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Journal articles on the topic 'Diplomatie africaine'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 2 June 2025

Last updated: 31 July 2025

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1

Ewumbue-Monono, Churchill, and Carlo von Flüe. "Promotion of international humanitarian law through cooperation between the ICRC and the African Union." International Review of the Red Cross 85, no. 852 (2003): 749–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0035336100179912.

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Résumé Cet article examine la coopération du Comité international de la Croix-Rouge (CICR) avec des organisations diplomatiques africaines telles que l'Union africaine (UA) dans le but de diffuser le droit international humanitaire au sein de la communauté diplomatique africaine. Décrivant les contextes institutionnels et politiques nécessaires à la promotion du droit humanitaire sur le continent africain et à la réussite des efforts en matière de diplomatie humanitaire, l'article donne un aperçu des résultats obtenus lorsque le CICR a coopéré avec l'Organisation de l'unité africaine (OUA) pou

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DZAGUISS Abdoullah. "Le Maroc et l’Afrique : une coopération au service d’un modèle de développement afro-africain." مجلة الدراسات الإستراتيجية والعسكرية 7, no. 27 (2025): 195–209. https://doi.org/10.63939/jsms.2025-vol7.n27.195-209.

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La politique africaine du Maroc repose sur des fondements historiques solides, alliant une diplomatie visionnaire à un engagement concret envers la solidarité africaine Notre étude vise à explorer les différentes piliers de cette stratégie. Il s’agit d’une diplomatie proactive qui a permis de renforcer la coopération bilatérale à travers des accords concrets dans des domaines stratégiques. Ensuite le Maroc a promu un modèle de coopération Sud-Sud basé sur la solidarité et le développement conjoint. Enfin, le retour du Maroc à l’Union Africaine (UA) en 2017 a marqué une étape décisive. Cette ré

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3

Alleno, Kevin. "La « Françafrique » : usages d’un mythe contemporain dans le débat politique français (1994-2021)." Revue historique 708, no. 4 (2023): 603–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rhis.234.0603.

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L’expression « Françafrique » est un instrument militant forgé par le président de l’association Survie, François-Xavier Verschave, pour stigmatiser les dérives de la politique africaine de la France. Elle renvoie à un imaginaire colonial qui s’est imposé comme la principale représentation de la politique africaine de la France. Il s’est largement diffusé au sein de la société au point de constituer une grille de lecture des relations franco-africaines pour les médias et de se diffuser largement au sein de la culture populaire. Avec ce succès, on peut même parler de mythe au sens où ce concept

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4

Vircoulon, Thierry. "Politique étrangère : du grand dessein au désenchantement." Pouvoirs N° 191, no. 4 (2024): 105–14. https://doi.org/10.3917/pouv.191.0105.

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Au début du xxi e siècle, le président Thabo Mbeki a formulé un grand dessein pour la diplomatie sud-africaine : être le leader de l’Afrique et jouer un rôle moteur sur la scène internationale au sein des pays émergents. Énoncées alors que l’aura de l’Afrique du Sud était à son zénith, ses priorités se sont progressivement heurtées au mur des réalités tant nationales qu’internationales. Le grand dessein s’est effacé laissant place à une diplomatie économique plus modeste, une réévaluation des ambitions en Afrique et un basculement, non assumé mais réel, dans le camp anti-occidental.

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5

Nejjar, Lamia. "La diplomatie économique africaine du Maroc : Un nouvel outil d’influence." Maghreb - Machrek N° 250-251, no. 3 (2023): 183–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/machr.250.0183.

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Abourabi, Yousra, and Jean-Noël Ferrié. "La politique migratoire du Maroc comme instrument de sa diplomatie africaine." Afrique en mouvement N° 1, no. 1 (2019): 68–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/aem.001.0068.

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7

Ould-Abdallah, Ahmedou. "La diplomatie africaine face aux conflits de la région des Grands Lacs." Politique africaine 68, no. 1 (1997): 23–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/polaf.1997.6083.

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African diplomacy in regard with the conflict in the great lakes area. This article examines the consequences for Africa of the end of the Cold War and especially as this relates to the Great Lakes Area. The long denied conflicts which erupted had implication for most of the countries of the sub-region, and also involved some foreign countries. After giving an account of how the AOU and neighbouring countries have handled the crisis, this paper offers a number of questions, examining : the international status of Human Rights, Democracy and the legitimacy of the new leaders, the scope and limi

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8

Turpin, Frédéric. "Le passage à la diplomatie bilatérale franco-africaine après l'échec de la Communauté." Relations internationales 135, no. 3 (2008): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ri.135.0025.

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9

Lockhart, Nicolás Falomir, and Mamadou Lamine Sarr. "La place de la diplomatie culturelle dans la politique africaine du Brésil et du Venezuela." Cahiers des Amériques latines, no. 80 (December 31, 2015): 109–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/cal.4156.

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10

MEYOLO, JOËL NARCISSE. "La diplomatie parlementaire au Cameroun: du point d'interrogation au point d'exclamation. Le cas de l'Union Parlementaire Africaine." Parliaments, Estates and Representation 27, no. 1 (2007): 227–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02606755.2007.9522263.

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11

Faiza, KOUBI. "LES INITIATIVES MAGHREBINES DE MEDIATION DANS LE CONFLIT LIBYEN." Revue Droit & Société 1, no. 4 (2022): 71–89. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.6390982.

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Les médiations maghrébines sur le conflit libyen ont donné lieu à des approches différenciées et généralement idiosyncrasiques. La Tunisie, l’Algérie et le Maroc ont engagé des démarches unilatérales, cependant que la Mauritanie prônait une méditation de type multilatéral au sein de l’Union Africaine. Les déterminants sécuritaire et politique par lesquels les perceptions nationales se démarquent ont façonné la portée et le mode de chaque

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12

Mbeng Dang, Hanse Gilbert. "La « diplomatie agricole » chinoise en Afrique : esquisse d’analyse d’une forme de « Land Grab » atypique." Journal of Sino-African Studies 2, no. 1 (2023): 52–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.56377/jsas.v2n1.5267.

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Le lien millénaire qui relie la Chine-Afrique jouit d’une position privilégiée dans la diplomatie chinoise depuis la proclamation de la République populaire de Chine en 1949. Le continent africain est considéré à la fois comme un terrain d’expérimentation, mais également comme un lieu privilégié pour mettre en scène le « rêve chinois » d’exportation d’un modèle socialiste de développement. De fait, la Chine tisse des relations avec les peuples africains grâce à une intense diplomatie publique. Rachats de vignobles, d’usines agroalimentaires ou encore construction de centres de démonstration ag

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Houria, BOUYA, and LECHHEB Houda. "L'impact du parrainage de la CGEM comme acteur de la Diplomatie économique marocaine sur les investissements en Afrique : une analyse empirique." International Journal of Accounting, Finance, Auditing, Management and Economics 3, no. 4-3 (2022): 158–73. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.6915650.

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Le but de cet article est d'analyser le modèle de la diplomatie économique du Maroc vers les pays africains afin de fournir des recommandations possibles pour de futures recherches dans le domaine de la diplomatie économique Marocaine qui a émergé avec la mondialisation et la demande croissante d'ouverture au commerce et à l'investissement. La revue de littérature indique un manque général de recherche au niveau national sur ce sujet d'un point de vue empirique. Pour ce faire, dans un premier temps, nous nous concen

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14

Oloukpona-yinnon, Adjaï paulin. "Pages méconnues des relations germano-africaines." Politique africaine 60, no. 1 (1995): 56–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/polaf.1995.5919.

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Bala Demba and Behanzin : neglectèd pages in the history of german-african relations. The diplomatie correspondence during the last half of the XIXth century between Guillaume II and Bismarck on the one hand and the kings Bala Demba of Baga in the present Guinea-Conakry and Behanzin d’Abomey on the other hand reveals that before colonization, African monarchs shared friendly and equal to equal relations with their European counterparts, in this case the German emperors Guillaume 1st and Ilnd regardless of dependence or subordination.

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15

Bayart, Jean-François. "Réflexions sur la politique africaine de la France." Politique africaine 58, no. 1 (1995): 41–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/polaf.1995.5872.

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Considerations on the french policy in Africa. Critics of Mitterrand’s policy reveal the deadlock in which it was involved underlining the risks of the dismantlement of the Franc area as a consequence of the devaluation of the CFA franc, the division and malfunctioning of the French governmental decision making system and the growing contradiction between Paris declared will of economic recovery with the Abidjan doctrine and the maintenance of diplomatic favouritism in South Sahara.

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16

Dedieu, Jean-Philippe. "Les élites africaines, enjeu de la diplomatie scientifique des Etats-Unis." Politique étrangère 68, no. 1 (2003): 119–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/polit.2003.1186.

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17

Buitchoho, Idriss Miskine. "Tensions géopolitiques et diplomatie autour du patrimoine culturel africain dans l’espace francophone." Relations internationales 188, no. 4 (2021): 141–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ri.188.0141.

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18

Hage, José Alexandre Altahyde. "A diplomacia brasileira e a questão africana." Revista Brasileira de Ciências Sociais 29, no. 84 (2014): 191–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0102-69092014000100013.

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19

Mamoudou, Mouhamadou Aminou. "Diplomatie Traditionnelle et Conservation du Patrimoine au Cameroun : Historique et Methodes." Zamfara International Journal Of Humanities 3, no. 01 (2025): 38–50. https://doi.org/10.36349/zamijoh.2025.v03i01.005.

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Cette étude vise à montrer la contribution des chefs traditionnels à la conservation du patrimoine culturel du Cameroun. Les chefferies traditionnelles ont été le maillon essentiel des sociétés traditionnelles africaines. Distinctement, en quoi la diplomatie traditionnelle garantie-t-elle la survie du patrimoine culturel au Cameroun ? Cette méthodologie s’appuie sur les entretiens ainsi que l’observation des données recueillies via la démarche empirique effectuée dans tout le Cameroun. En plus de cela, cette recherche s’appuie sur les documents écrits et les sources orales. L’exploitation et l

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20

Braeckman, Colette. "L'ancrage africain d'un État tampon en Europe : de la neutralité à la diplomatie morale." Revue internationale et stratégique 61, no. 1 (2006): 209. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ris.061.0209.

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21

Willame, Jean-Claude. "Les relations Belgo-Africaines en 1991: A la recherche d'une diplomatie des droits de l'homme?" Res Publica 34, no. 3-4 (1992): 439–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5553/rp/048647001992034003439.

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22

Chatin, Mathilde. "Lula’s Brazil in Africa: cultural diplomacy as an instrument of soft power." Revista Estudos Culturais, no. 4 (February 20, 2019): 37–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2446-7693i4p37-51.

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Durante o Governo Lula, a diplomacia cultural foi utilizada como importante instrumento para que o Brasil exercesse poder brando ("soft power") e assumisse um papel de liderança na política internacional. O número de parceiros doBrasil no campo da diplomacia cultural oi ampliado, enquanto suas relações com o Sul global e o continente africanose expandiram, como parte de uma estratégia mais abrangente em assuntos globais. O presente artigo investiga essemovimento de maior ativismo na área da diplomacia cultural no continente africano como ilustração da importânciadas relações Sul-Sul e da tenta

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23

Ndulo, Nchimunya. "The African Continental Free Trade Area: Local Content Requirements as a Means to Addressing Africa's Productive Capacity Constraints." Michigan Journal of International Law, no. 43.1 (2022): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.36642/mjil.43.1.african.

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The AfCFTA is rooted in the Abuja Treaty of 1991, in which Member States of the former Organisation of African Unity, the predecessor of the African Union (“AU”), “agreed on a roadmap for the creation of a common African market.” In January 2012, during the 18th Ordinary Session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the African Union, AU Member States adopted a decision to establish a Continental Free Trade Area. In June 2015, AU Member States launched negotiations for the establishment of the AfCFTA. On March 21, 2018, “44 African heads of state and government officials met in K

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24

Kohnert, Dirk. "Election observation in Nigeria and Madagascar – Diplomatic vs. technocratic bias." Review of African Political Economy 31, no. 99 (2004): 83–101. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.1471180.

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ABSTRACT & RÉSUMÉ & ZUSAMMENFASSUNG: International election observation has become a valuable means of supporting African democratic polity. Notably, EU observer missions adopting a professional approach are meant to shield against political pressures from partisan stakeholder interests. However, this growing professionalism did not necessarily lead to less biased observation results. Available evidence suggests that in crucial cases, the origin and orientation of the bias changed from 'diplomatic' to 'technocratic'. The latter can be as least as damaging

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Richards, Jake Subryan. "The Adjudication of Slave Ship Captures, Coercive Intervention, and Value Exchange in Comparative Atlantic Perspective, ca. 1839–1870." Comparative Studies in Society and History 62, no. 4 (2020): 836–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417520000304.

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AbstractWhat were the consequences of creating jurisdictions against the transatlantic slave trade in the nineteenth-century Atlantic world? Answering this question requires a comparative focus on the courts of mixed commission that adjudicated naval captures of slave ships, located at Sierra Leone (the foremost site of British abolition) and Brazil (the primary mid-century target). Court jurisdiction conflicted with sovereign jurisdiction regarding the presence of recaptives (“liberated Africans”), the risk of re-enslavement, and unlawful naval captures. To rescue the re-enslaved and compensa

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Workneh, Téwodros W. "Pandemic politics and Africa: Examining discourses of Afrophobia in the news media." Journal of African Media Studies 14, no. 1 (2022): 159–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jams_00071_1.

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In addition to the devastating loss of lives, the harm caused by the COVID-19 pandemic to individuals and communities around the world has caused seismic disruptions in economic, social and interpersonal relationships. The pandemic has affected international diplomatic relations as well by amplifying existing geopolitical tensions. By situating discourses of Africa and Africans within global ferments of pandemic politics, this study interrogates how Africa and its peoples were invoked in global media. Drawing from postcolonial theory and conceptual propositions of Afrophobia, the study uses mu

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Luchetta Pais, Maria Eduarda, Sandra Rita Molina, and Danilo Garnica Simini. "olhar da Igreja Católica sobre os direitos humanos na África." Revista de Iniciação Científica em Relações Internacionais 10, no. 19 (2023): 27–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.22478/ufpb.2318-9452.2022v10n19.62651.

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O presente trabalho analisa o posicionamento da Igreja Católica Apostólica Romana, através da diplomacia do Vaticano, no que concerne à questão dos Direitos Humanos na África junto à Revisão Periódica Universal realizada pelo Conselho de Direitos Humanos da Organização das Nações Unidas, especialmente, a fim de verificar se a troca de Chefe de Estado também alterou o posicionamento da entidade em relação ao tema. Para tanto, foram utilizadas, como fontes primárias, as recomendações feitas pelo Vaticano aos países africanos entre os anos de 2008 e 2021. A escolha do tema se justifica pelo desej

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Hondius, Dienke. "Black Africans in Seventeenth-Century Amsterdam." Renaissance and Reformation 31, no. 2 (2008): 87–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v31i2.9185.

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Les hommes et les femmes d’Afrique noire sont arrivés dans les villes d’Europe du Nord en tant que serviteurs, esclaves, amants et employés des marchands portugais et espagnol, ou en tant que diplomates. Le statut de ces noirs d’Afrique était une nouveauté et fluctuait, et on constate une surprenante variété de leurs expériences au Pays-Bas. En 1596, un premier groupe de plus de 100 africains — hommes, femmes et enfants — est arrivé de manière imprévue dans le port de Middlebourg. Étonnamment, les autorités locales ont proclamé leur libération, mais le capitaine qui considérait ces gens comme

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Camps-Febrer, Blanca, and Óscar Mateos. "Marruecos y su nueva política exterior hacia África. Continuidades, discontinuidades y perspectivas." Comillas Journal of International Relations, no. 13 (December 10, 2018): 63–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.14422/cir.i13.y2018.005.

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En los últimos años, Marruecos ha efectuado un notable giro en su agenda exterior hacia África. De la mayor discreción que ha caracterizado la posición del régimen alauí en las últimas tres décadas, el país ha pasado a poner en marcha una serie de decisiones que indican que algo muy de fondo podría estar cambiando en la política internacional marroquí hacia esta región. Sin duda, el retorno a la Unión Africana (UA), en febrero de 2017, o la demanda formal de adhesión a la CEDEAO/ECOWAS (organización que agrupa a los Estados de la región de África Occidental), pocos meses después, son decisione

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Oliveira Ribeiro, Lucas. "Agricultura, diplomacia e goma-arábica no vale do rio Senegal." Cadernos de Pesquisa do CDHIS 38, no. 1 (2025): 253–82. https://doi.org/10.14393/cdhis.v38n1.2025.78076.

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Este artigo discute a relação entre o comércio de goma-arábica, a expansão comercial europeia e o agravamento da desigualdade social no vale do rio Senegal do século XIX. Para tanto, realizo uma análise crítica de tratados firmados entre a administração do entreposto francês de São Luís e os emirados Brakna e Dowiche, situados na margem setentrional do rio Senegal. Os documentos encontram-se depositados nos Arquivos Nacionais do Senegal, em Dacar. Argumento que o comércio de goma-arábica facilitou a integração de sociedades do interior africano aos mercados mundiais, mas fundamentou um projeto

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Schlickmann, Mariana. "Um rio chamado Atlântico: a diplomacia brasileira navegando de volta ao ancestral continente africano (1950 - 1960)." Escritas do Tempo 3, no. 9 (2021): 99–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.47694/issn.2674-7758.v3.i9.2021.99111.

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Busco, neste artigo, analisar a mudança de contexto geopolítico iniciada a partir da conferência de Bandung em 1955 e do pensamento político brasileiro nos anos 1950 e 1960 que propiciou uma nova política externa, chamada de Política Externa Independente. Essa nova política foi responsável pela reaproximação do Brasil com o continente africano e propiciou o pioneirismo da experiência diplomática de Raymundo de Souza Dantas, primeiro negro embaixador do país, que serviu na embaixada de Gana nos anos 1960.

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Moura, Vagner Aparecido de. "Língua e Poder: Código Símbolo-cultural, encapsulado nas Relações Intersubjetivas no Interior do Continente Africano." Revista Portuguesa de Humanidades 25, no. 1 (2021): 341–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.17990/rph/2021_25_1_341.

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The current manuscript aims to reverberate the ordinary past: intersubjective relations in the interior of African continent through commercial and diplomatic charters. The cultural symbol-code is reframed, owing to interrelationship with geographical, political and institutional circumstances and historical conditions that foster re-interpretation of code, focused on unveiling the subjectivation and individuation’s process of the African black during 16th and 17th centuries. The object of this study is commercial and diplomatic charters circulate during 16th and 17th centuries and three Ambaq

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Fakhour, Renato Matheus Mendes. "Intervir ou não intervir: a “Diplomacia Silenciosa” e a política externa Sul-Africana em relação ao Zimbábue." Revista de Iniciação Científica da FFC - (Cessada) 19, no. 1 (2020): 33–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/1415-8612.2019.v19n1.p33-40.

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O presente artigo visa compreender os mecanismos de política externa adotados pela África do Sul durante a crise do Zimbábue. Para tanto, serão consideradas as relações sul-africanas para com os países da Comunidade de Desenvolvimento da África Austral (SADC), em específico suas interações com o Zimbábue, adotando a perspectiva teórica da estabilidade hegemônica. Neste contexto, a efetividade da “diplomacia silenciosa” utilizada pelo governo sul-africano enquanto mecanismo de política externa em relação ao Zimbábue, caracterizada principalmente pela escolha de não criticar o presidente zimbabu

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MPELE, Sara ENDENGELE. "LES RAISONS DU CHOIX DES MODES DIPLOMATIQUES DU CAMEROUN POUR LE REGLEMENT DU CONFLIT DE BAKASSI DE 1993 A 2008." EPH - International Journal of Humanities and Social Science 8, no. 2 (2023): 16–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.53555/eijhss.v8i2.125.

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La presqu’île de Bakassi au Cameroun est une zone qui fait l’objet d’un espace disputé entre deux pays : le Cameroun et le Nigéria. Ce conflit sera causé par la présence des sources minières et la délimitation artificielle des frontières héritées de la colonisation au point où le litige opposant ces deux pays dont le point commun est le Golfe de Guinée en Afrique, a atteint son apogée en 1993. Le Cameroun s’est engagé dans les modes diplomatiques pour le règlement du conflit de Bakassi. Plusieurs raisons l’ont poussé à opter pour la voie pacifique dans la résolution de ce différend frontalier

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Leite, Alexandre César Cunha, and Thamirys Ferreira Cavalcante. "A cooperação brasileira para a África: da diplomacia presidencial de Lula da Silva à diplomacia comercial de Dilma Rousseff/The Brazilian cooperation for Africa." Brazilian Journal of International Relations 5, no. 2 (2016): 342–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2237-7743.2016.v5n2.06.p342.

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Desde a última década tem se observado um movimento brasileiro em direção à África cada vez mais forte. Embora as relações do Brasil com a África remontem a própria história brasileira, só na última década é que o vizinho africano passou a ser prioridade na agenda da política externa brasileira. Muitos estudiosos afirmam que o ex-presidente Lula da Silva desempenhou um papel importante por trás do dinamismo observado nos anos recentes. O objetivo do presente trabalho foi analisar a política externa brasileira voltada para a África durante os governos Luís Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010) e Dil

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Eghweree, Charles Ogheneruonah, and Festus O. Imuetinyan. "Africa and the Climate Change Diplomacy." Journal of Sustainable Development 12, no. 2 (2019): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jsd.v12n2p101.

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The climate change debate and how to tame impact of climate change in the global context, remains a topical issue that elicits response from both continental bodies and states. While western countries take practical diplomatic steps in the climate change debate, African states appear both silent and unprepared for the challenges of climate change. Exploitation of natural resources has left marked impact on the environment in most African states, as degraded environment; denying them opportunity of harnessing wealth of the environment to achieve sustainable national development. Utilizing secon

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Pasler, Jann. "Music and African Diplomacy at the Festival Mondial des Arts Nègres, Dakar, 1966." Diplomatica 3, no. 2 (2021): 302–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25891774-03020004.

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Abstract To celebrate independence from France and promote better understanding between “continents, races, and cultures,” in 1966 Senegal produced the World Festival of Negro Arts. Forty-five nations participated. At its core were diplomatic goals involving music. Not only could music help Africans recover their pre-colonial heritage, it encouraged dialogue among cultures and cultural development fueling liberation from the colonial past. Listening for what was shared, as in jazz, and cooperating internationally, as in the Gorée spectacle and recordings competition, encouraged mutual understa

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Lowe, Kate. "‘REPRESENTING’ AFRICA: AMBASSADORS AND PRINCES FROM CHRISTIAN AFRICA TO RENAISSANCE ITALY AND PORTUGAL, 1402–1608." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 17 (December 2007): 101–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440107000552.

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AbstractDuring the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, a number of sub-Saharan envoys and ambassadors from Christian countries, predominantly Ethiopia and the Congo, were sent to Portugal and Italy. This essay shows how cultural assumptions on both sides complicated their task of ‘representing’ Africa. These African ambassadors and princes represented the interests of their rulers or their countries in a variety of ways, from forging personal relationships with the king or pope, to providing knowledge of the African continent and African societies, to acquiring knowledge of European languages a

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Fonju, Dr Njuafac Kenedy. "South Africa Gross Uncalculated Diplomatic Blunder, Contradictory Responses (SAGUDBCR) Versus Mass Dependency Trapping Africans in the Eastern European Showdown (MDTAEES) in the Ukrainian Territory during the 21st Century." Cross-Currents: An International Peer-Reviewed Journal on Humanities & Social Sciences 8, no. 6 (2022): 54–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.36344/ccijhss.2022.v08i06.001.

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The present article deals with the position of the Republic of South Africa with inconsistent blundering following her outing concerning the 2022 Russo-Ukrainian showdown. That such contradictory support to an aggressive State of Eastern European country making purported strategies to raise war and traumatize the Ukrainian to go down on their needs in a full scale war is just an unjust way of struggling to once more rise to a World unchallengeable position vis-à-vis with the United States Hyper Power Parity as unique policeman of the World since 1991 collapsed of the Cold War and disintegratio

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Resende, Erica Simone Almeida, and João Marcelo Filgueiras Jacome De Araújo. "PAPEL ESTRATÉGICO DA EMPRESA BRASILEIRA DE PESQUISA AGROPECUÁRIA NA POLÍTICA EXTERNA BRASILEIRA NA ÁFRICA (2003-2010)." Revista da Escola Superior de Guerra 38, no. 82 (2024): 122–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.47240/revistadaesg.v38i82.1233.

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Este artigo visa discutir a importância estratégica da Embrapa como ator da política externa brasileira no continente africano durante o governo de Lula da Silva entre 2003 e 2010. Para tanto, o trabalho baseou-se, através de uma metodologia de pesquisa qualitativa de análise de conteúdo de fontes documentais primárias (relatórios publicados pela Embrapa, Ministérios e Organizações Internacionais), e secundárias (publicações acadêmicas nacionais e internacionais, artigos de jornais). As diretrizes traçadas para a política externa brasileira no governo Lula voltaram-se para a busca de autonomia

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López Torán, José Manuel. "La diplomacia educativa de China en África: un nuevo paradigma de cooperación internacional al desarrollo." Pedagogia Social Revista Interuniversitaria, no. 47 (July 13, 2025): 131–45. https://doi.org/10.7179/psri_2025.47.08.

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Hasta la fecha, la provisión de ayuda al desarrollo en materia educativa ha estado dominada por actores tradicionales como la ONU o la Unión Europea, cuyas políticas se han sustentado en enfoques multilaterales centrados en el fortalecimiento institucional y la cooperación con organizaciones no gubernamentales. No obstante, en los últimos años, la creciente implicación de China en la esfera de la cooperación internacional ha introducido nuevos paradigmas. Su estrategia se caracteriza por un modelo de cooperación bilateral que prioriza el desarrollo de capacidades técnicas o la transferencia de

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DiMoia, John P. "Redefining South Korean ODA (Official Development Assistance): How Technical Aid Emerges from its Contexts (1954-1965)." International Journal of Korean History 29, no. 2 (2024): 7–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.22372/ijkh.2024.29.2.7.

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This paper considers the origins of South Korean ODA (official development assistance), working through the lens of KOICA’s (Korea International Cooperation Agency) two main predecessor institutions in the early 1960s. In contrast to KOICA (1991-prsent), associated with a rich Korea, this earlier period was dominated by small-scale efforts at outreach with neighboring countries, especially in Southeast Asia and Africa.In this context, two arguments emerge. First, Korean aid began earlier than is generally assumed, with the first outreach to African partners coming under discussion as early as

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Díaz, Jose Alejandro Sebastian Barrios. "Brasil – Moçambique: Relações Bilaterais entre 1975 e 2015." Revista InterAção 15, no. 2 (2024): e85954. http://dx.doi.org/10.5902/2357797585954.

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Este artigo explora documentos desclassificados para entender as origens, tensões iniciais e o desenvolvimento das relações bilaterais entre Brasil e Moçambique O objetivo do artigo é analisar, em perspectiva histórica, a política das relações bilaterais entre Brasil e Moçambique, de 1975 a 2015, compreender os elementos de aproximação e distanciamento e identificar e caracterizar subperíodos que sustentem a análise vis-à-vis a evolução cronológica dos fatos. A hipótese sugere que houve engajamento da diplomacia brasileira no sentido de estabelecer e consolidar as relações com o país africano.

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Fonju, Njuafac Kenedy. "The Identification of 134 Typologies of the French and 18 British Exploitative- Looting Pre-Colonial and Colonial Hegemonic Diplomatic Agents (ITFBELPCHDA within 334 Years in Senegal - Goree Island - Cutting Across the Gambian Sphere of Influences 1626-1960." Cross-Currents: An International Peer-Reviewed Journal on Humanities & Social Sciences 10, no. 04 (2024): 113–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.36344/ccijhss.2024.v10i04.002.

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The present paper is very important in the history of Senegal and African history in general due to several pre-colonial and colonial challenges which the Senegalese went through spanning from 1626 to 1960 at independence from the French colonial hegemony. It identified some 134 French diplomatic agents within 334 years and 18 British agents from 1758 to 1817 due to the profitable slavery and slave trade booming markets cutting across the Atlantic to the New World including other important centre of commercial activities during the period of their exploration, expropriation and exploitation (3

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Balezin, Alexander. "Acquaintance of Soviet People with the Countries of East Africa in the Late 1950s – Early 1960s." ISTORIYA 12, no. 11 (109) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840017632-4.

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In the late 1950s and early 1960s, the Soviet reading public could get extensive and diverse information from printed sources (books and magazines) about the young independent states of East Africa — Kenya, Uganda, Tanganyika and Zanzibar (later Tanzania). The authors of the texts were a wide variety of people — from amateurs who saw Africa with their own eyes on the most unusual occasions to young scholars specializing on Africa, from occasional journalists to those who began to specialize on this part of the world and even went to live and work there. And the information itself was of a dive

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MAFANY, Christian NKATOW, and Austine LAILA. "Soft Power Diplomacy of Russia’s Encroachment in Africa: Stakes and Implications." International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science VII, no. XI (2023): 1153–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.47772/ijriss.2023.7011089.

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Within recent years, Russia has arguably expanded her influence in Africa more than any other external international actor. These engagements extend from deepening ties in North Africa, expanding its reach in the Central African Republic, the Sahel, and rekindling Cold War ties in parts of Africa. This article gears at examining the strategies taken by Russia in the implantation of her roots in Africa and the geostrategic implications. From analyses made from research carried out, it was discovered that the soft power hands used by Russia in her diplomatic moves in Africa have been through irr

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Delgado Caicedo, Jeronimo, and Sophie Lizarazu-Catalá. "Un enfoque continental de la prevención de conflictos: un análisis de las iniciativas de "diplomacia preventiva" en África." Astrolabio, no. 32 (January 7, 2024): 105–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.55441/1668.7515.n32.41613.

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Desde su descolonización en los años sesenta, África ha sido entendida en el imaginario global como un lugar de conflictos armados, inestabilidad política y pobreza. Sin embargo, durante las últimas décadas, el continente ha atravesado un importante proceso de estabilización, democratización y pacificación. Desde el liderazgo de Mandela en África en la década de 1990 hasta la creación y consolidación de la Unión Africana (UA) desde 2002, los esfuerzos pacificadores han transformado radicalmente el continente. En este proceso han participado numerosos actores internacionales, continentales y re

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Karthiga, K., C. Jothi, and D. Pandeeswari. "A Discourse of Cultural Diffusionism in the writing of Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie’s Purple Hibiscus." World Journal of English Language 12, no. 2 (2022): 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/wjel.v12n2p141.

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This paper exfoliates the diplomatic situation that takes place in the house of Eugene. In third world countries: India, Africa, and Srilanka, etc., terms like culture, tradition, and religion plays a major role in promoting a society. Most of the Africans have a staunch belief in religious practices. Many of the articles mainly focus on the dynamic female characters like Beatrice, Kambili, Ifemelu, Olanna in Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie’s work. When assessing the religious practices. But this paper contracts with the ironic ideas of male characters about ‘religion’ in the novel Purple Hibiscus. A

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SILVA, Alexsandro de Sousa e., and Mariana Martins VILLAÇA. "As Escolas internacionalistas da Ilha da Juventude: Formação revolucionária de jovens africanos em Cuba (anos 1970 e 1980)." Varia Historia 38, no. 76 (2022): 195–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0104-87752022000100007.

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Resumo Neste artigo abordamos as chamadas escolas internacionalistas criadas na Ilha da Juventude, em Cuba, nos anos 1970, voltadas especialmente para alunos/as estrangeiros/as provenientes de países com os quais o governo cubano possuía relações de solidariedade internacional e interesses de cooperação militar e política. A partir da análise de reportagens do cinejornal cubano Noticiero ICAIC Latinoamericano produzidas nos anos 1970 e 80, de testemunhos publicados de ex-alunos/as e do diálogo com a historiografia sobre o tema, buscamos entender as condições em que estudantes, muitos deles/as

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Legros, Hugues, and Curtis A. Keim. "Guide to African Archives in Belgium." History in Africa 23 (January 1996): 401–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171951.

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In 1982 Carol Dickerman and David Northrup published a useful article on Africa-related archives in Belgium. Their work was limited, however, to two public institutions in Brussels which, in the past 12 years, have moved and grown. What is needed now is a more up-to-date and comprehensive list of Belgian public and private collections with historical or ethnological archives concerning Africa.In Belgium such archives are unfortunately not grouped in one place, but are spread over a dozen public and private institutions according to their nature—diplomatic, military, religious, ethnological—or

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