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Journal articles on the topic 'Diplomatic leadership'
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Noor Muhammad, Salmah Jan. "Leadership of Malacca Sultanate Rulers In Establishing Diplomatic Relations." Malay Literature 30, no. 2 (December 1, 2017): 181–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.37052/ml.30(2)no1.
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Leadership is the ability of a government in shaping the people’s mind to achieve goals that have been planned together in order to strengthen its administration especially in establishing diplomatic relations with other countries. Without the mobilization of intellectual and physical cooperation from these two groups, it is impossible for a government to succeed in its diplomatic missions. Therefore, this article will discuss the leadership of the Malay sultanate in establishing diplomatic relations through data analysis of the events described in historiographic manuscripts such as Sulalat al- Salatin , Al-Tarikh Salasilah Negeri Kedah , Hikayat Merong Mahawangsa and Tuhfat al-Nafis . In addition, this article also describes the effectiveness of this leadership in response to the diplomatic relations that had been initiated by and accepted from other governments. The result of the study will show that a variety of methods or approaches were used by the rulers of the Malay sultanate in advancing the government’s reputation from the economic, social and physical aspects. Keywords: leadership, leaders/rulers, Malay sultanate, diplomatic, historiography Abstrak Kepemimpinan merupakan upaya pemerintah dalam usaha membentuk jiwa dan minda rakyat untuk bersama-sama merealisasikan matlamat yang telah direncanakan bagi memantapkan tadbir urus kerajaan, khususnya, dalam usaha menjalinkan hubungan diplomatik dengan kerajaan lain. Tanpa penggemblengan daya fikir dan fizikal daripada dua golongan ini, adalah mustahil untuk sesebuah kerajaan itu berjaya dalam misi diplomatiknya. Oleh itu, makalah ini akan membincangkan kepemimpinan pemerintah kesultanan Melayu dalam hubungan diplomatik dengan menggunakan kaedah analisis data terhadap peristiwa yang terdapat dalam naskhah historiografi seperti Sulalat al- Salatin , Al-Tarikh Salasilah Negeri Kedah , Hikayat Merong Mahawangsa dan Tuhfat al-Nafis . Selain itu, tulisan ini juga menghuraikan keberkesanan kepemimpinan tersebut terhadap hubungan diplomatik yang ditawarkan dan diterima daripada kerajaan luar. Dapatan menunjukkan bahawa terdapat pelbagai kaedah kepemimpinan yang digunakan oleh pemerintah kesultanan Melayu untuk melonjakkan nama kerajaan yang diperintah dari aspek ekonomi, sosial dan fizikal. Kata kunci: kepemimpinan, pemerintah, kesultanan Melayu, diplomatik, historiografi
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Hermawan, Cecep, and Hasan Sidik. "Momentum Diplomasi Maritim Indonesia: Rencana Aksi Nasional Penanganan Sampah Plastik di Laut 2019-2024." Padjadjaran Journal of International Relations 1, no. 1 (June 17, 2019): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.24198/padjir.v1i1.21590.
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The purpose of this article are explaining the National Action Plan against Marine Plastic Debris 2018-2025 as the diplomatic momentum for Indonesia to to succeed in its maritime diplomacy. Researchers used the theory of maritime diplomacy proposed by Christian le Miere. In analyzing existing maritime diplomacy, researchers used the momentum diplomatic theory from G.R. Berridge in researching diplomatic strategies used in transforming national policies into diplomatic strategies. In this study, researchers used qualitative research with discourse analysis as the technique for data analysis to analyze the establishment of existing momentum. From this study, it’s found that the National Action Plan Against Marine Plastic Debtis is Indonesia’s Diplomatic Momentum. Proven by the elevation of the issues, as well supported by Indonesia’s leadership in ASEAN, East Asia Summit, and Our Ocean Conference, as well as the establishment of Indonesia Oceans Multi-Donor Trust Fund showing the success of National Action Plan as Indonesia’s Maritime Diplomacy Momentum. Tujuan dari artikel ini adalah untuk menjelaskan bagaimana Rencana Aksi Nasional Penanganan Sampah Plastik di Laut 2018-2025 dapat menjadi sebuah momentum diplomatik bagi Indonesia dalam mewujudkan visi diplomasi maritimnya. Peneliti menggunakan teori Diplomasi Maritim yang dikemukakan Christian le Miere. Dalam menganalisis diplomasi maritim yang ada, peneliti menggunakan teori momentum diplomatik dari G.R. Berridge untuk menganalisis proses perubahan kebijakan nasional menjadi strategi diplomasi. Dalam artikel ini, penulis menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan teknik analisis data berupa analisis wacana untuk menganalisis pembentukan momentum yang ada. Artikel ini menemukan bahwa Rencana Aksi Nasional Penanganan Sampah Plastik di Laut 2018-2025 merupakan momentum diplomatik Indonesia. Hal ini ditunjukkan dengan peningkatan urgensi dari isu sampah plastik, dan didukung dengan posisi kepemimpinan Indonesia di tingkat ASEAN, East Asia Summit dan Our Ocean Conference, serta terbentuknya Indonesia-Oceans Multi-Donor Trust Fund menunjukkan keberhasilan penggunaan Rencana Aksi sebagai momentum diplomatik dari diplomasi maritim Indonesia.
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Bjola, Corneliu, and Costas M. Constantinou. "Diplomatic Challenges in a Crisis World." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 10, no. 1 (January 27, 2015): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-12341291.
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The objective of this forum is to provide a framework for intellectual exchange and debate about the role of diplomacy in negotiating global crises and the impact of such crises on the evolution of diplomatic leadership, identity and method. Drawing on theories of leadership, decision-making, power and crisis management, the five contributions to this forum invite readers to reflect upon the analytical implications of theorizing crisis diplomacy.
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Eke, Kola. "The Quest for Diplomatic Leadership in the Poetry of Tanure Ojaide." Matatu 40, no. 1 (December 1, 2012): 51–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-040001004.
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The essay focuses on the issue of leadership in the poet's society. It is fascinating to note that Ojaide suggests leadership training courses for aspiring African leaders. Specifically, this study shows that the poet would like an aspiring leader to take lessons in diplomacy. This is because leadership involves knowing how to work with the people. At Edon, the student learns that the loyalty of the masses is essential to good governance. The aspiring leader is taught to study the people and their temperaments. He should be able to gain and hold the loyalty of the masses. Knowledge of the human temperament is indispensable in enabling leaders deal with, and better comprehend, the people. In working with people, leaders need to be tactful and careful. The purpose of this essay is to demonstrate Ojaide's quest for diplomatic leadership in Africa in general, and Nigeria in particular.
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Vicziany, Marika. "Australia‐India security dialogues: Academic leadership in the diplomatic vacuum." South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 23, sup1 (January 2000): 159–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00856400008723406.
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Maurer, Heidi, and Kristi Raik. "Neither Fish nor Fowl. How eu Delegations Challenge the Institution of Diplomacy: The Cases of Moscow and Washington." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 13, no. 1 (September 15, 2018): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685373-13010034.
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Summary This article explores European diplomatic cooperation abroad since 2009 by studying diplomatic structures and practices in two key locations: Moscow and Washington, dc. It analyses the functions of European Union (eu) delegations as part of the hybrid eu foreign policy system and their way of engaging with the changing global patterns of diplomatic practice. The empirical analysis draws on extensive semi-structured interviews conducted in Moscow and Washington during 2013-2014. Our cases confirm the deeper institutionalization and intensification of European diplomatic cooperation abroad. The eu delegations increasingly assumed traditional diplomatic tasks and coordinated member states on the ground. The eu delegations’ ability to establish good working relationships with member states as well as the leadership of key individuals (notably eu ambassadors) were key factors in shaping how this new system fell into place, which shows the continued prevalence of hybridity in eu foreign policy-making.
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Freeman, Chas W. "Diplomatic Doctrine and Style with Chinese Characteristics." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 16, no. 2-3 (November 23, 2020): 370–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-bja10053.
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Summary Chinese diplomatic style is the product of many influences. It is rooted in 2,000 years of history but also reflects changes resulting from the Chinese Revolution and the dramatic expansion of its wealth, power, status and interests ongoing today. Much is made of the hierarchical tradition in China’s diplomatic thinking and its resistance to Western diplomatic norms. However, these provide unreliable guides for contemporary Chinese diplomacy. While ‘face’, in terms of the respect of others remains an important consideration, Chinese diplomacy is influenced by upholding its understanding of the principles of sovereignty, non-intervention and self-determination. It is also influenced by the ruling Chinese Communist Party’s conceptions of how political leadership and control are exercised and maintained. These concerns manifest themselves in the way Chinese diplomatic style has avoided force, favoured ambiguity and operated with a clear, but creatively interpreted, distinction between non-negotiable core principles and more flexible concrete arrangements.
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Matkó, Andrea. "The Role of transformal leadership in local governments’ efficiency." Acta Agraria Debreceniensis, no. 54 (August 12, 2013): 33–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.34101/actaagrar/54/2145.
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Local governments had to respond to the challenges of the dynamically changing environment. A key element of the rapid adaptation lies in the right leadership. The local governments also recognized that the traditional management principles are found not to be effective in today's economic, political and social challenges.
The employees of the organizations are successful in the attainment of leadership, which are planning the next year, performance-based, as well as the leading is diplomatic, charismatic-development, group integrators. The investigated local governments’ middle level leaders believe that in the current economic and political situation only those organizations able to keep up, which emphasize the trans-formal leadership.
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Chechelnytska, Hanna. "State activity of the Ukrainian People's Republic Central Council: a comparative analysis against the background of diplomacy in Central-Eastern Europe." LAPLAGE EM REVISTA 7, no. 3C (September 30, 2021): 369–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.24115/s2446-6220202173c1632p.369-380.
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The article describes the state activities of the Ukrainian People's Republic against the background of the implementation of its diplomacy in the region of Central and Eastern Europe. At the same time, the process of formation of the executive diplomatic body of the Ukrainian People's Republic - General Secretariat of International Affairs is highlighted. The Ukrainian leadership offered the utopian idea of forming a federation to the regional governments of Kuban, Crimea, the Don, and Siberia. Thus, the article analyzes the main blunders of the Central Rada on the way of formation of statehood and highlights the main vectors of discussion on this issue. The main geopolitical climate, in particular in Central and Eastern Europe, which existed for the diplomatic activity of the Ukrainian state is also investigated. In particular, it is noted that the diplomatic situation in general was not particularly favorable for the state activity of Ukraine.
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Maria Alexandra, Florentina Wulandari. "US FOREIGN POLICY IN RESTORING DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH CUBA IN 2015-2016." Sociae Polites 20, no. 2 (December 10, 2019): 81–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.33541/sp.v20i2.1459.
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At the end of 2014, the United States, under the leadership of President Barack Obama, decided to improve relations with Cuba. The relationship between the two countries has a long history. After 53 years of severing diplomatic ties with Cuba, America finally made a change through the policy of diplomatic relations improvement that began in 2015. This study analyzes the background that encourages the restoration of political ties between the United States and Cuba, examining the implementation of foreign policy forms between the two countries As a result of the restoration of diplomatic relations between the United States and Cuba through diplomatic channels. This research uses foreign policy theory and the theory of international pathways. The research method used is qualitative research with a secondary data source, with a data collection technique through a literature study. The study found that in the policy of restoring the diplomatic relations between the United States and Cuba happened for three main reasons, the first one. President Obama realized that US sanctions to Cuba is a policy that is not successful; the United States no longer wants to lose the market, which was very promising in Cuba. And also, the United States has a ton amount of pressure internationally and domestically, asking them to recover their relations with Cuba. These reasons ultimately implemented through diplomatic channels by both countries. They have implications such as increased bilateral visits, increased investment, and business as well as cultural exchange through communities and students.
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Rosenbluth, Frances Mccall. "Japan in 2010." Asian Survey 51, no. 1 (January 2011): 41–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2011.51.1.41.
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The Democratic Party of Japan's first full year in office was rocky, with open competition for party leadership sandwiched between diplomatic rows with the U.S. and China. If bumps in the road are inevitable for a new party in government, the Japanese public has made an investment in the long-term health of its democracy.
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Ranjan, Sushant. "Entrepreneurial Leadership: A Review of Measures, Antecedents, Outcomes and Moderators." Asian Social Science 14, no. 12 (November 29, 2018): 104. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v14n12p104.
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The current study presents the review on entrepreneurial leadership since year 1980. Concept of entrepreneurial leadership, and its development so far were captured. Drawing on the comprehensive literature review of 50 studies, we have presented the measures used in the prior literature to capture the main construct of entrepreneurial leadership. Dimensions such as strategic factors, communicative factors, personal factors, motivational factors and leadership behaviors contribute to form entrepreneurial leadership. Various antecedents of entrepreneurial leadership such as human capital, social capital, entrepreneurial mindset, ambidexterity, and uncertainty absorbing, challenge framing, clearing path, commitment building and limits specification were identified. Outcomes such as wealth creation, strategic management of resources, innovation performance, startup performance and creativity were also identified. The possible traits of entrepreneurial leaders such as performance oriented, ambitious, informed, extra insight visionary foresight, confidence builder, diplomatic, effective bargainer, convincing, encourage, inspirational, enthusiastic, team builder, improvement-oriented, integrator, intellectual stimulation and positive attitudes are found.
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Postema, Saskia, and Jan Melissen. "UN celebrity diplomacy in China: activism, symbolism and national ambition online." International Affairs 97, no. 3 (May 2021): 667–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiab042.
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Abstract This article examines Chinese celebrities' UN-affiliated Weibo activism in the context of China's increasing engagement in the United Nations, which coincides with a shrinking domestic public sphere under Xi Jinping's leadership. Our article sheds light on how Chinese celebrity diplomacy is balancing contradictory expectations by the UN, the Chinese party-state and the domestic public in China. In doing so, we offer an important conceptual update of the western-centric literature on ‘celebrity diplomacy’, which focuses mostly on celebrity politics instead of diplomacy and tends to neglect the digital sphere. Based on a combined qualitative and quantitative approach, we draw fresh conclusions from nine Chinese celebrities' communication on Weibo since 2013. Our research covers the years marking China's growing self-confidence and a more assertive Chinese diplomatic style in global affairs. Although accredited by the UN, on balance Chinese celebrities' activism has become more symbolic than real, and as a rule aligned with the Chinese leadership's domestic and international ambitions. At a time of greater Chinese global activism, we are sensitive to the policy implications of Chinese celebrities' engagement on the cusp of the political and diplomatic spheres.
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Huang, Wei. "From Reservation to Ambiguity: Academic Debates and China’s Diplomatic Strategy Under Hu’s Leadership." East Asia 32, no. 1 (March 2015): 67–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12140-015-9226-6.
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Anisimov, Maksim. "Heinrich Gross of Würtemberg: A Diplomat on Elizabeth Petrovna's Service." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 5 (2021): 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640014979-4.
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Heinrich Gross was a diplomat of the Empress of Russia Elizabeth Petrovna, a foreigner on the Russian service who held some of the most important diplomatic posts of her reign. As the head of Russian diplomatic missions in European countries, he was an immediate participant in the rupture of both Franco-Russian and Russo-Prussian diplomatic relations and witnessed the beginning of the Seven Years' War, while in the capital of Saxony, besieged by Prussian troops. After that H. Gross was one of the members of the collective leadership of the Russian Collegium of Foreign Affairs. So far there is only one biographic essay about him written in the 19th century. The aims of this article are threefold. Using both published foreign affairs-related documentation and diplomatic documents stored in the Archive of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire, it attempts to systematize the materials of the biography of this important participant in international events. It also seeks to assess his professional qualities and get valuable insight into his role both in the major events of European politics and in the implementation of the foreign policy of the Russian Empire in the mid-18th century. Moreover, the account of the diplomatic career of H. Gross presented in this essay aims to generate genuine interest among researchers in the personality and professional activities of one of the most brilliant Russian diplomats of the Enlightenment Era.
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Githii, John. "DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS BETWEEN BRITAIN AND KENYA." European Journal of Historical Research 1, no. 1 (September 28, 2021): 24–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.47672/ejhr.795.
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Purpose: Kenya’s foreign policy has largely rested with the presidency as has been shown by the analysis of the Uhuru Kenyatta Regimes. The general objective of the study was to examine diplomatic relations between Britain and Kenya.
Methodology: The paper used a desk study review methodology where relevant empirical literature was reviewed to identify main themes and to extract knowledge gaps.
Findings: The study concludes that Kenya and Britain established diplomatic relations in pursuit of their respective interests in line with the Realist tradition. The diplomatic relations led to the two countries signing treaties and conventions as provided for in Article 2(6) of the constitution. Both countries keep defining and redefining their national interest. Public officers have benefited from training in Britain including doctors who have acquired specialized medical training and skills that have benefited Kenya. Military relations between these two countries have played a role in determining economic, trade, diplomatic and political relations. It was also revealed that Britain has maintained its economic interests since the colonial period to date.
Recommendations: The study recommends that there is need for Kenya to strengthen its relations with Britain especially in the areas of economic development as Britain is one of the key investors and trading partners of Kenya. This would be achieved by the country’s Foreign Ministry negotiating deals that will benefit the country. Kenya should also ensure that the British military base in Laikipia trains Kenyan soldiers on the military tactics applied by Britain to ensure they improve the security within the Country and across the borders. This would ensure they minimize the terrorist threats that the country faces. The political relations should be used as a bench mark to ensure that Kenya has the best governance structure that will promote ethical leadership, eliminate corruption and compel the leaders to be accountable to the citizenry. This will ensure that resources are channeled and used in the right sectors for development.
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Pradana, Hafid Adim. "Persepsi Suharto dan Perubahan Kebijakan Luar Negeri Indonesia terhadap Cina pada Awal Orde Baru." Indonesian Perspective 1, no. 1 (June 2, 2016): 23–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/ip.v1i1.10427.
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Leadership change from Sukarno to Suharto had given impact to Indonesia foreignpolicies. One of many changes of Indonesia foreign policies in Suharto regime is the severance ofdiplomatic relations with China. This paper aim to explain the Indonesia’s foreign policy change inthat time, especially the severance of diplomatic relations with China in 1967. Despite it becomes ahistorical relic, a case study of Indonesia’s foreign policy under Suharto remains important sincethere have been no specific research focusing on the severance of diplomatic relations betweenIndonesia and China. Using Perception Theory from Ole R. Holsti as the tool of analysis, thispaper concludes that the deteriorating relations between Indonesia and China in 1967 wasinfluenced by Suharto’s perception considered that China is a threat to Indonesia following theattempted coup in 1965.Keywords: Suharto’s perception, Indonesia’s foreign policy, China
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Siswanto, Siswanto. "KEPEMIMPINAN DONALD TRUMP DAN TURBULENSI TATANAN DUNIA." Jurnal Penelitian Politik 15, no. 1 (September 21, 2018): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.14203/jpp.v15i1.735.
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ABSTRACTThe background of this article is based on the consideration that the policy pursued by America under the leadership of President Donald Trump is controversial, leading to a turbulence of world leadership. Furthermore the issue discussed in this paper is the in-consistent personality of President Donald Trump who encourages of controversial policies. The policy of protecting on national interest (America First) leads to protectionism and America's rebuilding policy (make America great again) encourages diplomatic tension. Apart from that, this paper also discusses the consequences of controversial policy direction towards world leadership turbulence especially in Middle East and Asia. The result of this study is a conclusion formulated that the in-consistent personality that existed in President Trump is a stimulus to the controversial policy and the controversial policy becomes the trigger for the world's leadership turbulence. Finally the recommendation of this paper is be careful in relations with America under President Trump.Keywords: controversy, turbulence, American policy, President of Trump
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Springer, Allen L. "International Environmental Law After Rio: The Continuing Search for Equity." Ethics & International Affairs 7 (March 1993): 115–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.1993.tb00146.x.
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Springer focuses on the nature and challenges of “leadership” in contemporary environmental diplomacy since the 1992 Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. He raises the importance of the issue of equity in international environmental law. Springer argues that competing conceptions of what is fair and just lie at the heart of much of the diplomatic disagreement over major environmental initiatives such as those debated at the Rio conference.
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Cserkits, Michael. "Nation Building and the Role of Leadership." Journal of Anime and Manga Studies 3 (December 14, 2022): 147–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.21900/j.jams.v3.922.
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In this paper, I will deal with the isekai anime ‘Tensei shitara slime datta ken‘ (eng.: That Time I got reincarnated as a slime) and will examine its potential power and messages in a new shed light. As the main argument of this paper will deal with the main character and his ‘semi-diplomatic’ attempts to build a nation out of the blue, I will argue that in critically analyzing the strategic ends, ways and means used by the main character can give insight into to mindset of an archetypical understanding of how and under which circumstances leadership and social interaction between human beings is presented in a Japanese context. For a better understanding of this – unfortunate – less researched field, I will present the current state of research regarding isekai animes. After a synopsis of the series of interests, specific aspects and actions of the main character will be highlighted to contribute to a better and critical understanding of the presumed unintended message that ‘Tensei shitara slime datta ken‘ is sending.
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Bjola, Corneliu. "Diplomatic Leadership in Times of International Crisis: The Maverick, the Congregator and the Pragmatist." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 10, no. 1 (January 27, 2015): 4–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-12341300.
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Nogueira, Maria Beatriz Bonna. "The Promotion of LGBT Rights as International Human Rights Norms: Explaining Brazil’s Diplomatic Leadership." Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations 23, no. 4 (August 19, 2017): 545–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19426720-02304003.
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Liu, Xiaoyuan. "China and the Issue of Postwar Indochina in the Second World War." Modern Asian Studies 33, no. 2 (April 1999): 445–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x99003248.
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China's foreign relations during the Second World War underwent a radical metamorphosis. The Chinese government under Chiang Kai-shek (Jiang Jieshi) earned new international respect by mounting a tenacious resistance against the Japanese enemy. By allying itself with powerful countries in the West for the first time in modern history, China emerged from its involuntary diplomatic isolation. The new Grand Alliance facilitated China's diplomatic initiatives seeking to eradicate the legal stigma of its semi-colonial status through the abrogation of the unequal treaties. In the process China also leaped to the rank of the ‘Big Four’. At a time when the Western colonialism was receding, the Japanese Empire was collapsing and national independence movements were on the rise in many Asian countries, China seemed positioned to achieve a new prominent leadership role in Asian and world affairs.
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Suisheng, Zhao. "Chinese Foreign Policy under Hu Jintao:The Struggle between Low-Profile Policy and Diplomatic Activism." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 5, no. 4 (2010): 357–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187119110x531840.
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AbstractThis article explores a controversial issue of Chinese foreign policy: whether the Hu leadership has abandoned Deng Xiaoping’s taoguang yanghui policy — hiding one’s capabilities and biding one’s time — and reoriented Chinese foreign policy towards a more assertive, if not more aggressive, direction. This is controversial because while China in public still insists that it follows the taoguang yanghui policy established by Deng in the early 1990s; Chinese diplomacy has become increasingly active and assertive since Hu came to power, particularly since the 2008-2009 global economic crisis. This article argues that as a rising power, an active foreign policy has become a necessity rather than a luxury for China. This diplomatic activism marks a certain departure from the taoguang yanghui policy, but the Hu leadership is still juggling China’s taoguang yanghui policy with its emerging role as a global power. One defining tension in China’s foreign policy agenda is to find a balance between expanding China’s international influence and taking more international responsibility on the one hand and continuing to play down its pretence of being a global power and avoiding confrontation with the United States on the other.
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Pressman, Jeremy. "American engagement and the pathways to Arab–Israeli peace." Cooperation and Conflict 49, no. 4 (January 20, 2014): 536–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836713517569.
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This close empirical study of decades of US efforts to bring peace between Arab states and Israel helps reflect on Arild Underdal and Oran R. Young’s leadership typologies. Distinguishing between coercive leadership based on the incentives and sanctions that robust capabilities make possible and instrumental leadership focused more on talking, skilled mediation, and policy innovation is useful. However, this US mediation demonstrates that the two are not wholly distinct as previously suggested. The narrative of US efforts from Richard M Nixon to William J Clinton, including 22 cases of US involvement in Arab–Israeli mediation, suggests successful US mediation has been based on four factors. US involvement has led to breakthroughs when the US administration was highly engaged and kept at the problem after an initial diplomatic setback; benefitted from an exogenous event; managed that event to the US advantage; and dealt with strong Arab and Israeli partners.
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Chepeliuk, Yuliia. "The Information and Analytical Component of the Activities of Diplomatic Institutions." Ukrainian Journal on Library and Information Science, no. 8 (December 20, 2021): 155–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.31866/2616-7654.8.2021.247592.
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The purpose of the article is to reveal the essence of the information and analytical component of the activities of diplomatic institutions. The research methodology is based on a set of general scientific methods of analysis and synthesis, generalisation and systematisation, which made it possible to achieve the goal of the article. The scientific novelty of the findings consists in focusing on the areas of information and analytical activities of diplomatic institutions: collecting and analysing information in the interests of the foreign and domestic policy of the state, which will guarantee it a worthy position in the international arena; providing information support for the country’s foreign and domestic policy. It is noted that a significant increase in the volume of information, in its content diversity, and a large-scale spread of advanced technologies that allow not only transmitting information over vast distances but also quickly processing large amounts of data, require diplomatic institutions to give special treatment to the forms and methods of information and analytical activities. The matter concerns the need to acquire skills in working with information and communication technologies, along with the use of traditional channels for receiving and transmitting information, as well as direct human communication. Each of these channels for obtaining information has its characteristics, which, in turn, highlights the need to choose the optimal possible number of different sources of information, taking into account the essence and nature of the tasks undertaken by a diplomatic institution. Providing the state leadership with high-quality analytical materials requires their compliance with such characteristics as objectivity, reliability, completeness, etc., while proposals and recommendations made by a diplomatic institution should contain a forecast of the further development of the event or situation in the host country and worldwide.
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Jiang, Xinyu. "The Diplomatic Relations of the Soviet Union during Cold War." Journal of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences 8 (February 7, 2023): 505–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ehss.v8i.4297.
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This paper focus on the diplomatic relations of the Soviet Union during Cold War, and using Prague Spring which is a reform movement devoted to political democratization and market liberalization of Czechoslovakia as a insertion point to reveal the fundamental logic of the Soviet Union’s government’s foreign policies. With her study, the author’s endeavor is to ascertain the deepest reasons that influence the diplomatic relations of the Soviet Union after World War II. With the previous research, the author intends to outline the framework of the changing of the USSR’s foreign polices due to the country under distinct political leaders. The emphasis of this study lies in use three approaches( Neo-realism and Neo-liberalism) to analyze the Soviet Union’s foreign policies. Method of literature review is applied in this research. Detailed information has been acquired by the author about the USSR’s diplomatic policies, and the research has recorded valuable information about the diplomatic histories of Soviet Union. From the study, the author came to realize that ideologies of the USSR was changing over time, and it also strongly influenced by the internal affairs. This research paper demonstrates that the diplomatic policies of the USSR was changing from Neo-realism to Neo-liberalism due to the democratization and liberalization of Soviet Union’s interiors. Ideologically,the leadership position of socialism was abolishedandpolitically the legal status of the ruling party of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was abolished and the one-party system was replaced with a muti-party system. Economically, he abolished the economic structure with state ownership as the major part of the Soviet Union’s economy. This reform movement shows the Neo-liberalism replaced the main position of Neo-realism in ideology of the Soviet Union.
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Šedivý, Miroslav. "Metternich's Plan for a Viennese Conference in 1839." Central European History 44, no. 3 (September 2011): 397–419. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938911000379.
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After the Napoleonic Wars, central Europe frequently witnessed important diplomatic discussions, and cities such as Vienna, Aix-la-Chapelle, Carlsbad, Troppau, and Laibach served as the places for rendezvous of European monarchs and diplomats. Austrian Chancellor Clemens Wenzel Lothar Nepomuk Prince von Metternich-Winneburg played a leading role at these meetings between 1814 and 1822, and he particularly wanted them to take place in the territories of the Austrian Empire because he could therefore better control their course and exert influence over the events to an extent undoubtedly exceeding the real power of the state whose interests he advocated. This is exactly what happened after 1814, and the subsequent years were definitely the happiest period in the life of the man known for his extraordinary diplomatic talent as well as his vanity. It was all the more difficult for him to reconcile himself with the loss of the position of the “coachman of Europe” in the 1820s when the alliance formed by the five European powers (Great Britain, France, Prussia, the Austrian Empire, and Russia) failed to solve the Greek war of independence. The July Revolution of 1830 then created a gulf between the liberal and conservative powers, so that neither the willingness of the five powers to cooperate under his leadership nor the necessary conditions for his leadership existed in the 1830s.
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Tomescu, Tomiță Cătălin. "Is Russia That Powerful in Hybrid Warfare?" International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 23, no. 1 (June 20, 2017): 317–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kbo-2017-0052.
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Abstract Short answer is yes. As it is stated in a NATO reference hybrid warfare actions can be applied to the full DIMEFIL (Diplomatic, Information, Military, Economic, Financial, Intelligence, Legal) spectrum. This paper will demonstrate that Russia has significant elements which makes this country very well suited for this type of war and gives her some advantages on all DIMEFIL areas. In my view those elements are: current leadership, history and political mentality, size and geography, economic and financial power and military power.
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Deas, Joan. "Thinking Outside the Bilateral Box: Can the Palestinian Leadership Reshape a Post-Oslo Diplomatic Strategy?" Confluences Méditerranée N° 117, no. 2 (July 20, 2021): 133–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/come.117.0135.
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Wallace, Robert Daniel. "North Korea and diversion: A quantitative analysis (1997–2011)." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 47, no. 2 (May 9, 2014): 147–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2014.04.004.
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In this research I propose that the concept of diversionary theory provides at least a partial explanation for North Korea’s conflict activities. I examine and analyze the country’s data on diplomatic and military activities from 1997 to 2011 and argue that North Korea’s domestic conditions influence its willingness to engage in external conflict. I also examine the impact of such external influences as UN sanctions, leadership changes in the region, national capacities of the US, South Korea and Japan, and strategic military exercises on DPRK-initiated conflicts. This study provides insight into the activities of this reclusive state and also demonstrates useful techniques that can be applied to analyze other similarly closed nations. The findings suggest that there are identified links between internal conditions and the Kim regime’s aggressive actions between 1997 and 2011 in support of the diversionary argument. Concurrently, there is less evidence that North Korea’s hostile diplomatic and military activities are based on external pressures.
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Prisacaru, Dan. "Romania and Poland – at the forefront of defending the Versailles security system in the years 1919-1932 Landmarks of political, diplomatic, and military relations." Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces 194, no. 4 (December 16, 2019): 684–716. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.6465.
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During the interwar period, the relations between Romania and Poland had, as a common factor, major interests to counter an unprovoked attack from Soviet Russia – USSR. Meanwhile, the rich medieval tradition, the cultural, political and spiritual interferences, assured the substance of mutual relations between the two countries. Romanian-Polish relations were supported and encouraged by France, which had the incentive to achieve and maintain a “sanitary cordon” against the danger of the Bolshevik/Soviet Union. Romania and Poland evolved into a complex and sensitive geopolitical space in Central and Eastern Europe which took political, diplomatic and military actions to build relationships based on the mutual recognition of borders and the support for the two major Western democracies, France and The United Kingdom. The Romanian-Polish relations bore the unmistakable imprint of political and diplomatic figures who succeeded to the leadership of the two countries, in Poland – Marshal Jozef Pilsudski and in Romania – King Ferdinand, Queen Mary and the scholar Nicolae Iorga.
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Khayrullin, T. R. "The Struggle for Leadership of the Qatari-Turkish Alliance in Somalia." Islam in the modern world 17, no. 4 (January 14, 2022): 187–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.22311/2074-1529-2021-17-4-188-200.
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The article examines the struggle of the Qatari- Turkish alliance for regional leadership in the Federal Republic of Somalia. The analysis revealed that the foreign policy activity of Turkey and Qatar in Somalia began during the events of the Arab Spring. Ankara and Doha used diplomatic, military and fi nancial instruments to strengthen their infl uence in the country. Moreover, Qatari money played an important role in promoting pro-qatari candidates to power during the 2012 and 2017 presidential elections. However, the eff orts of the Turkish- Qatari alliance to strengthen its position in Somalia have clashed with the interests of the Saudi- Emirati bloc seeking regional dominance. On the other hand, the inability to close the main cooperation with the central government in Somalia forced the UAE to support such autonomous regions as Somaliland, thereby intensifying the destabilization processes in the country.
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Rendiuk, Teofil. "Operating Features of the Extraordinary Diplomatic Mission of the Ukrainian People’s Republic in Romania in 1920." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XXI (2020): 76–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2020-4.
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The article covers the activities of the Extraordinary Diplomatic Mission of the UPR in Bucharest. The year of 1920 marked a special period in the relations of the UPR of the Directorate times with the neighboring Kingdom of Romania, given a specific geopolitical situation and the conditions of almost complete isolation of Ukraine caused by the relentless advance of the Bolshevist army from the north and east as well as an offensive of the White Guard troops of A. Denikin and P. Wrangel from the south. Under such circumstances, the UPR considered Romania as its most important military, political, and economic partner. In turn, the erstwhile Romanian leadership was deeply interested in the existence of an independent Ukraine, primarily as a political and military buffer zone between Romania and the aggressive Soviet Russia. The article mentions the main areas of activity of the Extraordinary Diplomatic Mission in Bucharest: representing and protecting political, economic, and military interests of the UPR, encouraging trade relations, providing assistance to civilians and military emigrants from Ukraine who found themselves in the territory of the neighbouring country against their will as well as activities aimed at overcoming information vacuum around the UPR. The activities of the UPR Extraordinary Diplomatic Mission in Bucharest in 1920 contributed to the expansion of the Ukrainian idea abroad, promotion of knowledge about Ukraine and its struggle for independence, whilst drawing the attention of the international community to the acute problems Ukraine was facing at that time. The UPR Extraordinary Diplomatic Mission in Bucharest was also entrusted with a special task of providing the Ukrainian government with a full-fledged connection with Europe, especially with the En-tente countries. The article also is a pioneering research of the aspect of activities of the Extraordinary Diplomatic Mission in Bucharest associated with providing working conditions in the city for I. Mazepa, Head of the Council of People’s Commissars of the UPR, in March 2020, who was forced to flee Ukraine because of unconducive military circumstances and seek asylum in the adjacent country. Keywords: Extraordinary Diplomatic Mission, Ukrainian People’s Republic of the Directorate times, Kingdom of Romania, Isaak Mazepa, Kostiantyn Matsievych.
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YAKOVLEV, Petr. "The Time of European Discontent: The EU's changing framework." Perspectives and prospects. E-journal, no. 3 (2019): 68–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.32726/2411-3417-2019-3-68-82.
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While 2019 marked the beginning of a new phase in the history of the European Union, its specific political and economic markers are still not quite clear. International relations of EU member states are also undergoing radical change, and regional and global alliances are being reset. In fact, the whole domestic and foreign policy framework, which has existed in Europe for several decades, is essentially changing. That was clearly demonstrated by the elections to the European Parliament. The new EU leadership will have to find adequate responses to numerous economic, social, diplomatic and military challenges.
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Datskiv, I. "Peculiarities of Ukrainian-British Diplomatic Relations During the Ukrainian Revolution (1917-1921)." Problems of World History, no. 4 (June 8, 2017): 155–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2017-4-11.
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This article analyzes the foreign policy of Great Britain to Ukraine in 1917-1921 years. Features of relations between England and the Ukrainian governments during national liberation movement are shown. The impact of Great Britain on the political formation and the development of Ukrainian statehood is revealed International, political and military background of the Ukrainian-British rapprochement in revolutionary days is clarified . It is indicated that an important factor shifted foreign policy orientation towards the Entente was the participation of the Ukrainian delegation under the leadership of I. Korostovetzin in the conference of Entente states in Iasi in early November 1918. It is established that interest in Ukraine and its struggle for statehood was shown by foreign diplomats accredited to the government of UРR. Consular offices of the Entente (including Great Britain) and neutral states continued their activities in Ukraine. It is shown that Great Britain and other Entente powers ignored the legitimate right of the Ukrainian people for national independence and the unity of its lands.
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Johansson, Perry. "Hanoi's Diplomatic Front in Sweden: Communist Propaganda Strategies in the Vietnam War." Contemporary European History 31, no. 2 (December 2, 2021): 195–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777321000096.
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This article offers a new perspective on the Swedish protests against the Vietnam War by placing it in its broader global Cold War context. As a case study on ‘people's diplomacy’ and ‘united front strategy’, it acknowledges the importance of Chinese and Vietnamese influences on the peace campaigns in Sweden and aims, as far as possible, to reconstruct Hanoi's motives, strategies and actions to create and direct Sweden's policy and opinion on the war. With the extremely generous political freedoms granted it by official Sweden, Hanoi was able to find new international allies as well as organise political propaganda manifestations from their Stockholm base. In the end, North Vietnam's version of the war as being about national liberation fought by a people united in their resistance to a foreign, genocidal, aggressor won a large enough share of the opinion in the West to force the American political leadership to give up the fight. Hanoi's Diplomatic Front in Sweden was one of the important battlefields behind that victory
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Zulkarnain and Irma Indrayani. "Bilateral Relations Between Indonesia and China in The Era of President SBY's Administration." British Journal of Philosophy, Sociology and History 2, no. 1 (January 13, 2022): 01–06. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/bjpsh.2022.2.1.1.
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This study discusses the effect of China's economic revival on Indonesia's foreign policy orientation. Historically, the relationship between China and Indonesia, which had been severed in 1965 due to ideological conflicts and Indonesia's suspicion of China's support for the Indonesian communist party (PKI), has now been re-establish since the 1990s, which began with China's economic growth. Foreign policy is often caused by a combination of unexpected external forces with unfavorable structural factors. The continued stalemate in China-Indonesia bilateral relations has equally serious consequences for China. China's diplomatic failure against Indonesia has cost China, and that loss cannot be offset by the diplomatic gains generated by the opening of new relations with other ASEAN countries. This study tries to discuss this situation in depth using several approaches to find two variables that become the topic of this thesis: the rise of the Chinese economy and its influence on Indonesia's foreign policy. This research found that Indonesia's bilateral relations with China under the leadership of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono ran normatively and without significant fluctuations.
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Mączyński, Jerzy, Andrzej Łobodziński, Dariusz Wyspiański, and Piotr Kwiatkowski. "Differences on Organizational Practices and Preferred Leader Attributes Between Polish Managers Investigated in 1996/1997 and 2008/2009." Polish Psychological Bulletin 41, no. 4 (January 1, 2010): 127–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10059-010-0017-z.
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Differences on Organizational Practices and Preferred Leader Attributes Between Polish Managers Investigated in 1996/1997 and 2008/2009 This study compares Polish managers' perceptions of their organizational culture and their beliefs concerning attributes necessary for leadership effectiveness, investigated in 1996/1997 and 2008/2009. As was unexpected, our results show that Polish managers of 2008/2009 score significantly higher than managers of 1996/1997 on Power Distance, Individualism, Masculinity and slightly lower on Future Orientation and Humane Orientation. Our findings suggest that more individualistic orientation in Polish organizations is still necessary in order to survive and be effective during the current turbulent and highly uncertain economic and business conditions. Relatively higher scores on Power Distance on the part of Polish managers being studied in the years 2008/2009 are also in line with findings concerned with attributes necessary for leadership effectiveness. Mean comparisons on beliefs concerning attributes necessary for leadership effectiveness show that Polish managers of 2008/2009 in comparison with their counterparts studied in 1996/1997 scored higher on Autocratic Orientation, Risk Avoidance, Isolationistic Orientation and Individualistic Orientation. Our findings are also consistent with regard to leadership attributes of Performance Orientation, Team Orientation, Decisiveness, Diplomatic, Humane Orientation, Integrity, Visionary and Charismatic/Inspirational, which are somewhat less strongly associated with leadership effectiveness by Polish middle managers investigated in 2008/2009 in comparison with their counterparts studied in 1996/1997.
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Davis, Francis. "Diplomatic Leadership Development after the “Weaponization of Everything”: Approaching Religion or Belief as a Professional Competence." Review of Faith & International Affairs 20, no. 4 (October 2, 2022): 68–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15570274.2022.2139506.
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Asrarudin, Dedi Purwana, and R. Madhakomala. "Do Transformational Leadership, Interpersonal Communication, and Career Development Have Direct and Indirect Effect on Diplomats’ Organizational Commitment at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Republic of Indonesia in Jakarta?" IJHCM (International Journal of Human Capital Management) 4, no. 1 (June 4, 2020): 59–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.21009/ijhcm.04.01.05.
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Objective of this research is to determine direct and indirect effects of transformational leadership, interpersonal communication, and career development on the commitment of diplomats at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia in Jakarta. The sample design used is probability sampling which provides equal opportunity for each element (member) of the population to be selected as a sample member. And the technique for determining the number of samples is proportionate Stratified Random Sampling. This technique is used because the population is not homogeneous and proportionally distributed.
The research design used is a quantitative approach with a total sample of 255 respondents. The data analysis tool used is Structural Equation Modeling (SEM) with WarpPLS 5.0 software. This research reveals that transformational leadership has a positive and significant effect on interpersonal communication which indicates that the better transformational leadership, interpersonal communication will be more increased; transformational leadership has a positive and significant influence on career development which describes that the better transformational leadership, career development will get better; Transformational leadership contributes positively and significantly to organizational commitment through career development which shows an increase in career development then transformation leadership will be better and have an impact on increasing organizational commitment; and interpersonal communication has a positive but not significant role on organizational commitment through career development which shows that good interpersonal communication has neither effect on career development nor impact on the commitment of diplomatic organizations in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia.
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Keenleyside, T. A. "Diplomatic Apprenticeship: Pre-Independence Origins of Indian Diplomacy and Its Relevance for the Post-Independence Foreign Policy." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 43, no. 2 (April 1987): 97–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848704300202.
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Over the decades of the Indian struggle for independence from Britain Indians had an opportunity, unique in length and scope among peoples emerging from colonial rule, to engage in nascent diplomatic activity. With an organized and articulate movement for independence in place by the 1880's, a sophisticated leadership that engaged in frequent international travel, opportunities afforded to Indians for many years prior to 1947 to work in various departments of the British Indian Civil Service that touched on matters of an international character, and with Indians attending sessions of the League of Nations and Imperial (Commonwealth) Conferences, a variety of means were available to them to gain experience at the international level over an extended period prior to independence. As a result, India emerged from colonial rule with both a reservoir of diplomatic talent and an incipient orientation for its diplomacy, including a range of general foreign policy goals. It was thereby better prepared than perhaps any other country which acquired its independence after World War II to take a prominent place on the global stage quickly and forcefully, and to influence the diplomacy of other countries that were in time to constitute the Third World. It is the purpose of this study, first to set out the nature of Indian participation in both unofficial and official diplomatic activity prior to independence and, then, to examine the implications of this experience for post-independence Indian foreign policy.
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Volokitina, Tatyana. "Between Scylla and Charybdis: Bulgaria in geopolitical calculations of Germany and the USSR at the early stage of World War II." Slavs and Russia, no. 2019 (2019): 457–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2618-8570.2019.21.
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The article covers the position of Bulgaria, which found itself at the cross-roads of geopolitical interests of Germany and the Soviet Union in the initial period of the Second world war and was forced to employ the tactics of maneuvering and dragging its heels choosing its strategic partner and ally. Having declared complete and consistent neutrality, Bulgarian leadership in practice tended to turn the country into a «Pro-German» unit, which was greatly facilitated by the assistance of Berlin in the transfer of Southern Dobrudja to Bulgaria. In addition to the willingness of the German leadership to guarantee territorial increments of Bulgaria, Sofia's position was to a great extent influenced by the fear of Bolshevism and the so-called «Baltic scenario» implemented by that time. Bulgaria's entry into the Triple Pact in March of 1941 meant that the USSR lost the diplomatic battle for Bulgaria.
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Akip, Muhamad. "Pendidikan Karakter Berbasis Al-Qur’an dan As-Sunnah." EL-Ghiroh 16, no. 01 (February 25, 2019): 131–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.37092/el-ghiroh.v16i01.78.
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This nation is looking for and choosing an idea that can complete the basalak education, which is expected to be a solution and able to bring this nation to progress. In the midst of the ambiguity of society in the world of education, the new hope is with the coming of the era of character education sourced from the quran and hadith, through a character-based holistic concept and promoting nine pillars; love God and all his creation, independence and responsibility, honesty and trustworthy, diplomatic, respectful and polite, generous and helpful, confident and hardworking, leadership and justice, humble, tolerant, peaceful and united.
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NAROCHNITSKAYA, Ekaterina. "The Crimean Issue: Official French Policy under Criticism from Domestic Elites." Perspectives and prospects. E-journal, no. 3 (2019): 7–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.32726/2411-3417-2019-3-7-24.
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De jure recognition of Crimea as a part of Russia’s territory is not on the agenda of political discussions in France. Or, a noticeable part of French society, including its elite groups, does not share the vision of Ukrainian and Crimean events built on anti-Russian postulates. The Euro-Atlantic policy, greatly endorsed by the official leadership of the country and its dominant elites, invites skepticism and criticism not only within business environment, but also from French political, diplomatic, military and expert circles. Moreover, controversy on these issues highlights a new ideological division that is pushing back the classic left-right cleavage.
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BAIN, MERVYN J. "Cuba–Soviet Relations in the Gorbachev Era." Journal of Latin American Studies 37, no. 4 (November 2005): 769–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x05009867.
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Cuba–Soviet relations are examined in the period that Mikhail Gorbachev was leader of the Soviet Union, focusing on the Cuban perception of the effects of the Soviet reforms on the relationship, in the light of the campaign of rectification of errors. It is concluded that the Cuban leadership kept a surprisingly united front in this period; the year 1989 and repercussions of the August 1991 coup were vital; but the Cuban reaction was not more critical due to diplomatic constraints and the hope that a semblance of the relationship could continue, despite the situation within the Soviet Union.
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Žielys, Povilas, and Rūta Rudinskaitė. "US democracy assistance programs in Ukraine after the Orange Revolution." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 47, no. 1 (January 24, 2014): 81–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2014.01.006.
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The 2004 Orange Revolution failed to skyrocket Ukraine into the ranks of consolidated democracies. Some previous research claimed that, in the similar case of post-Rose Revolution Georgia, its vague democratic perspectives can be explained by, among others, a negative impact of politically biased US democracy assistance programs. This article examines five groups of US programs (electoral aid, political party development, legislative strengthening, NGO development and media strengthening) implemented in Ukraine in 2005–2010, and concludes that US diplomatic support for the pro-Western “Orange” leadership did not translate into political bias of US-funded democracy assistance programs.
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Tran, Tien Nam. "Diplomacy of the Republic of Vietnam under Ngo Dinh Diem’s regime (1955-1963)." Science and Technology Development Journal 18, no. 4 (December 30, 2015): 19–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdj.v18i4.957.
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The Republic of Vietnam was officially founded in 1955 under the absolute leadership of Ngo Dinh Diem. In the period from 1955 to 1963, the foreign policy of the Republic of Vietnam focused mainly on anti-Communist mission as a pioneering country in anti- Communist coalition of the U.S support behind. During its deployment, the Ngo Dinh Diem government initially attained certain achievements in diplomatic activities, building relationships with many countries in the Capitalist Bloc, establishing an anti-Communist network under U.S leadership. In general, the Diem government’s diplomacy was only the implement of the U.S foreign policy which has been established for the new U.S colonial government in the South of Vietnam. Starting in 1960, the Ngo Dinh Diem government was against the direction of the U.S that led to the U.S decision of willingness to accept the coup of the Saigon Military Forces (Republic of Vietnam Military Forces) that overthrew Ngo Dinh Diem (11/01/1963).
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Ramanujam, Velpula, and Manish S. Dabhade. "Rajiv Gandhi’s Summit Diplomacy: A Study of the Beijing Summit, 1988." China Report 55, no. 4 (November 2019): 310–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445519875244.
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Summit diplomacy is the initiative to establish contact at the highest level of political leadership to transform the relationship between collectives. The heads of states are key decision makers in the nation. The objective of summit diplomacy is to establish a political dialogue at the highest level. The assumption is that once the understanding is established at the highest level, it can transform a conflicting relationship to friendly one. Rajiv Gandhi’s visit to China in 1988 ended three decades of estrangement between India and China. It is a classic example of the normalisation of relations between two countries. The proposed hypothesis is that the success of Rajiv Gandhi’s summit diplomacy depended on two factors: the leadership personality and the domestic factor. This article primarily deals with the question: How Rajiv Gandhi conducted summit diplomacy with China in 1988? The article traces the process through an analysis of archival work of private papers and diplomatic correspondence, oral history interviews, memoirs, and biographical works.
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SOLIAR, Ihor. "DMYTRO LEVYTSKYI IN THE UKRAINIANS' LIBERATION STRUGGLE IN 1914–1923." Ukraine: Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 31 (2018): 170–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/ukr.2018-31-170-180.
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The article provides an analysis of the socio-political and diplomatic activities of Dmytro Levytskyi in 1914–1923, such as participation in revolutionary events in the Dnieper region in 1917–1918; directions of his diplomatic activity in Denmark in 1919–1920; priorities of emigration community work in Vienna in 1921–1922. It was noted that during the national liberation struggle, he, along with other leading figures of the Ukrainian People's Republic (UNR), did his best to establish the statehood and unification of Ukrainian lands. However, numerous miscalculations of leaders of the young state in the domestic and foreign policies made it impossible to realize the primordial aspirations of Ukrainians. The author presents a review of Dmytro Levytskyi's political views and activities: he welcomed the formation of the Central Council of Ukraine, the proclamation of the independence of the UNR, the signing of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk; as a member of the Galicia-Bukovyna Council he joined the Ukrainian National Union, which advocated the overthrow of the Hetman's power; due to his permanent stay in the capital of the UNR, he did not take an active part in the November disruption, 1918, and the formation of state institutions of the West Ukrainian People's Republic (ZUNR). However, the ZUNR leadership used his acquaintance with prominent figures of the UNR for establishing bilateral relations with the UNR Directory with the further prospect of unification of two Ukrainian states. Keywords Dmytro Levytskyi, Ukrainian Revolution, Unification of the UNR and ZUNR, diplomatic activity.