Academic literature on the topic 'Diplomatic situation'
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Journal articles on the topic "Diplomatic situation"
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Campbell, Richard B. "A delicate diplomatic situation." Journal of Clinical Epidemiology 63, no. 8 (2010): 815–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jclinepi.2010.03.008.
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Ivanova, Elena. "Wives of Diplomats: Career Opportunities in a Situation of Professional Family Interaction." Sotsiologicheskie issledovaniya, no. 6 (2023): 68–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013216250022129-4.
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The problems of self-determination of diplomats' wives within the framework of professional family interaction are at the center of the study. The factors influencing the status of a diplomat's wife in the conditions of a business trip abroad are highlighted: diplomatic immunity prescribed by international and domestic legislation, the diplomatic rank of the spouse, as well as the social roles, functions and tasks assigned to her within the framework of the norms and rules of diplomatic activity. [d1] The restrictions on the professional career of the wives of diplomats, influencing their choice of a particular trajectory of social behavior, are systematized. The study relied on the included unsystematic observation of phenomena in the daily lives of the families of diplomats as a covert participant; high-quality content analysis of documents – materials from Internet sites and Internet forums; secondary analysis of sociological and historical research data. Conclusions are drawn about the relevance of the legal strengthening of the status of the wives of diplomats, which would take into account the current situation and consolidate the possibilities of a stable perspective.
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Belyakov, M. V. "The verbal component of the modern time diplomatic wars (linguostatistical analysis)." Philology at MGIMO 23, no. 3 (2020): 25–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2410-2423-2020-3-23-25-32.
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A new interpretation of a “diplomatic war” is considered in the context of changed diplomatic communication – a complex organized system consisting of various components: diplomatic, political, economic, historical, legal, linguistic, and other. The article analyzes the examples of the verbal component of diplomatic communication on the basis of the communicative tactics in the process of information and diplomatic war, currently developing in international relations. The research material includes texts of speeches made by the Permanent Representative of Russia to the UN Security Council V.A. Nebenzya and the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ukraine P. Klimkin (2014-2019) in a situation of diplomatic confrontation. The strategies of verbal confrontation, and the characteristics of emotivity and clichéd character of a diplomatic text are considered; the concept of implicitly evaluative diplomatic cliché is introduced. UN Security Council speeches are singled out into a separate subgenre of public speeches and verbal and structural characteristics of speeches obtained by quantitative computer tools are analyzed. Based on the results of quantitative linguistic analysis and the analysis of the extralinguistic situation, a linguopragmatic model of the speech situation of a diplomatic confrontation is suggested.
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Białek, Ewa. "Koncept <i>polskość</i> w dyskursie dyplomatycznym." LingVaria 20, no. 1(39) (2025): 89–102. https://doi.org/10.12797/lv.20.2025.39.07.
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THE CONCEPT OF POLISHNESS IN DIPLOMATIC DISCOURSE The paper focuses on the concept of polishness in diplomatic discourse. The work presents the dictionary meanings of the lexeme Polishness, and characterizes diplomatic discourse. The basic criteria for distinguishing this type of discourse are the topic (the situation and activities of the Polish diaspora, diplomatic activities for its members) and the sender (the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, diplomatic missions abroad). In diplomatic discourse, the Polishness of places and people is the object of interest and concern, and requires institutional support. State representatives express their gratitude for the promotion of Polishness. National and religious holidays are a time to celebrate Polishness and show happiness with one’s origins. From the state’s point of view, Polishness is something to be proud of.
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Карпчук, Наталія. "СУЧАСНІ ТРЕНДИ ДИПЛОМАТИЧНОЇ КОМУНІКАЦІЇ:«WHATEVER WORKS»". Міжнародні відносини, суспільні комунікації та регіональні студії, № 1 (18) (5 червня 2024): 69–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.29038/2524-2679-2024-01-69-84.
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Diplomatic communication is one of the most strictly regulated types of public communication with such limiting factors as the norms and requirements of dip- lomatic etiquette and protocol and centuries-old diplomatic practice. However, even this instrument of international relations is affected under the pressure of modern innovations and challenges, which lay the foundation for new trends in diplomatic communication. They do not replace the traditional ways of conducting diplomacy, but they diversify diplomatic communication and make it possible to achieve certain goals. Diplomatic protocol defines the limits of nor- mative and permissible behavior in each specific situation and in a specific coun- try. However, in the modern world, where informal communication has become popular owing to social networks, even the leaders of the governments demon- strate a certain rejection of the standards of diplomatic communication. In this article, we analyze how information and communication technologies contribute to the involvement of citizens in influencing diplomatic negotiations (hashtag campaigns), how ICTs shape new types of diplomatic communication (remote diplomatic negotiations, Twiplomacy, Facebook Diplomacy, virtual embassies and virtual consuls), and new forms of representation of both diplomats, state leaders, and the states themselves (selfies, blogs). In addition, COVID-19 modi- fied the norms of diplomatic greetings, and the full-scale war of the Russian Federation against Ukraine provoked certain changes in non-verbal diplomatic communication, in particular, the etiquette requirements for the appearance and tone of diplomatic communication. Specifically, the “offensive” manner of com- munication of the Ambassador of Ukraine to the Federal Republic of Germany, Andrii Melnyk, was new for verbal communication. With regard to non-verbal communication, the military style of President Volodymyr Zelensky attracts at- tention, forms a certain message and even provokes imitation. The emergence of new communication trends shows that in emergency situations of uncertainty Whatever works, or, in other words, to achieve goals, even non-standard means for diplomatic activity are suitable.
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Allan Abu Samra, Lama. "Diplomatic Agents' Privileges and Immunities." Közigazgatási és Infokommunikációs Jogi PhD Tanulmányok 4, no. 1 (2023): 40–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.47272/kikphd.2023.1.3.
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This research examines the extent of diplomatic immunity, specifically in cases where a diplomat commits a criminal offense. This situation raises concerns as it contradicts the fundamental principles upon which diplomatic relations between countries are established, namely, the promotion of economic, social, and cultural ties. The occurrence of such crimes committed by a diplomatic agent undermines the very purpose of fostering these relations. This issue necessitates an investigation into the fundamental characteristics and attributes of diplomatic immunity. It has been observed in global conventions and customary international law that states generally do not relinquish the immunity of their diplomatic representatives, unless the diplomat engages in a non-task-related criminal act, thereby permitting prosecution within the host state's jurisdiction.
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Samanta, Chowdhury Nujhat, and Mohammad Belayet Hossain. "Implementation of Diplomatic Assurance Against Torture: The Way to Reduce the Refugee Crisis in South Asia." Lex Publica 9, no. 1 (2022): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.58829/lp.9.1.2022.1-29.
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States aim to send refugees back to their home countries in order to end the refugee crisis in their nation. Due to the human rights situation in the countries of origin, this can occasionally be problematic; the return involves the prohibition of refoulment and the prevention of torture or other cruel treatment. States are not allowed to use torture, including putting someone in a position where they might be tortured. For a very long time, diplomatic guarantees have been employed as a defense against the death penalty or unfair trials. From that time, states used to rely on guarantees for a returnee’s treatment. The guarantees were protected at the diplomatic level of relations between nations. In this research, subject to legal value, the reliability of diplomatic assurance is measured as well as an assessment has been made about the current state of south Asian nations that have hosted refugees for an extended time. This paper also supports the use of diplomatic assurance as a workable option to alleviate the refugee crisis where developed countries can contribute the best. The findings indicate that there is no specific legal framework to support such assurances in different south Asian developing as well as other developed countries. There is even a lack of research in this regard. South Asian nations could take seven factors into account according to the recommendations of the study. So, it is necessary to implement the recommendations to reach the goal of solving the refugee situation. Abstrak Negara bertujuan untuk mengirim pengungsi kembali ke negara asal mereka untuk mengakhiri krisis pengungsi di negara mereka. Karena situasi hak asasi manusia di negara asal, hal ini terkadang menimbulkan masalah; pengembalian melibatkan larangan refoulment dan pencegahan penyiksaan atau perlakuan kejam lainnya. Negara tidak diperbolehkan menggunakan penyiksaan, termasuk menempatkan seseorang pada posisi di mana mereka mungkin disiksa. Untuk waktu yang sangat lama, jaminan diplomatik digunakan sebagai pembelaan terhadap hukuman mati atau pengadilan yang tidak adil. Sejak saat itu, negara biasanya mengandalkan jaminan untuk perawatan orang yang kembali. Jaminan tersebut dilindungi pada tingkat diplomatik hubungan antar negara. Dalam penelitian ini, tunduk pada nilai hukum, keandalan jaminan diplomatik diukur serta penilaian telah dibuat tentang keadaan negara-negara Asia Selatan saat ini yang telah lama menampung pengungsi. Tulisan ini juga mendukung penggunaan jaminan diplomasi sebagai opsi yang dapat diterapkan untuk mengurangi krisis pengungsi di mana negara maju dapat memberikan kontribusi terbaiknya. Temuan menunjukkan bahwa tidak ada kerangka hukum khusus untuk mendukung jaminan tersebut di berbagai negara berkembang Asia Selatan serta negara maju lainnya. Bahkan ada kekurangan penelitian dalam hal ini. Negara-negara Asia Selatan dapat mempertimbangkan tujuh faktor sesuai dengan rekomendasi penelitian. Jadi, perlu untuk menerapkan rekomendasi untuk mencapai tujuan penyelesaian situasi pengungsi. Kata kunci: Negara Asia Selatan, Pengungsi, Negara Maju, Jaminan Diplomatik
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Jung, Sung Eun. "An Analysis of Public Diplomacy in Local Councils." Center for Civic Politics Research 4 (June 30, 2022): 61–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.54968/civicpol.2022.4.61.
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The purpose of this study is to seek practical and effective policy measures to revitalize public diplomacy in local councils by closely examining the current situation of public diplomacy in local councils from various angles and aspects. To this end. the public diplomatic environment of local councils was analyzed through news big data analysis, and the objective reality of 17 metropolitan councils was analyzed how local councils responded and changed after the enactment of the Public Diplomatic Act. In particular. by analyzing the diplomatic activities of the Busan Metropolitan Council for 14 years efforts were made to identify the problems and limitations that appear in actual operation. The effect of the Public Diplomatic Act should be able to spread beyond the diplomatic administration of local governments. To do this. various institutional supplements are needed to secure transparency and accountability in the operation of public diplomatic activities by reorganizing the legal basis at the local council level and to strengthen public diplomatic capabilities.
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Реrеsypkin, O. "At the last pier." Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service), no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 87–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2101-10.
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The article examines the history of the establishment of diplomatic relations between the Soviet Union and Syria and Lebanon, a brief history of Lebanon, the situation in the Middle East at that time, and, importantly, gives the author's own assessment of the diplomatic acts that took place against the background of the ongoing Great Patriotic War of 1941–1945.
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Radoeva, Snežana. "The state visit of King Peter I Karadjordjevic to Sofia in 1904 in the context of the Bulgarian-Serbian relations." Vojno-istorijski glasnik, no. 1 (2022): 90–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/vig2201090r.
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The paper focuses on the visit of the King of Serbia to Bulgaria on October 1904, as a part of diplomatic relations between the two Balkan states in a very complicated international situation due to the Russo-Japanese War that began that year. In 1904, Serbia and Bulgaria had a reason to feel threatened by both the dynamically changing situation in Europe and the world and their national problems. This year is very important for the Serbian-Bulgarian relations and has its results mainly in the bilateral intensification of the dialogue in diplomatic, economic, cultural and social spheres.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Diplomatic situation"
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Stocksdale, Sally A. "British diplomatic perspectives on the situation in Russia in 1917 : an analysis of the British Foreign Office correspondence." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/26927.
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During the third year of the Great War 1914-1918 Russia experienced the upheaval of revolution, precipitating the abdication of Tsar Nicholas II and installation of the Provisional Government in March, and culminating in the Bolshevik takeover of November, 1917. Due to the political, military, and economic chaos which accompanied the revolution Russia was unable to continue the struggle on the eastern front.
Russia was not fighting the war against the Central Powers of Germany and Austria-Hungary alone, however, and her threat to capitulate was of the gravest concern to her Allies, Great Britain and France. In fact the disintegration of Russia's war effort was the pivotal issue around which Anglo-Russian relations revolved in 1917. Britain's war policy was dominated by the belief that the eastern front had to be maintained to achieve victory. It appeared that any interruption to the eastern front would allow Germany to reinforce her lines on the western front, then to win and control the economic destiny of Europe. Britain could not allow this to happen.
This study focuses on the reportage from British diplomats and representatives in and outside of Russia to their superiors at the Foreign Office in London from December 1916 to December 1917. A vast wealth of documentation is available in the Foreign Office Correspondence. Analysis of these notes reveals certain trends which were dictated by the kaleidoscopic turn of events in Russia and the national ethos of these representatives. A minute analysis demonstrates a great diversity of opinion regarding the situation in Russia, ranging from optimism to pessimism and objectivity to prejudice in all phases of the year 1917. To a limited degree this diversity can be correlated with the geographical location and diplomatic status of the individual representatives. Above all it is clear that when historians quote from these sources, they choose the quotations which support the conclusions they have already reached because they know the outcome of the developments that they are describing. The individuals on the spot at the time were far less prescient and insightful. They were much more affected by their own historical prejudices and rumours, as well as the vagaries and short-term shifts of their immediate environment. Many of them believed in the great-man theory of history; a number attributed all developments and difficulties to some aspect of the Russian national character; some explained certain events during the year by conspiracies, especially of the Jews, with whom they tended to equate the Bolsheviks. Only a few were consistently solid and realistic in their appraisal of events, attributing them to factors favoured by our most respected historians.<br>Arts, Faculty of<br>History, Department of<br>Graduate
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Samarin, Andrey Igorovich, and Андрій Ігорович Самарін. "The Japanese phenomenon in the use of soft power." Thesis, National Aviation University, 2021. https://er.nau.edu.ua/handle/NAU/51658.
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1.Soft power . [Electronic resource]. – Mode of access: https://pidru4niki. com/70827/politologiya/myaka_sila_instrument_formuvannya_pozitivnogo_ imidzhu_derzhavi
2.Soft power theory . [Electronic resource]. – Mode of access: http://www.hai-nyzhnyk.in.ua/doc/2014doc.kultura.php
3.Tools of diplomacy. [Electronic resource]. – Mode of access: https://zbruc.eu/node/69324<br>The problem of “soft power” in international relations and its role in Japanese foreign policy is an interesting problem for research, given its insufficient scientific study. Due to the prevailing general attitude to the problem of “soft power” in world politics, where the phenomenon under study is considered only an auxiliary method of foreign policy and not a full-fledged tool to achieve their goals in the international arena. The need to study the use of “soft power” is caused by the ongoing shifts in international relations and world politics, which appeared as a result of the development of globalization processes, information and technological spheres. With the emergence of new actors and the rapidly changing rules of the game in the international arena, it is important for countries to quickly adapt to these rules and make full use of new tools. Thus, the aim of the study is to study the features of the concept of “soft power”. Japan’s soft power policy is a very successful example of the full implementation of this diplomatic tool. In Japan, the use of soft power tools is in line with borrowing proven foreign experience, supplemented by national specifics and ultimately oriented towards the interests of national business. Innovation, culture, language and much more - all these are things that affect the political and diplomatic situation in relations between Japan and other countries. Japan is attractive not only because of its model economic development, but also thanks to its status as a leader in the field innovation e.g.. Innovation is one of the foundations of its economic model development. Both Japan and the countries of the region have repeatedly stressed that Japanese technology and natural resources of Central Asia complement each other.<br>Проблема "м'якої сили" у міжнародних відносинах та її роль у зовнішній політиці Японії є цікавою проблемою для досліджень, враховуючи її недостатнє наукове вивчення. У зв’язку з переважним загальним ставленням до проблеми „м’якої сили” у світовій політиці, де досліджуване явище вважається лише допоміжним методом зовнішньої політики, а не повноцінним інструментом досягнення своїх цілей на міжнародній арені. Потреба у вивченні використання "м'якої сили" зумовлена постійними зрушеннями у міжнародних відносинах та світовій політиці, що з'явилися в результаті розвитку процесів глобалізації, інформаційної та технологічної сфер. З появою нових дійових осіб та швидко мінливими правилами гри на міжнародній арені країнам важливо швидко адаптуватися до цих правил та повною мірою використовувати нові інструменти. Таким чином, метою дослідження є вивчення особливостей поняття «м'яка сила». Політика м'якої сили Японії є дуже успішним прикладом повної реалізації цього дипломатичного інструменту. В Японії використання м'яких електроінструментів відповідає запозиченню перевіреного зарубіжного досвіду, доповненого національною специфікою і в кінцевому рахунку орієнтованого на інтереси національного бізнесу. Інновації, культура, мова та багато іншого - усе це впливає на політичну та дипломатичну ситуацію у відносинах між Японією та іншими країнами. Японія є привабливою не лише завдяки своїй моделі економічного розвитку, а й завдяки своєму статусу лідера в галузі інновацій, наприклад. Інновації є однією з основ розвитку її економічної моделі. Як Японія, так і країни регіону неодноразово наголошували, що японські технології та природні ресурси Центральної Азії доповнюють одна одну.
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Hirtzlin-Pinçon, Olivier. "L'influence de la situation géopolitique au Moyen-Orient sur la génération des accords israélo-arabes depuis "Camp David I" : la frontière d'Israël." Phd thesis, Université des Sciences Sociales - Toulouse I, 2008. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00300769.
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La question moyenne-orientale est dans l'actualité depuis 1948. C'est en cette année que se crée l'Etat d'Israël sur les décombres du mandat britannique en Palestine. Dès le commencement, la guerre va commencer à fixer les frontières entre Israël et ses voisins arabes. Cependant, après 1967, une nouvelle question va apparaître, celle des relations avec les Territoires occupés. En conséquence, l'Etat d'Israël aura deux questions frontalières à gérer : la question interétatique classique et la question interne avec les Palestiniens. Cette recherche tente de démontrer les voies employées par les différents acteurs régionaux et internationaux pour trouver une solution à cette question juridique qui cause l'instabilité régionale. On s'appuiera sur le droit, l'Histoire, la science politique (en particulier, l'étude des idéologies sioniste et arabiste) et les relations internationales pour trouver une cohérence aux réussites et aux échecs qui ont émaillé l'histoire du Moyen-Orient depuis 1948 et le fait qu'Israël n'ait encore que deux frontières internationalement reconnues, une avec l'Egypte et l'autre avec le royaume de Jordanie.
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shih-chieh, Liu, and 劉世頡. "The Situation of Military Strategy and Diplomatic Relation between Northeast Asia and Wei, Jin, Southern & Northern Dynasties." Thesis, 2010. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/87500033127938276779.
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Kahindo, Véronique Kavuo. "Diplomatic peacemaking according to the Abigail approach (1 Samuel 25:14-35) and its relevance to the North Kivu context in the Democratic Republic of the Congo." Diss., 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/8611.
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This dissertation is a contextual reading of 1 Samuel 25:14-35 that highlights
the Abigail approach to peacemaking. The synchronic analysis of this text done in the
light of the context of North Kivu conflict resolution focuses on the literary analysis of
the text. The interaction between the two contexts of peacemaking, in the Abigail
narrative and the North Kivu context, allows me to recommend "participative
negotiations" as a suitable diplomatic means to solve North Kivu conflicts for a
lasting peace.
In fact, participative negotiations inspired by the Abigail strategy contrast with
the diplomacy of avoidance and competitive negotiations, by which North Kivu
cannot reach lasting peace. However, the strategists of peacemaking, involving North
Kivu rank-and-file in the peacemaking process, must first build mutual confidence
between the parties in conflict during discussions, then analyse their respective
interests, and bring them to suggest suitable strategies using objective criteria which
can lead the parties to true consensus.<br>Old Testament & Ancient Near Eastern Studies<br>M. Th. (Old Testament)
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Mhlongo, Maned Annie. "The preparedness of technikon-trained library and information science diplomates for the work situation : an evaluative study." Thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/5969.
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This study investigated the preparedness of technikon trained library science diplomates for the work situation. The views of both diplomates and their employers were sought in order to determine the preparedness of the former for the work situation. Both the diplomates and employers were requested to rate the various tasks for which diplomates were trained according to the degree of preparedness of diplomates. Respondents were also asked to identify weaknesses and strengths ofthe diploma. Results indicated that generally diplomates were employed as library assistants and were therefore not performing tasks for which they were trained. However, those diplomates who were performing tasks for which they were trained , were prepared in terms of their skills although certain problem areas were identified. There was no consensus on what could be identified as weaknesses ofthe diploma. Areas that should have been developed according to diplomates included communication skills, computer literacy and practical work. Employers identified areas that were peculiar to their kinds of libraries as areas that should have been developed but were not, for example, story telling, community information services, on-line searching, and others. Cooperative training, exposure to technology and the practical nature of the programme were identified as strengths of the diploma. What also emerged was that diplomates were underutilised as half of those who responded were performing at library assistant level in their work places. This indicated the reluctance of employers to afford diplomates the opportunity of undertaking para-professional tasks. Recommendations were made to conduct a survey of all employers in order to establish which employers have positions for para-professionals. This would indicate what job opportunities exist for diplomates. Another recommendation was that this study needs to be duplicated by other technikons in order to establish the preparedness of diplomates.<br>Thesis (M.I.S.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 1998.
Books on the topic "Diplomatic situation"
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Wu, Xianjun. Zhongguo guo ji hua yu quan gou jian: Li lun, xian zhuang he lu jing = China's international discourse rights : theory, situation and path. Fu dan da xue chu ban she, 2017.
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Borchgrave, Christian de. Diplomaten en diplomatie onder hertog Jan zonder Vrees: Impact op de Vlaamse politieke situatie. UGA, 1992.
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C, Chu Samuel, and Liu Kwang-Ching 1921-, eds. Li Hung-chang and China's early modernization. M. E. Sharpe, 1994.
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Baheta, Madehania. Applying situational crime prevention reduces attacks on U. S. Embassies. National University, 2015.
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Bourgoing, Jean-François. L'état actuel de l'Espagne (Septembre 1779): A French diplomat's report to his government about the social, economic, and political situation and military capability of Spain in 1779. The Edwin Mellen Press, 2013.
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Fabris, Antonio. I dispacci di Francesco Vendramin, ultimo bailo a Costantinopoli (1796-1797). Edizioni Ca' Foscari, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.30687/978-88-6969-372-4.
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The transcripts of the 55 dispatches written by Francesco Vendramin, the last Venetian bailo of Constantinople between 1796 and 1797, appear very important to the eye of the historian. Even though they were written in Constantinople, they reflect the hardships of the political climate that the fall of the Veneta Repubblica and the establishment of the Municipalità Provvisoria brought to Venice.Moreover, they provide a unique insight into the bailo house in Constantinople. Vendramin had to explain the functioning of the bailaggio and the necessity of the diplomatic office to maintain a decorum of credibility for the State (both the Repubblica and the Municipalità). This needed to be clarified to the new rulers, who were mostly bourgeois and not experts in political issues, especially issues of an international nature, while the old rulers, the august senators, have been experts for decades in both internal and external political affairs of the Republic.The first 27 dispatches were written when the Veneta Repubblica was still alive. The remaining 28 were written after its fall (12th May 1797), when Vendramin had no official role. He was accredited with the Porta Ottomana, as the Venetian delegate of the Doge, but he never received any formal task by the Municipalità. Nevertheless the Ottoman government continued to consider Vendramin as an ambassador, not knowing how to act otherwise.The first collection of dispatches again proposes, with proper adjustments to the new situation, the schemes and the themes that characterize the Venetian-Ottoman relationship in the modern age. The second group is full of information on the Venetian colony in the Empire. As a consequence, it gives information on the functioning of the consulates and on the personal licenses given to merchants and vendors. Moreover, the figure of the French ambassador du Bayet appears strong. He stands as a supporter of many choices in the name of an effective French supremacy on Venice, that in Constantinople is shown without the shield of the Municipalità.
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Wijers, Jean Paul, Isabel Amaral, William Hanson, Bengt-Arne Hulleman, and Diana Mather. Protocol to Manage Relationships Today. Amsterdam University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463724159.
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Protocol to Manage Relationships Today explains the contemporary value of protocol, not only for monarchies or diplomatic institutes, but for any non-profit or for-profit organisation. This book presents modern protocol as a tool to build strong, authentic networks of reciprocal relationships. When used effectively protocol can: - Increase the effect of the networking activities of an organisation. Protocol gives a professional structure to relationship management, to achieve access to the 'right' networks and a reciprocal relationship with the most valued stakeholders. - Deepen relationships. In our world there is so much focus on pragmatism in building relationships - protocol focuses on the common ground to gain value. - Be used as a valuable tool in a post COVID-19 era, where the need for space and time to build real and authentic relationships is well understood. The book defines how tested values perfectly fit in today's society, where modern organisations want to build effective relationships and communities. This book is focused on developing an increasingly vital expertise for professionals who deal with complex relationship management issues on a strategic and tactical operational level. They come from different fields, such as government institutions, non-profit organisations and commercial environments. This book also gives protocol officers a contemporary approach towards the application of protocol. It is not designed as a complete guide to all the rules of protocol, but it describes how to translate the context into a tailor-made protocol for each meeting or event. The book explains protocol as a flexible method to handle unique situations. Protocol is presented on four levels: the 'why' of protocol; the strategic and tactical level; the practical implementation; and the execution of protocol. Protocol to Manage Relationships Today is written by Europe's foremost protocol experts with collective years of experience with the management of networking meetings and events at the highest level.
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G, Sutter Robert, Johnson William R. 1929-, and Gaston Sigur Center for East Asian Studies., eds. Taiwan in world affairs. Westview Press, 1994.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Diplomatic situation"
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Ling, Bonny, and Mariko Hayashi. "Refugee Protection in Japan and Taiwan: Common Challenges and Ways Forward for Human Security." In Palgrave Macmillan Studies on Human Rights in Asia. Springer Nature Singapore, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-97-2867-1_2.
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AbstractThis chapter explores the current situation of refugee protection in both Japan and Taiwan. For both, refugee assistance serves a diplomatic purpose by promoting the country’s contribution to external refugee issues, rather than implementing the norms and spirit of the Refugee Convention domestically. This chapter examines the gaps between international standards in the protection of asylum seekers and refugees, and Japan’s implementation of those standards. It also looks at how these challenges are manifested for Taiwan, which lacks an asylum law. Both countries have adopted an ad hoc approach to refugee protection, resulting in human security risks for refugees and asylum seekers. Adopting an asylum law would be an important move for Taiwan. The experiences of Japan, however, suggest that a legal framework is not enough, unless there is broad acceptance and implementation of the responsibility to protect refugees in society. The complexity of the landscape, and the interplay between international and regional dynamics relating to the Asia–Pacific, law, and declaratory statements, means that there is not a one-size-fits-all solution. To establish meaningful refugee protection, all the tools available must be utilised to increase public awareness and to develop inclusive solutions, where civil society involvement plays crucial roles.
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Miller, Steven E. "The Struggle to Save the JCPOA: Negotiations to Nowhere?" In Springer Proceedings in Physics. Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-29708-3_15.
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AbstractOn May 8, 2018, President Donald Trump announced that he was withdrawing the United States from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). However, he failed in his subsequent efforts to coerce Iran into capitulation on the nuclear issue or to accept what Washington regarded as a better deal. The Biden Administration thus inherited a situation in which neither the United States nor Iran was complying with the deal but the Administration was pledged to restore the JCPOA. Rather than simply reverse Trump’s unilateral policy on the JCPOA, though, Biden launched a diplomatic effort aimed at restoring the agreement while possibly modifying some of its terms to address concerns about Tehran's nuclear progress that had arisen when Iran too began to ignore JCPOA constraints. The ensuing negotiations soon bogged down, impeded by a tangle of misaligned perceptions and irreconcilable positions. Washington hoped that the leverage provided by Trump’s sanctions would give Iran incentives to rejoin the agreement, but this perspective failed to take into account that Tehran has its own complaints and reservations about the JCPOA as well as its own internal opposition to the agreement. As a result, more than two years into his Presidency, Biden has been unable to correct what he regarded as the “gigantic mistake” of withdrawing from the JCPOA.
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Maksymiuk, Katarzyna. "Relevance of the Diplomatic Activities of Xusrō I Anōšīrvān in China for the Military and Political Situation in the Far East in Sixth Century CE." In Archaeology of Iran in the Historical Period. Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-41776-5_27.
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Fedele, Dante. "Le statut des rebelles dans les écrits sur l’ambassadeur au début de l’époque moderne." In Diplomaties rebelles. Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2022. https://doi.org/10.4000/13vuw.
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Cet article s’attache à étudier la manière dont la doctrine juridique des ambassades au début de l’époque moderne envisagea le statut et les activités diplomatiques des rebelles. Après avoir abordé les problèmes de la rébellion et du droit d’ambassade, l’analyse se concentre sur le droit d’ambassade des rebelles pour montrer que la littérature sur l’ambassadeur s’est intéressée aux activités de dialogue entre un prince et ses sujets révoltés, ou bien entre les partis d’une guerre civile (deux situations qui furent nettement distinguées), plutôt qu’au problème des relations établies par ces acteurs avec des étrangers.
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Mattarella, Bernardo Giorgio. "Sentenza 238/2014: EU Law and EU Values." In Remedies against Immunity? Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-62304-6_10.
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AbstractThe relationship between Judgment 238/2014 of the Italian Constitutional Court and EU law is, at first glance, apparently weak, as the subject matter of the former is not governed by the latter, nor there have been any judgments from EU courts regarding the case. However, if one considers the origin and purpose of the EU itself and the state of relations between Italy and Germany, one cannot help but examine the case from a European law perspective. Judgment 238/2014 is relevant to European law in several ways, all of which concern not only military cooperation in the EU but also the protection of human rights, the risk of forum shopping and, above all, how reliable member states are in their mutual relations. European law in turn is relevant to the present case not so much because it offers solutions but because it shows a method for settling clashes between legal systems and illustrates its inherent difficulties. Sentenza 238/2014 is an unpersuasive judgment and can be criticized from different angles: the legal one (international and constitutional law), the factual reconstruction and the judgment’s likely effects. There are, however, two possibilities of resolving the situation that Sentenza has produced: firstly the legal one, which involves the use of all possible tools to limit its effects; and secondly the diplomatic one, which implies further negotiations. European law does not provide a ground for a preference between these two options, but it suggests that none of these ways is neglected.
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Bigaud, Magali. "Normes et pratiques diplomatiques au service de la relation postcoloniale franco-cambodgienne (1953-1961)." In Le diplomate en représentation. Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2021. https://doi.org/10.4000/13seo.
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À l’issue d’un processus de décolonisation négocié, le Cambodge devient officiellement un État indépendant en novembre 1953. Les relations avec l’ancienne tutelle coloniale, la France, sont alors amenées à se transformer, selon des enjeux différents pour chacun des pays : tandis que le Cambodge recherche la réciprocité, la France, de son côté, souhaite maintenir son influence au Cambodge et plus globalement en Asie du Sud-Est. Cette contribution s’attache à étudier les normes et les pratiques diplomatiques comme éléments centraux dans la redéfinition de la relation, à travers la manière dont les acteurs de la transition du haut-commissariat de la République vers l’ambassade de France ont fait usage de ces pratiques pour répondre aux enjeux de cette situation postcoloniale. Le haut-commissaire de la République, puis ambassadeur de France au Cambodge, Pierre Gorce sera ici plus particulièrement étudié, comme figure centrale dans ce processus de transformation.
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Lemée, Emmanuel. "La diplomatie du sport et du jeu à la cour des derniers Stuarts." In Le diplomate en représentation. Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2021. https://doi.org/10.4000/13sef.
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Au-delà de leur caractère plaisant, les divertissements de cour revêtaient à l’époque moderne une forte dimension politique et diplomatique. Les jeux de cartes et les courses de chevaux donnèrent ainsi lieu, à la cour d’Angleterre de la fin du xviie siècle, à des rencontres informelles qui contribuèrent à faire émerger une diplomatie parallèle à la représentation officielle incarnée par les ambassadeurs. À l’occasion de ces divertissements, la suspension des exigences officielles en termes de cérémonial créait de nouvelles opportunités de représentation. Cela permettait, à travers une mise en scène savamment calculée, d’indiquer publiquement un positionnement diplomatique sans pour autant s’engager trop avant ou se compromettre. La pratique de ces gestes diplomatiques particuliers, qui s’exprimaient dans des situations relevant de l’intimité mais dont la portée était publique, entraînait par ailleurs l’apparition d’acteurs diplomatiques complémentaires des acteurs officiels, qui, sans chercher à les remplacer, jouaient malgré tout un rôle crucial en assurant une représentation diplomatique plus informelle mais tout aussi importante au maintien de bonnes relations entre l’Angleterre et ses voisins, notamment la France.
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Connelly, Matthew. "An Anti-American Revolt." In A Diplomatic Revolution. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195145137.003.0007.
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Abstract Dillon was equally frank. He said that “the French deficit was so huge that there was nothing the United States could do unless the French took steps to rectify this situation.” Marjolin described plans for new taxes and spending reductions, but Dillon knew not to take these pledges at face value. Under his successor, Amory Houghton, the U.S. embassy in Paris had continued to forward inside information on the faltering economic reforms. Since Schweitzer’s “unauthorized” conversation with Charles Yost in February, 27 billion francs had been added to the special budget for the war.3
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Duquet, Sanderijn. "The EU’s Application of Diplomatic Law." In EU Diplomatic Law. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192844552.003.0004.
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Abstract This chapter deals with substantive diplomatic law and examines in detail the EU’s relation with international diplomatic norms. It tests the general suitability of the 1961 Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations (VCDR) to the EU’s situation and, where necessary, expresses doubts about specific provisions in the Treaty. The study does not limit itself to a study of the application of the VCDR; it also explains the Union’s urge to apply norms not covered by the Convention, including norms of protocol, CIL, and topics once considered unfit for codification. As a result, this chapter studies fundamental as well as practical topics by re-visiting the foundations of diplomatic law and by analysing EU practices. It addresses different topics diplomatic missions are confronted with and focuses on the various challenges for the EU in initiating, conducting, and terminating diplomatic relations and for the EU institutions in managing them.
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Hernández, Gleider. "11. Diplomatic protection and issues of standing." In International Law. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/he/9780198748830.003.0011.
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This chapter discusses the notion of ‘diplomatic protection’, or the idea that a State may espouse the claims of its nationals and claim on their behalf. Because diplomatic protection by a State to persons necessarily extends beyond its territory, its exercise has potential ramifications for the sovereignty of other States. Certain rules have therefore emerged to avoid the uncomfortable situation where States submit legal claims as a strategic tool in international relations. Many of these are reflected in the Articles on Diplomatic Protection proposed by the International Law Commission (ILC) in 2006. In such situations, even if locus standi or ‘standing’ can be established, the admissibility of a claim before an international tribunal is precluded. The chapter then studies the rules relating to the admissibility of claims of diplomatic protection.
Conference papers on the topic "Diplomatic situation"
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VİRİYEVİÇ, Vladan. "Yugoslav Diplomacy and Public on “The Hatay Question” (the Sanjak of Alexandretta) in the Period of 20s and 30s of the 20th Century." In 10. Uluslararası Atatürk Kongresi. Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayınları, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.51824/978-975-17-6044-9.23.
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The development of bilateral relations between the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (known as the Kingdom of Yugoslavia since 1929) and the Republic of Türkiye during the second half of the 20s and 30s of the 20th century was characterized by intensive rapprochement within all spheres – politics, economy, defense, education, culture etc. Owing to that very rapprochement diplomatic societies and the wider Yugoslav public carefully followed the events in Türkiye, considering internal as well as internal aspects. Atatürk's extensive reform activities as well as those performed by Turkish authorities concerning the establishment of neighbor relations with the surrounding, regarding pacific external politics that was promoted by the "Father of Turks", made Yugoslav daily papers and periodical publications full of written columns on this matter. "The Hatay Question" (the Sanjak of Iskenderun) together with "The Mosul Question" was one of the most important challenges of the young Turkish Republic's external politics in the constructive consideration of which the creators of the Yugoslav external politics were interested since it was the obstacle between France, the main Yugoslav external political support and Türkiye, its close ally with which it has been bound by contractual relation within Balkan Agreement since 1934. Therefore the reports of the Yugoslav Embassy in Ankara and the general consulate in Constantinople written to the superiors in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Belgrade very often consisted of information on "the Hatay Question". Yugoslav press also wrote on this matter, particularly those papers that had reporters in Türkiye. According to the unpublished archives of Yugoslav origin and articles in journals, the most important moments and processes regarding "the Hatay Question" will be analyzed chronologically as it is mentioned in the title, till 1940, namely its final solution, the realized demarcation of Türkiye and Syria in the region of the Sanjak of Iskenderun, while they regard the circumstances and the situation in Hatay, the relationship of Turks and Arabs, French-Turkish diplomatic complicated situations and tensions, the role of the League of Nations and other important international political factors (Great Britain, USSR, Italy, Germany) etc.
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Smiljanov, Sande. "THE ASPECTS OF THE DIPLOMATIC PROTOCOL THROUGH THE PRISM OF THE RUSSO-UKRAINIAN CONFLICT." In 8th INTERNATIONAL FORUM “SAFETY FOR THE FUTURE”. RASEC, 2022. https://doi.org/10.70995/brmg5572.
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Europe is living its hardest moments since the end of the Second World war. Open conflict on the continent was considered to be impossible, not only by the security experts and the European heads of states, but also according NATO strategic documents. February 24th, 2022 changed it all – Russia launched a full scale invasion on Ukraine (designated as a special military operation by Russia), that threw the continent in chaos and disbelief. Although none of the European authorities believed that there is a possibility for substantial change in the European security architecture, there are some subtle signs that the situation will escalate, signs only visible in the eyes of the diplomatic protocol specialists. The paper focuses on the diplomatic protocol and its essence, the communication and public diplomacy theory and practice, and on an analyses of the most intriguing high level diplomatic events in this period that outline the relations between Russia and other states, from the perspective of the diplomatic protocol.
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"Analysis of Current Situation and Development Tendency of Russian Diplomatic Policy in New Environment." In 2018 3rd International Social Sciences and Education Conference. Francis Academic Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.25236/issec.2018.082.
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Tresa, Ľuboš. "Vnútropolitická situácia v Československu pred konaním Mníchovskej konferencie." In Naděje právní vědy 2022. University of West Bohemia, Czech Republic, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.24132/zcu.nadeje.2022.720-729.
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Despite the increasingly deteriorating international situation in 1938 and despite the increasingly tense domestic political situation in Czechoslovakia (which we briefly described above) and despite the evident evidence that armed conflict in Central Europe is increasingly inevitable, the optimistic mood prevailed in Czechoslovak society. If we look at the given situation through the lens of the time, it is clear to us that Czechoslovak society could not afford defeatism at that time. Even though the parliamentary and political system of the Czechoslovak Republic suffered a major blow due to the critical events of September 1938, this did not mean that the government of the Czechoslovak Republic planned to completely surrender to the dictates of Germany and its allies. As the mood of the time shows, the society of Czechoslovakia was actively prepared to defend its democratically elected government and its democratic Masaryk political system, which was the basic pillar of democracy throughout the existence of the first Czechoslovakia. The government of the Czechoslovak Republic tried in every possible way to solve the nationality problem that arose in the Czechoslovak Republic. It can be said, however, that this political struggle to solve this problem was already lost, since Henlein‘s Sudeten German Party and even the German politicians themselves were not interested in solving the minority problem in Czechoslovakia, but rather in the destruction of Czechoslovakia as such, either through a peaceful diplomatic or political by way of or through the Fall Grünn, i.e., the military liquidation of Czechoslovakia. I am aware that the issue described above is only a short excursion that points to a much more complex topic that deserves a separate, more detailed, and especially extensive treatment. The internal political situation in Czechoslovakia before the Munich Agreement is a topic that I will certainly focus on in more detail in my rigorous work, and in this work, I plan to point out in more detail why the solution to the nationality problem in Czechoslovakia was a lost political as well as diplomatic battle of the Czechoslovakian government.
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JI- EON, LEE, and YOO NA-YEON. "SOUTH KOREA’S DIPLOMATIC RELATIONSHIP WITH UZBEKISTAN SINCE 1991: STRATEGY AND CHARACTERISTICS OF EACH GOVERNMENT." In UZBEKISTAN-KOREA: CURRENT STATE AND PROSPECTS OF COOPERATION. OrientalConferences LTD, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/ocl-01-03.
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One of the biggest events in international political history at the end of the 20th century was end of the Cold War due to the dissolution of the Soviet Union. With the collapse of the Soviet Union in December 1991, the Cold War system, led by the US and the Soviet Union as the two main axes, disappeared into history, dramatically changing the international situation and creating new independent states in the international community. In the past, as the protagonist of the Silk Road civilization, it was a channel of trade and culture, linking the East and the West, but as members of the former Soviet Union, Central Asian countries whose importance and status were not well known have emerged on the international stage in the process of forming a new international order. After independence, Central Asia countries began to attract attention from the world as the rediscovery of the Silk Road, that is, the geopolitical importance of being the center of the Eurasian continent, and as a treasure trove of natural resources such as oil and gas increased.
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CONSTANTINOV, Valentin. "The Country of Moldova in the context of the polish-ottoman political-diplomatic confrontation during the first reign of Radu Mihnea (1616-1619)." In "Ştiință și educație: noi abordări și perspective", conferinţă ştiinţifică internaţională. Ion Creangă Pedagogical State University, 2024. https://doi.org/10.46727/c.v3.21-22-03-2024.p154-159.
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The ascension of Radu Mihnea to the seat of Moldavia in 1616 was a great novelty in the Romanian political life of that period. For the first time, a ruler from one Romanian country was moving to another. Although there were cases until that time when representatives of the dynasty from Moldova and Wallachia ruled in other countries, what happened then in 1616 opened a new page in Romanian history. A precedent was created from that moment to establish a new vector in the evolution of the international political situation of Moldova and Valahia. Several items were for the first time. The dethronement of the family of Ieremia Movila, and the appointment of the ruler of Valahia to the seat of Moldova was just a simple formula that would be applied in the future. Poland and the Ottoman Empire monopolized Moldova and will discuss its future within the framework of Polish-Ottoman relations. Our rulers try to find a balance in this policy. Attempts that sometimes succeeded and sometimes less so.
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Станков, К. Н. "Russia at the Brunswick Congress (in the First Half of 1714)." In Конференция памяти профессора С.Б. Семёнова ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ЗАРУБЕЖНОЙ ИСТОРИИ. Crossref, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55000/semconf.2023.3.3.010.
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Брауншвейгский конгресс был широким европейским дипломатическим форумом, на котором была предпринята попытка закончить Северную войну, заключив мир между Россией и Швецией. В конгрессе принимали участие представители Австрии, Дании, Польши-Саксонии, Пруссии, Ганновера и России. Последняя фактически впервые заявила о себе как о новой империи на евразийском пространстве. Ее главной задачей было заключение мира со Швецией на условиях всех территориальных приобретений, достигнутых в ходе Северной войны. Представителем России на Брауншвейгском конгрессе в январе 1714 г. царским указом был назначен один из ведущих русских дипломатов, посол в Гааге – князь Б. И. Куракин. Ему были даны широкие полномочия. В частности, они предполагали возможность заключения мира со Швецией независимо от того, прибудут ли представители от короля Карла XII, пребывавшего в то время в Османской империи, или от шведского правительства в Стокгольме. Кроме того, Б. И. Куракин должен был вести переговоры с императора Священной Римской империи о возможности последнего принудить Швецию к заключению мирного договора. Россией была предложена программа мирного урегулирования со Швецией. В случае невозможности заключения мира официальный Петербург ставил перед собой следующие задачи. Прежде всего, было необходимо укрепить Северный союз, не допустив сепаратного мира саксонского курфюрста и польского короля Августа II и датского монарха Фредерика IV со Швецией. Петр I также стремился расширить ряды своих союзников, присоединив к ним Пруссию и Ганновер. Наконец, русские дипломаты стремились нейтрализовать морские державы (Великобританию и Нидерланды), поскольку к 1714 г. сложилась опасная ситуация возможности их вступления в Северную войну на стороне Швеции. The Brunswick Congress was a broad European diplomatic forum during which an attempt was made to end the Great Northern War by making peace between Russia and Sweden. The congress was attended by representatives of Austria, Denmark, Poland-Saxony, Prussia, Hanover and Russia. The latter actually declared itself for the first time as a new empire in the Eurasian space. Its main task was to conclude peace with Sweden on the terms of preserving all territorial acquisitions achieved in the Great Northern War. In January 1714 one of the leading Russian diplomats, the ambassador in the Hague, prince B. I. Kurakin was appointed as a representative of Russia. He was given broad powers. In particular, they assumed the possibility of concluding peace with Sweden, regardless of whether representatives would come from king Charles XII, who was then in the Ottoman empire, or from the Sweden government in Stockholm. In addition, B. I. Kurakin was supposed to negotiate with the Emperor about the possibility of the latter to force Sweden to conclude a peace treaty. Russia proposed a program for a peace settlement with Sweden. In the event that it was impossible to conclude peace, official Saint Petersburgh set itself the following tasks. First, it was necessary to strengthen the Northern Alliance, preventing the separate peace of the Saxon elector and the Polish king Augustus II and the Danish monarch Frederick IV with Sweden. Peter I also sought to expand the ranks of his allies by adding Prussia and Hanover to them. Finally Russian diplomats sought to neutralize the maritime powers (Great Britain and Netherlands) as by 1714 there was a dangerous situation that they could enter the Great Northern war on the side of Sweden.
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García González, Víctor. "La fortaleza de Porto Longón: el puesto avanzado de Felipe V en Italia (1715-1735)." In FORTMED2024 - Defensive Architecture of the Mediterranean. Universitat Politàcnica de València, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/fortmed2024.2024.18066.
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The Presidios of Tuscany have received less historiographical attention than other fortified sites on the Mediterranean coast. In this context, it is worth mentioning a place unjustly forgotten: Porto Longone (Porto o Puerto Longón in Spanish), today’s Porto Azzurro, on the island of Elba. During the twenty years following the end of the War of the Spanish Succession, Longone was an isolated enclave, Philip V of Spain’s last stronghold in Italy, whose preservation depended on a frail diplomatic and military balance. Despite its fragile situation, the fortress would be of key importance in maintaining the network of contacts with Italy within the revanchist strategy of the Spanish Bourbon and obtaining intelligence from the territories controlled by the imperial forces of Charles VI. The king’s will to turn Longone into a powerful forward base meant that some of the most experienced military engineers of the newly created Spanish Royal Corps of Engineers were stationed there, such as Antonio Montaigut de la Perille, Pedro Coysevaux or Simón Poulet. The project for Longone detailed in the plans of 1722 and 1727 written by Coysevaux was comprehensive and addressed both fortifications like the bastions of Castellón, Toledo or Zúñiga and their advanced works as well as other constructions necessary to ensure the defence of the fortress and decent service conditions for its garrison: barracks, warehouses, powder magazines and water cisterns. The War of the Polish Succession would increase the weight of the stronghold as a base for operations in Italy. From 1735 onwards, Porto Longone would be cut off from the dominions of the kings of Spain, but the previous two decades attest to the effort put into its fortification and improvement, without which its conservation would probably have been more seriously challenged by the rivals of Philip V.
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Сергеев, Е. Ю. "War Scare in Soviet-British Relations of 1923." In Конференция памяти профессора С.Б. Семёнова ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ЗАРУБЕЖНОЙ ИСТОРИИ. Crossref, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55000/semconf.2023.3.3.026.
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Феномен так называемых «военных тревог» в отношениях между Россией (СССР) и Великобританией исследован недостаточно. Между тем периоды обострения напряженности и шаги, которые предпринимали обе державы для ее смягчения с целью избежать прямого вооруженного противостояния, оказывали заметное влияние на характер и динамику развития двусторонних контактов в политической, экономической и социокультурной сферах последней трети XIX – первой четверти ХХ в. Статья раскрывает важнейшие особенности «военной тревоги» мая 1923 г., которая была вызвана жесткой дипломатической нотой министра иностранных дел лорда Дж. Н. Кёрзона, фактически временно исполнявшего обязанности главы Кабинета, в адрес советского правительства на фоне обострения ситуации как в Европе (Рурский кризис), так и на Ближнем Востоке (турецкий вопрос). Автор анализирует причины возникновения конфликта, его этапы и последствия, а также оценки, которые он получил в отечественной и зарубежной историографии. Статья написана на основе документов из российских и британских архивов с привлечением свидетельств современников, материалов прессы и парламентских дебатов. The phenomemon of the so-called “war scare” in the relationship between Russia (the USSR) and Great Britain has not been sufficiently studied. Meanwhile the period of exacerbation of international tension as well as steps taken by both powers to mitigate it in order to avoid direct armed confrontation had a noticeable impact on the nature and dynamics of the bilateral links in the political, economic and socio-cultural spheres of the last third of the nineteenth – early quarter of the twentieth century. The paper reveals some important features of the 1923 “war scare”, which was caused by a sturdy diplomatic note addressed to the Soviet government on behalf of the British Foreign Secretary Lord G. N. Curzon, the acting head of the Cabinet, against the background of the aggravation of international situation both in Europe (the Ruhr crisis) and in the Near East (the Turkish problem). The author analyzes the causes of the conflict, its stages and consequences, together with the assessments that it received in Russian and foreign scholarship. The study is based on Russian and British archival documents with the stipulation of contemporaries’ evidences, press materials and parliamentary debates.
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Чернов, О. А. "Accession of Merv and Border Issues in N. V. Tcharykow Note about the Trip Along the Bank of the Tejen." In Конференция памяти профессора С.Б. Семёнова ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ЗАРУБЕЖНОЙ ИСТОРИИ. Crossref, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55000/semconf.2023.3.3.022.
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В 1884 году произошло событие, которое получило такое распространённое название, как «мирное присоединение Мерва». Присоединение Мерва привело к необходимости решения ряда последующих вопросов. Как в самом присоединении, так и дальнейших мероприятиях принимал участие Николай Валерьевич Чарыков, крупный дипломат и заметный учёный. Сразу же после окончания военных действий Н. В. Чарыков и генерал А. В. Комаров совершили ряд поездок по присоединённой территории. В записке, опубликованной в специальном закрытом сборнике, российский дипломатический чиновник сообщал о поездке по берегам пограничной реки Теджен (Герируд). Цель поездки заключалась в том, чтобы выяснить наличие дороги на восточном берегу реки Теджен. Н. В. Чарыков даёт подробное описание данной местности. Особое внимание он обращает на наличие в данной местности стратегически важных колодцев с питьевой водой, выделяет наличие пашни. Автор изучил структуру пограничного гарнизона ближайшей персидской крепости, составил представление об армии Персии. Н. В. Чарыков провёл обследование горного массива на случай ведения боевых действий. Присоединение Мерва вызвало изменения и в структуре российского управления в Средней Азии. Ранее отношения со среднеазиатскими ханствами осуществлялись через туркестанского генерал-губернатора, но теперь ситуация изменилась. В рассмотренной записке Н. В. Чарыкова поднимаются проблемы как присоединения самого Мерва, так и вопросы, связанные с последствиями данного присоединения – интеграция новых территорий в состав Российской империи и выстраивание нового контура безопасности с сопредельными государствами. In 1884, an event occurred that received such a common name as the “peaceful accession of Merv”. The accession of Merv led to the need to resolve a number of subsequent issues. Both in the accession itself and in further events, N. V. Tcharykow, a prominent diplomat and a prominent scientist, took part. Immediately after the end of hostilities, N. V. Tcharykow and General A. V. Komarov made a number of trips around the attached territory. In a note published in a special closed collection, a Russian diplomatic official reported on a trip along the banks of the border river Tejen (Gerirud). The purpose of the visit was to find out the existence of a road on the east bank of the Tejen River. N. V. Tcharykow gives a detailed description of this area. He pays special attention to the presence of strategically important wells with drinking water in the area, highlights the presence of arable land. The author studied the structure of the border garrison of the nearest Persian fortress, made an idea of the army of Persia. N. V. Tcharykow conducted a survey of the mountain range in case of hostilities. Accession of Merv has caused changes in the structure of Russian government in Central Asia. Previously, relations with the Central Asian khanates were carried out through the Turkestan governor-general, but now the situation has changed. In the considered note of N. V. Tcharykow, the problems of both the accession of Merv itself and the issues related to the consequences of this accession are raised – the integration of new territories into the Russian Empire and the building of a new security contour with neighboring states.
Reports on the topic "Diplomatic situation"
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Boniface, Gideon, and Christopher Magomba. A Multi-Phase Assessment of the Effects of COVID-19 on Food Systems and Rural Livelihoods in Tanzania. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/apra.2021.038.
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Since the outbreak of COVID-19 at the end of 2019, the pandemic has brought both social and economic impacts to global communities, although to varying degrees. Since the onset of the pandemic, different regions have responded in various ways by taking different measures to fight the pandemic and its effects. In Tanzania, the first case was recorded on 16 March 2020 and, to contain the spread of the virus, on 17 March 2020, the Prime Minister announced measures including the closure of all education institutions, the suspension of public gatherings and international passenger flights, and mandatory quarantine for individuals entering Tanzania. However, in June 2020, the government announced the easing of the restrictions after observing a significant decrease in the COVID-19 infection rate and, despite a subsequent ‘second wave’ of the virus, the government declined to re-institute movement restrictions. This decision led to the implementation of non-tariff trade barriers which were imposed on cargo carrying grain and other exports to neighbouring countries, especially Kenya. The situation became so bad that diplomatic intervention had to be sought. In order to understand the resulting socio-economic impacts of the COVID-19 crisis in Tanzania, data were collected in three waves during mid-July2020, October 2020 and February 2021. This paper presents a synthesis of the results of these three survey rounds.
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Arzheimer, Kai. To Russia with love? German populist actors’ positions vis-a-vis the Kremlin. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0020.
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Russia’s attack on Ukraine and its many international and national repercussions have helped to revive the fortunes of Germany’s main radical right-wing populist party, the “Alternative for Germany” (AfD). Worries about the threats posed to Germany’s traditional export-led industries by spiking energy prices, the country’s historical anxieties over becoming involved in armed conflict in Europe, and hundreds of thousands of refugees arriving in Germany seem to have contributed to a modest rise in the AfD’s poll numbers after a long period of stagnation. However, the situation is more complicated for the AfD than it would appear at first glance. While many party leaders and the rank-and-file have long held sympathies for Putin (and for Russia more generally), support for Ukraine among the German public remains strong, even if there is some disagreement about the appropriate means and the acceptable costs. At least some AfD voters are appalled by the levels of Russian violence against civilians. Like on many other issues, there is also a gap in opinion between Germany’s formerly communist federal states in the east and the western part of the country. The AfD’s leadership has responded by blaming the government and unspecified external actors for the economic crisis, calling for a “diplomatic solution,” and demanding a “return to normal.” While this policy has helped to keep the AfD’s base mobilized, the stated approach is scarcely feasible and has not led to a surge in support for the party among the general population.
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Boustati, Alma. The Advantages and Disadvantage of Double Taxation Agreements for Developing Countries. Institute of Development Studies, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.143.
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When a developing and a developed country sign Double Taxation Agreements (DTAs), its generally the case that the developing country is the one that forgoes some of its tax revenues (Braun & Fuentes, 2016). Nevertheless, developing countries enter these agreements on the assumption that this will have enough economic benefits to offset these losses (Neumayer, 2007). Besides alleviating the burden of double taxation, DTAs also have the added value of improving exchange of information, which helps combat tax evasion and avoidance (Barthel et al., 2009). One of the incentives for signing DTAs for developing countries is the increase in Foreign Direct Investments (FDIs) (Neumayer, 2007). The evidence from the literature on the link between signing DTAs and increasing FDIs is very mixed, with some finding a positive impact and others finding no impact (Quak & Timmis, 2018). However, the literature points to some clear factors that drive the relationship between FDIs and DTAs. There are also studies that attempt to quantify the tax revenue loss of developing countries when they enter DTAs. All the studies find substantial negative loss, although most do not account for the potential benefit of increased FDIs (ActionAid, 2016; IMF, 2014; Janský & Šedivý, 2018; McGauran, 2013; Van de Poel, 2016). There are also other reasons for why developing countries may still commit to negotiate and enter DTAs even when the benefits are not guaranteed. This includes increasing diplomatic ties with the treaty partner and the incentive of receiving foreign aid (Braun and Zagler, 2017). The other is a prisoner’s dilemma situation. The two most prevalent DTA conventions are the OECD Model and the UN Model. The UN Model tends to be more advantageous for developing countries compared to the OECD Model (Eyitayo-Oyesode, 2020). There are many issues over which the UN Committee’s expert members from developed and developing countries disagree but developed country member are better at influencing decisions. Finally, the OECD Model is updated more frequently, resulting in the UN one being comparatively out of date (Hearson, 2015; Quak & Timmis, 2018). Generally, the literature on the impact of DTAs on developing countries’ economies is extensive. This is especially the case for the impact of DTAs on FDIs as well as on tax revenue loss. However, because of the complexity of these issues, many of the empirical studies inevitably suffer from methodological issues that make conclusive claims very difficult. Notably missing from the literature is the impact of DTAs on international trade.
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Rekawek, Kacper. Surveillance and Protection- Insights from the Czech Republic, Poland, and Slovakia. International Centre for Counter Terrorism, 2025. https://doi.org/10.19165/2025.3263.
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Protection systems in Central-Eastern Europe (CEE) are different from the Dutch system. They are older and initially, i.e., pre-World War II, were built to counter the threat of politically motivated violence. Post-1989, it changed to threats from organised crime, and since the 2010s, it is changing again towards countering politically motivated acts. Each of the three systems had its own turning points – be it 2010/2018 or 2024. These energised the systems and spurred them into action, but often this is happening in a “we should have seen it coming” fashion. The most obvious case of this is Slovakia in the aftermath of the assassination attempt on Prime Minister (PM) Robert Fico, with the head of Úrad pre ochranu ústavných činiteľov a diplomatických misií MV SR – (Ministry of Interior’s) Department for the protection of “constitutional authorities” and diplomatic missions (UOUC) now admitting they failed to imagine something like this happening and failed to train for this eventuality. This now leads to a hyperactive approach from the unit and the tightening of standards. Each system is seemingly available throughout the whole country and groups protected persons (PPs) into three categories: VIPs, witnesses and crown witnesses, and harmed or threatened persons. There is also the military option for the ministers of defence – these are protected by the military gendarmerie, and there have been instances of given ministers using such units too eagerly, while, for example, attending their sports facilities or even sending them to shop for them. Two of the three systems (Czech and Slovak) are run by the unified, hierarchical police forces. In Poland, there is also the SOP (Sluzba Ochrony Panstwa or State Protection Service), which protects VIPs. Nonetheless, the organisational flowcharts are very clear and similar across the three case studies. The first group of PPs is the most visible, with ample literature available on it. The second is surrounded by a proverbial wall of silence and for the right reasons. Indeed, recent literature coming out on the topic is sometimes written by the former crown witnesses who undermine the integrity of the system as they overstress the system’s shortcomings and failures. The third layer seems most neglected – some police forces almost habitually refuse to work on this layer of the protection system, others are more zealous in this regard. Herein, however, lies the biggest difference between the three case studies – the Slovak system encourages a victim to report a crime and the police will then go after the criminal, the Polish system has seen a boom in the number of “harmed/threatened persons,” the Czech system finds itself in between the two. The command and control of the systems is centralised and hierarchical and almost totally in the hands of the police – the only exception being the Polish VIP protection unit, SOP. Hardly any other institution features in the system at all, except the prosecutor’s office, if there is a complaint against a person allegedly being the source of a given threat, or the military police, if protection is about the Minister of Defence or the chief of the general staff. State resources are also used to protect the buildings and some of the personnel from “state assets,” i.e., nationalised companies running, for example, electricity, water, gas, etc. These develop their own protection services and obtain them using, effectively, state funds, but shop for these on the proverbial market. The systems have not undergone any devolution – even in the light of threats and attacks against local figures. One might be working with the local police or its elements to counter these locally, but the command and control is very much in the hands of, at least, regional commands of the police force and the proverbial buck always stops with the police president/police commander and, subsequently, the Minister of Interior and the Prime Minister. Moreover, if local figures are to be protected (as in the aftermath of the Adamowicz assassination in Poland), this is still ordered “from on high” and then sent down the chain of command. Again, one size fits all is more evident here with police units across the countries working from a centrally ordained script. Local variations are possible and available, but there is an attempt to synchronise options and protection packages. The police forces rely on tested modalities, but allow for a degree of flexibility, depending on the situation and the resources at hand in all three sub-elements of the systems. There is a tendency to start low and upgrade if need be – the case of Lucia Plavakova in Slovakia is telling in that regard. Police forces will not share the rules and regulations governing the packages offered to a given protected person. There is a tendency to legislate for each type of PPs separately and/or enshrine the regulations governing the protection systems in, for example, police bills. Police forces suffer from recruitment issues all around the region. Its protective departments belong to the most overworked, but this is also due to the fact that some have focused on recruiting members close to retirement and not individuals keen on moving up the proverbial ladder of a given police force. As a result of this, relatively few policemen want to join these and consequently, they are understaffed. More elite units within the protection systems, for example, focusing on the protection of crown witnesses or within regional commands and working towards the protection of harmed persons, remain relatively unknown, which prevents them from leaking information but also disrupts their recruitment efforts as fellow policemen often do not know about them or their work and are thus unlikely to join them.
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Bravo, Vanessa. Applying the Situational Theory of Publics to the first external voting process for Costa Ricans abroad: Lessons for international public relations and public diplomacy / Aplicación de la Teoría Situacional de los Públicos al primer proceso de voto en el exterior para Costa Rica: Lecciones para las relaciones públicas internacionales y la diplomacia pública. Revista Internacional de Relaciones Públicas, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5783/rirp-10-2015-08-125-140.
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Brison, Jeffrey, Sarah Smith, Elyse Bell, et al. The Global Engagement of Museums in Canada. University of Western Ontario, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5206/vdjm2980.
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The Global Engagement of Museums in Canada examines Canadian museum diplomacy, assessing the international activities of Canadian museums to consider the ways these institutions act as cultural diplomats on the global stage. The report presents the results of a multi-partner collaborative research project addressing the work of ten institutions, including the Art Gallery of Alberta; Aga Khan Museum; Canadian Museum of History; Canadian Museum of Immigration at Pier 21; Montreal Museum of Fine Arts; Museum of Anthropology at UBC; National Gallery of Canada; Ottawa Art Gallery; Pointe-à-Callière, Montréal Archaeology and History Complex; and the Royal Ontario Museum. Focusing on the period of 2009 to 2019, this report highlights new activities and methods within museum practice, while also grounding these within the context of developments in the last decade. Drawing on archival research, document analysis, and interviews with museum professionals, this research establishes baseline data on the global reach of Canadian museums and identifies best practices to share with the museum sector and cultural diplomacy community. Comprised of three sections, the report begins by presenting the framework for the project, explaining the logic behind the selection of institutions and the pedagogical considerations that informed our collective methodology. Second, the report provides a review of the literature in the field of cultural diplomacy, situating the research project. And third, the core of the project, are ten studies of specific institutions, drawn from the fieldwork conducted by the team. These institutional reports demonstrate the ways in which museums engage with a range of global activities and actors. They further address developing trends in the sector, while also suggesting future avenues for research. The Global Engagement of Museums in Canada is a research project led by Primary Investigators Jeffrey Brison and Sarah E.K. Smith. Funded by a Mitacs Accelerate Grant, the initiative is a collaboration between the Montreal Museum of Fine Arts and Queen’s University.