionale. L'objet méditerranéen constitue donc un instrument permettant de mesurer la prévalence d'un acteur étatique par rapport à son action mais aussi par rapport à celle de ses "rivaux". La prétention au leadership s'exerce pour la France au moyen de la construction d'un espace de puissance (forum méditerranéen) et d'un espace de sens transnational (message méditerranéen) au sein duquel la France peut faire valoir ses critères de puissance (membre permanent au Conseil de sécurité des nations unies, puissance nucléaire, rôle diplomatique au sein de l'Union européenne). Notre travail se présente donc comme l'explicitation et la démonstration d'une expérience diplomatique baptisée forum méditerranéen fondée sur la mise en œuvre d'un mode d'action collective défini par la France qui s'est exercée de 1983 à 1996 et dont la formulation coïncide avec le septennat de François Mitterrand et se renforce à la fin de son second mandat. Il existe ainsi un lien (linkage) entre l'exercice de puissance et la recherche de leadership et l'énonciation d'un mode d'organisation institutionnelle des rapports sociaux en méditerranée occidentaleFor more than sixty years, France has always presented projects for the Mediterranean actors, above all from 1983 to 1995 founded on a multilaterization of their relationships and a systematization of the western part of the Mediterranean Sea in order to strengthen its role and its place in the region and to reaffirm its leadership capacities. The Mediterranean institutionalization and its conceptualization as a regional sub system through the organization of regular meetings and conferences as the forum Mediterranean aim more at reinforce its leadership than to promote a multilateral political economical and cultural approach. The post cold war period has confirmed this global and regional policy and the French initiative and revealed the linkage between the collective proposal and the French ambition leadership in the western Mediterranean and in the Machreq
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Mashaba, Johannes Monodowafa. "Leadership and management skills relevant to the South African diplomat in the global context an overview of a South African diplomat /." Pretoria : [s.n.], 2009. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-04012009-225100/.
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Mashaba, Johannes Monodowafa. "Leadership and management skills relevant to the South African diplomat in the global context : an overview of a South African diplomat." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/23674.
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The role that South Africa has played in international affairs has grown immensely since the first democratic elections that were held in April 2004. The country’s commitments in international affairs are guided by its foreign policy which is based on ensuring an equitable share of global decision-making between the countries of the north and south, and the economic and social development of the African continent. These foreign policy objectives have created a lot of capacity challenges on the South African Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) which is mandated to guide the formulation and implementation of South Africa’s foreign policy. In this study, the South African’s foreign policy objectives and its institutions responsible for implementing its foreign policy are discussed. Furthermore, the challenges that the country’s diplomats encounter in the global context in the implementation of the country’s foreign policy objectives are explored, especially the capacity required to successfully execute their mandate. The Foreign Service Institute (FSI), which is tasked with providing training to public administrators identified for Foreign Service, especially the content of its training programmes are the focus of this study. The data presented in this thesis are mainly derived from interview responses to a questionnaire that was developed for the purpose of this research study. The questionnaire was completed by individuals in the country’s Foreign Service (FS) who attended the FSI training programme and have been assigned to their first posting. Findings of this study indicate that the FSI training programme, in its current format, fall short of achieving its intended objective of equipping South African diplomats with the relevant diplomatic skills that are necessary for the effective and efficient execution of the country’s foreign policy. It is, therefore, recommended that FSI training programme be remodelled to address the actual challenges that the country’s diplomats face and thus emphasise the development of a uniquely South African training programme. This study concludes with recommendations for the DFA action on the future development of a remodelled FSI training programme for the FS, with the aim of enabling the institution to address public administration skills required for the successful implementation of the country’s foreign policy objectives.Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2009.
School of Public Management and Administration (SPMA)
unrestricted
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Aranha, Aline de Oliveira. "Inspirações sobre o fazer(-se) polític@ entre os Guarani-Mbya." Universidade de São Paulo, 2017. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8134/tde-19072018-141406/.
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A intenção aqui é pensar como as transformações nas formas e estratégias mbya de liderança e ação cosmopolítica são mobilizados e produzidos, criativamente, no confronto cada vez mais intenso com a política e modo de ser, pensar e de se comportar jurua (não-indígena), elucidando o (in)tenso trabalho de tradução implicado nessas e em outras amplas redes de relações que compõem o mundo guarani. Há aí toda uma gestão e mobilização dessas relações de aliança e parentesco, em que diferentes domínios e perspectivas demandam diferentes retóricas e ações, e identidades étnicas tornam-se armas políticas, principalmente após a Constituição de 1988, envolvendo então toda uma diplomacia cosmopolítica mbya que parte de uma ética de moderação, xamânica, com vistas à fabricação de pessoas e coletivos saudáveis e alegres nesta terra perecível (tekoaxy), e se acentua ainda mais nesse contexto de constrangimento territorial e superpovoação, que impõe diversos limites ao exercício de sua territorialidade. Estas transformações estão inseridas em contextos como os de luta pela demarcação de terras e salvaguarda de direitos indígenas constitucionais, tal como em projetos de fortalecimento cultural sob a rubrica da cultura, nos quais o domínio da burocracia passa a corresponder a um maior domínio da arena de batalha e, com isso, afirmação e demarcação da diferença e resistência mbya contra o Estado. Retórica esta que passa então a afetar diretamente a produção de enunciados e perspectivas guarani para o futuro de suas lideranças e de sua comunidade. Estamos também diante de um contexto cada vez maior de valorização e protagonismo público de jovens mulheres mbya (kunhãgue), assim como da abertura e conquista de espaços de fala e atuação política no âmbito da comunidade, antes majoritariamente ocupados por figuras masculinas ou mais velhas e experientes. A partir disso, buscamos então refletir sobre a complementaridade e fortalecimento mútuo de ambos sujeitos, kunhãgue e avakue (homens mbya), e como suas diferentes capacidades-poderes (-poaka) se relacionam aos processos mbya de construção e composição de pessoas, lideranças e chefias, coletivos, discursos e práticas. A ideia então é alargamos de fato nossas concepções de política e pensar as movimentações desempenhadas pelos diversos sujeitos correspondendo mais a disposições cosmopolíticas diferenciantes e, portanto, relacionais, do que a funções ou (o)posições propriamente ditas ou mesmo fixas, a capacidades singulares de agir, fazer agir, afetar e ser afetado, que contam com diferentes modalidades e estilos de liderança e áreas de atuação, influência e prestígio. Tais figuras políticas podem ainda ser pensadas como tradutoras de mundos ou diplomatas cosmopolíticas, transitando por diferentes códigos e agenciando diferentes mundos.The intention here is to think about how transformations in mbya manners and strategies of leadership and cosmopolitical action are, creatively, mobilized and produced in the increasingly intense confrontation with the politics and the manner of being, thinking and, the so called, behaving jurua (non-indigenous), elucidating the (in)tense work of translation implied in these and other bonds of relations that make up the Guarani world. There is a whole management and mobilization of these relations of alliance and kinship, in which different domains and perspectives demand different rhetoric and different actions, and ethnic identities become political weapons, especially after the Brazilian Constitution of 1988, involving a whole mbya cosmopolitical diplomacy that starts from an ethics of moderation, shamanic, with a view to the production of healthy and joyful people and groups in this perishable land (tekoaxy), and is even more accentuated in this context of territorial constraint and overpopulation, which imposes various limits on the exercise of its territoriality. These transformations are embedded in contexts such as the struggle for land demarcation and the safeguarding of indigenous constitutional rights, as in cultural strengthening projects under the rubric of culture (with commas), in which the mastery of bureaucracy implies a better domain of the battlefield and, with that, the affirmation and demarcation of the difference and resistance Mbya against the State. This rhetoric, thus, directly affects the production of Guarani statements and perspectives for the future of its leaders and its community. We are also faced with a growing context of valorization and public protagonism of young mbya women (kunhãgue), as well as the opening and conquest of spaces of speech and political activity within the community, previously mostly occupied by male figures or older and more experienced people. From this, we seek to reflect on the complementarity and mutual strengthening of both subjects, kunhãgue and avakue (mbya men), and how their different capacities-powers (-poaka) relate to the mbya processes of construction and composition of people, leadership, collectives, discourses and practices. The idea then is to widen our conceptions of politics and to think the movements performed by the various subjects as corresponding more to differententiating cosmopolitical dispositions, therefore, relational, than to functions or proper (o)positions or even fixed ones, more a singular capacities-powers of act, make acting, affect and be affected, that count with different modalities and styles of leadership and areas of influence and prestige. Such political figures can still be thought as translators of worlds or cosmopolitical diplomats, transiting through different codes and agencing different worlds.
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Ribeiro, Joana Margarida Jacinto. "President Obama vs. President W. Bush: can a president's leadership style be an effective and efficient influence for US diplomacy and foreign policy?" Master's thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.6/2825.
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This dissertation intends, as it main purpose, to study and characterise leadership style of both George W. Bush and Barack H. Obama during the period of their first mandate regarding diplomatic and foreign affairs issues in Islamic countries. It will analyse if Muslim countries’ leaders changed the way they saw and interacted with the West, particularly the United States of America, in response to a different type of leadership. This work will also try to answer the question of whether the relationship between USA and Islamic countries can be reinvented by the diplomatic behaviour of a president and how media conveys these images and ideas in order to influence the homeland public as well as the public abroad.
The present essay will examine different Islamic countries such as Iraq, with which USA is at war, and Iran, both of them antagonists of what America stands for, and Turkey an associated country of USA.
The main research question guiding this analysis is: How do leadership styles and presidential charisma influence US Foreign Policy design and efficiency towards the Muslim world? This problematic will be viewed by several angles, for there a numerous theories that can help perceive this issue. As a result, both Presidents’ leadership style and charisma will be analysed.
Afterwards, this dissertation will frame its most important notions giving them a conceptual delimitation, supplied by renowned authors of social sciences such as International Relations, Communications, Psychology, Sociology and Political Studies.
The case study, with direct and indirect sources, will focus on relevant Islamic countries to US, some because are sworn enemies (Iraq and Iran) and others (Turkey) because are loyal to what the North America stands for.
George W. Bush is a Republican who served two times as President of the USA, during which, America was offended with the most assertive and horrifying terrorist attack ever seen in US soil, in a day that forever more will live in infamy: 11th of September. On the other hand, Barack Obama is an African-American Democrat with Muslim roots of his own, who campaigned against war abroad but ended up involving his country, through NATO’S intervention, in another one (Libya).
The dissertation will end with the conclusions to whatever results may be found in the pursuit of this question: Are leadership styles and charismatic behaviours an influence in efficiency and efficacy of the Foreign Affairs Policy towards Islamic Countries?
In order to respond as accurately as possible all sources will be considered in this study, the statements made by the two Presidents during their first mandate, their official
Books on the topic "Diplomatic leadership"
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Prins, Gwyn. Strategy, force planning, and diplomatic/military operations (DMOs). London: Royal Institute of International Affairs, International Security Programme, 1998.
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John, Prendergast. U.S. leadership in resolving African conflict: The case of Ethiopia-Eritrea. Washington, DC (1200 17th St., NW, Washington 20036): U.S. Institute of Peace, 2001.
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John, Prendergast. U.S. leadership in resolving African conflict: The case of Ethiopia-Eritrea. Washington, DC (1200 17th St., NW, Washington 20036): U.S. Institute of Peace, 2001.
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John, Prendergast. U.S. leadership in resolving African conflict: The case of Ethiopia-Eritrea. Washington, DC (1200 17th St., NW, Washington 20036): U.S. Institute of Peace, 2001.
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Prendergast, John. U.S. leadership in resolving African conflict: The case of Ethiopia-Eritrea. Washington, DC (1200 17th St., NW, Washington 20036): U.S. Institute of Peace, 2001.
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Prendergast, John. U.S. leadership in resolving African conflict: The case of Ethiopia-Eritrea. Washington, DC (1200 17th St., NW, Washington 20036): U.S. Institute of Peace, 2001.
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John, Prendergast. U.S. leadership in resolving African conflict: The case of Ethiopia-Eritrea. Washington, DC (1200 17th St., NW, Washington 20036): U.S. Institute of Peace, 2001.
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Leadership and indecision: American war planning and policy process, 1937-1942. New York: Garland Pub., 1988.
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Yapou, Eliezer. Governments in exile, 1939-1945: Leadership from London and resistance at home. S.l: s.n., 2005.
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Shultz, George Pratt. Ideas & action: Featuring the 10 commandments of negotiations. Erie, PA: Free to Choose Press, 2010.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Diplomatic leadership"
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Mok, Ka Ho. "Diplomatic Activism for Global Leadership." In Globalizing China – Social and Governance Reforms, 7–28. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003256212-2.
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Strakes, Jason E. "Incapacity, Endowment, and Ambivalence: Deciphering Azerbaijan’s Regional Leadership Strategy." In Diplomatic Strategies of Nations in the Global South, 293–317. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-45226-9_11.
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Fistein, David. "The Diplomatic Achievements of Amilcar Cabral: A Case Study of Effective Leadership in a Small African State." In Leadership in Colonial Africa, 69–100. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137478092_4.
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Serbin, Andrés, and Andrei Serbin Pont. "The Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela: The Limits of Ideological Diplomacy and Regional Leadership." In Diplomatic Strategies of Nations in the Global South, 263–90. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-45226-9_10.
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Adogamhe, Paul G. "Nigeria’s Diplomacy: The Challenges of Regional Power and Leadership in a Globalizing World." In Diplomatic Strategies of Nations in the Global South, 213–38. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-45226-9_8.
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Murat, Assel, and Rustam Muhamedov. "China and The OSCE’s Security Identity Crisis." In Between Peace and Conflict in the East and the West, 77–93. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-77489-9_4.
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AbstractThis study attempts to explore how China as an external actor bordering the OSCE region facilitates and amplifies the norm contestation in the OSCE’s wider region. We argue that China can use the OSCE’s internal leadership and security crisis for its own strategic advantage by further weakening the OSCE participating States’ commitments in the human dimension and their support for democratic institutions. We discuss the aforementioned through the case of the persecution of Muslims in Xinjiang. The research findings indicate that China uses its policy tools to accomplish its objectives: it seeks to expand and strengthen the network of supporting states in regard to Xinjiang; it uses its diplomats as outlets of propaganda and disinformation to deny the persecution of Muslims in Xinjiang and to present China as a benign actor; it uses multilateral institutions such as Shanghai Cooperation Organisation as a platform to build support for its alternative regional security governance model. We conclude that this policy posture undermines the work of the OSCE and trust in its values, norms, and practices.
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"Conclusion: Becoming a Principled, Diplomatic Leader." In Leadership Development, 271–86. Psychology Press, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781410604514-22.
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Hodge, Carl Cavanagh. "Diplomatic Failure and Military Catastrophe." In Political and Military Leadership in the World Wars, 7–26. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003153443-2.
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Cooper, James. "Before Power, 1969–1980." In A Diplomatic Meeting, 11–43. University Press of Kentucky, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813154305.003.0002.
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This chapter focuses on Reagan and Thatcher before they won power. It shows how Reagan furthered his credentials as a presidential candidate with his four visits to Britain between 1969 and 1978. Likewise, it highlights Thatcher’s visits to the United States in 1975 and 1977, and meetings with U.S. presidents Gerald Ford and Jimmy Carter, which afforded her the opportunity to downplay her inexperience in foreign affairs and claim American support for her polices that legitimized her leadership of the Conservative Party and, ultimately, the United Kingdom.
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Woodruff, Paul. "Messianic Leadership." In The Garden of Leaders, 29–36. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190883645.003.0003.
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Joan the Maid, known in our time as Joan of Arc, led a French army to victory by inspiring them to work together for the goal of freedom for France. She was brilliantly successful at the start. But Joan was limited by her ignorance and lack of education—an innocent, totally unprepared for the politics of the situation in which she had thrust herself. Her kind of messianic leadership would not survive school learning, and it cannot function well for long in the real world. We can learn both positive and negative lessons from her story. The positive lesson arises from the galvanic effect that her message had on a dispirited army; her vision brought it together and made it a powerful fighting force. She was able to do this without any military or civilian authority. The negative lesson comes from her failure to understand the diplomatic reality on which true victory would depend. Looking at her failure, we can sketch out the education that a more successful leader would need.
Conference papers on the topic "Diplomatic leadership"
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De La Fuente-Mella, Hanns, Claudio Elórtegui Gómez, and Ignacio Milies Valdivia. "Analysis of the Variables that Affect China's Presence in International News in the Context of Coronavirus." In 13th International Conference on Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics (AHFE 2022). AHFE International, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1002288.
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Western media coverage of Covid19 had a focus of special interest in China during 2020, due to globalization and the pandemic nature of the crisis. The news agendas deepened and debated the responsibility of the Asian power in the spread of the disease. However, China's international attitude and diplomatic actions based on donations of medical supplies and vaccine development also began to spread. The research uses econometric models in linear probability to determine which are the main variables that explain Chinese public diplomacy in the news of 24 countries. The investigation shows that the western media give China a high level of interference in the origin of the pandemic. However, the results indicate that certain features of Chinese public diplomacy entered significantly in the news that mentioned the Asian giant, spreading a type of international leadership that disputes positions with the global hegemony of the United States.