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Journal articles on the topic 'Diplomatie romaine'
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1
Ferragu, Gilles. "Tourisme et diplomatie. Les visites officielles franco-italiennes de 1903-1904 et la question romaine." Mélanges de l’École française de Rome. Italie et Méditerranée 109, no. 2 (1997): 947–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/mefr.1997.4521.
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Gelas, Nicolas. "La figure du diplomate chez Romain Gary." Hermès 81, no. 2 (2018): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/herm.081.0036.
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Rendiuk, Teofil. "Establishment and Development of Ukrainian-Romanian Relations in 1917–1923: Milestones and Personalities." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XIX (2018): 96–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2018-4.
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The article analyses three main stages and features of the establishment and development of Ukrainian-Romanian relations in 1917–1923. The first stage covers military and diplomatic relations between the Kingdom of Romania and the Ukrainian People’s Republic during the time of the Central Council of Ukraine (July 1917 – May 1918); the second one refers to the diplomatic relations of the Ukrainian State during the period of Hetman P. Skoropadskyi (June 1918 – December 1918); the third one corresponds to the UPR during the period of the Directorate of Ukraine (January 1919–1923).Each stage has its unique features, namely: the period of the UPR under the Central Council is characterised by the establishment of bilateral military-diplomatic relations and an attempt to resolve the Bessarabia issue; the Ukrainian State during the period of Hetman P. Skoropadskyi is marked by the creation of an extensive network of Ukrainian consular offices in the Kingdom of Romania, the signing in Iasi of the Agreement on Economic Cooperation between the Ukrainian State and the Kingdom of Romania; the UPR of the Directorate period is defined by the development of Ukrainian-Romanian diplomatic relations to the full-fledged classical level and protection of interests of the extensive Ukrainian community in Romania and the Ukrainian military emigration numbered many thou-sands, which has been found in the territory of a neighbouring country after the defeat in the military-political competition for the creation of independent Ukrainian State. The article emphasizes that a common distinctive thing about all Ukrainian diplomatic missions in Romania during the period of 1917–1923 has been the introduction and protection of interests of multi-million Ukrainian ethos that was found within the administrative boundaries of the Kingdom of Romania of that time. The article summarises achievements of Ukrainian diplomacy in Romania and failures that in the long run have had far-reaching negative effect. Keywords: Ukrainian People’s Republic, Ukrainian State, Kingdom of Romania, military-diplomatic relations, Extraordinary diplomatic mission, General Consulate, Agreement on Economic Cooperation, Ukrainian community.
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Vago, Raphael. "Romania–Israel, Diplomatic Documents, 1948–1969." Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs 9, no. 3 (September 2, 2015): 543–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23739770.2015.1093733.
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Popescu, Adrian Petre. "The Proto-Diplomatic Document in Romania." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 22, no. 2 (June 1, 2016): 484–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kbo-2016-0083.
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Abstract The theme is decoding the “literary field of the Romanian proto-diplomatic document”, designed to replace the art of diplomacy and cultural regeneration. It is the observation field over the products of literature’s habitat, the “art of the word”. Therefore, to confirm the “Romanian tradition”, we have analysed several of the “literary works” of some Romanian writers from the 19th Century. Under these circumstances, attention is drawn on the role of the document/deed, on its importance in the universe of cultures. Attention is drawn on the occurrence of proto-religious documents and of the proto-diplomatic documents. During the evolution of scripts in the mid 17th Century – presented by Nicolae Iorga as “abandonment of the Franciscan spirit, a change of the entire meaning of the religious literature”, we have included in the study the role of Slavic monks (refugees from Mount Athos on our lands) and their apprenticeship in the atmosphere of “mysticism and culture”, the impact caused by founders of monasteries, turned genuine centres of culture. Within these monastic places, the art of calligraphy and miniature develops, revived under Matei Basarab, Vasile Lupu and especially during the reign of Constantin Brâncoveanu.
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NEDELEA, Marilena-Oana. "Analysis of diplomatic relations between Romania and Denmark." European Journal of Law and Public Administration 5, no. 2 (December 30, 2018): 171–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/eljpa/53.
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Rendiuk, Teofil. "Operating Features of the Extraordinary Diplomatic Mission of the Ukrainian People’s Republic in Romania in 1920." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XXI (2020): 76–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2020-4.
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The article covers the activities of the Extraordinary Diplomatic Mission of the UPR in Bucharest. The year of 1920 marked a special period in the relations of the UPR of the Directorate times with the neighboring Kingdom of Romania, given a specific geopolitical situation and the conditions of almost complete isolation of Ukraine caused by the relentless advance of the Bolshevist army from the north and east as well as an offensive of the White Guard troops of A. Denikin and P. Wrangel from the south. Under such circumstances, the UPR considered Romania as its most important military, political, and economic partner. In turn, the erstwhile Romanian leadership was deeply interested in the existence of an independent Ukraine, primarily as a political and military buffer zone between Romania and the aggressive Soviet Russia. The article mentions the main areas of activity of the Extraordinary Diplomatic Mission in Bucharest: representing and protecting political, economic, and military interests of the UPR, encouraging trade relations, providing assistance to civilians and military emigrants from Ukraine who found themselves in the territory of the neighbouring country against their will as well as activities aimed at overcoming information vacuum around the UPR. The activities of the UPR Extraordinary Diplomatic Mission in Bucharest in 1920 contributed to the expansion of the Ukrainian idea abroad, promotion of knowledge about Ukraine and its struggle for independence, whilst drawing the attention of the international community to the acute problems Ukraine was facing at that time. The UPR Extraordinary Diplomatic Mission in Bucharest was also entrusted with a special task of providing the Ukrainian government with a full-fledged connection with Europe, especially with the En-tente countries. The article also is a pioneering research of the aspect of activities of the Extraordinary Diplomatic Mission in Bucharest associated with providing working conditions in the city for I. Mazepa, Head of the Council of People’s Commissars of the UPR, in March 2020, who was forced to flee Ukraine because of unconducive military circumstances and seek asylum in the adjacent country. Keywords: Extraordinary Diplomatic Mission, Ukrainian People’s Republic of the Directorate times, Kingdom of Romania, Isaak Mazepa, Kostiantyn Matsievych.
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Prisacaru, Dan. "Romania and Poland – at the forefront of defending the Versailles security system in the years 1919-1932 Landmarks of political, diplomatic, and military relations." Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces 194, no. 4 (December 16, 2019): 684–716. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.6465.
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During the interwar period, the relations between Romania and Poland had, as a common factor, major interests to counter an unprovoked attack from Soviet Russia – USSR. Meanwhile, the rich medieval tradition, the cultural, political and spiritual interferences, assured the substance of mutual relations between the two countries. Romanian-Polish relations were supported and encouraged by France, which had the incentive to achieve and maintain a “sanitary cordon” against the danger of the Bolshevik/Soviet Union. Romania and Poland evolved into a complex and sensitive geopolitical space in Central and Eastern Europe which took political, diplomatic and military actions to build relationships based on the mutual recognition of borders and the support for the two major Western democracies, France and The United Kingdom. The Romanian-Polish relations bore the unmistakable imprint of political and diplomatic figures who succeeded to the leadership of the two countries, in Poland – Marshal Jozef Pilsudski and in Romania – King Ferdinand, Queen Mary and the scholar Nicolae Iorga.
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Pintarič, Miha. "Et le pouce, où est-il, qui montrera vers le ciel? (Sonnet XXXII)." Acta Neophilologica 45, no. 1-2 (December 31, 2012): 171–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/an.45.1-2.171-176.
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Lʼarticle soumet à une brève analyse les Sonnets romains dʼAndrej Capuder, homme de politique, diplomate, professeur dʼuniversité, écrivain, traducteur et poète. Le passé et le souvenir mélancolique de lʼamour de jeunesse, lʼavenir et la rencontre prochaine avec Dieu, entre lʼun et lʼautre, tant de choses si terrestres, tantôt jugées avec sévérité, tantôt tolérées et tantôt même rendues complices.
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Holcă-Nistor, Roxana Georgiana. "Political-diplomatic relations between Romania and the Palestine Liberation Organization." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Historia 62, no. 1 (December 30, 2017): 71–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbhist.2017.2.06.
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Rendiuk, Teofil. "Ukrainian Extraordinary Diplomatic Mission in Romania in 1919 (To the 100th Anniversary of Ukrainian-Romanian Diplomatic Relations)." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XX (2019): 98–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-6.
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Boiechko, Vasyl. "From Scientific Work to Practical Diplomacy." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XIX (2018): 169–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2018-8.
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Ukrainian-Romanian relations have in fact become the main subject of my professional life. I started as a historian during the Soviet Union times and later as a diplomat of Independent Ukraine from December of 1992. For almost 14 years out of 24 of my diplomatic service I worked first as political adviser at the Embassy of Ukraine in Romania (1994–1999), and then twice as Consul General of Ukraine in Romanian city of Suceava in 2001-2005 and in 2010–2014. I had the honour to open the Ukrainian consular office in Romania in 2001, which was unfortunately closed in 2014! It was a combination of pleasant moments with sad feelings. Due to a certain aggravation of relations between Ukraine and Romania in the middle of 1994, in particular the Transnistrian crisis, I was urgently appointed as a Counsellor at our Embassy in Bucharest. Thus, after a year and a half of joining the staff of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, in July 1994 I left for a long-term diplomatic appointment to Romania. After the end of this assignment in November 1999, I was appointed as a deputy Head of the Secretariat of the new Minister for Foreign Affairs Borys I. Tarasiuk. In December 2001 I was appointed as the first Consul General of Ukraine in Suceava city. At that time, the Ukrainian-Romanian political relations were rather complicated. Occasionally, the Romanian side officially accused Ukraine of “non-fulfilment” of the basic bi-lateral political agreement, especially with regard to ensuring the cultural and educational rights of the Romanian minority in Ukraine, although the real situation was completely different. The first Consulate General of Ukraine in Romania which I had the honour to open, performed all the functions stipulated by our national Consular Statute. Our first concern was the provision of necessary support to citizens of Ukraine who visited Romania or lived in this country. My first Consular mission to Romania ended in 2005 and from September 2010 to November of 2014 I again represented Ukraine in Suceava. However, this time my working mood was not so uplifted. Then I remembered an advice of B. I. Tarasiuk, then already the deputy at our Verkhovna Rada, who said to me, “You have to serve Ukraine”. The distinctive thing about consular work is that its main aim is to protect the rights of Ukrainian citizens living or temporarily staying in the territory of a country of one’s appointment. Therefore, I paid special attention to this working direction. After returning from Romania, I worked for some time again as the Ambassador at large and reaching the retirement age in January 2016 I discontinued my diplomatic service by my own will, as I believed that young Ukrainian diplomats should have “space” for their career and professional growth. Keywords: Embassy of Ukraine in Romania, Consulate General of Ukraine in the Romanian city of Suceava, reminiscences, biography, diplomatic service of Ukraine.
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CRISTIAN, Alexandru. "US-ROMANIAN STRATEGIC PARTNERSHIP – PAST, PRESENT AND FUTURE." STRATEGIES XXI - National Defence College 1, no. 72 (July 15, 2021): 381–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477/2668-5094-21-27.
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Based on 140 years of diplomatic relations made permanent and on almost 180 years of trade agreements, the US-Romanian relations evolved depending on the historicalcircumstances. Relations have grown stronger and more complex, to become permanent and eventually instrumentalized. The emergence of new diplomatic cooperation tools meant the professionalization and institutionalization of US-Romanian bilateral relations. July 11, 1997 – the launching date of the Strategic Partnership – is a historical turning point in the relations of the two countries, which has been beneficial for both stakeholders.Keywords: Strategic Partnership; United States of America; Romania; bilateral relations; pillars; trust; loyalty; cooperation.
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Li, Caiyue. "The First Reception of Chinese Literature and Culture in Romania." Management of Sustainable Development 8, no. 2 (December 1, 2016): 35–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/msd-2017-0006.
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Abstract Although the bilateral diplomatic relations between China and Romania have 65 years, the communication and cooperation in the fields of education, science and technology, culture and politics have a long history. And what’s more there is a traditional friendship between the Romanian and Chinese people. When we talk about the first reception of Chinese literature and culture in Romania, we can’t forget one important person-Nicolae Milescu Spatarul and his contribution. In this paper first I will talk about the brief introduction of the relationship between Romania and China, and then I will focus on Nicolae Milescu Spatarul and his famous books Jurnal de călătorie în China, Descrierea Chinei.Jurnal de calatorie in China.
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Schick, Sébastien. "La diplomatie européenne à l’épreuve des « territoires » dans le Saint-Empire romain germanique du XVIIIe siècle." Revue historique 699, no. 3 (August 12, 2021): 667–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rhis.213.0667.
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Maglas, Ioana Florina. "THE GCC DIPLOMATIC RIFT AND ITS REVERBERATIONS UPON ROMANIAN PRESENCE IN THE REGION." Agora International Journal of Juridical Sciences 11, no. 2 (January 20, 2018): 117–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15837/aijjs.v11i2.3170.
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By virtue of their economic influence, the Arab States of the Gulf are highly interlinked within the global community. Dimensions of globalization (such as outward looking focus on international trade, openness, growing business opportunities and investment) are shifting their interests to a broad spectrum of partners leading to increased connectivity platforms and links. Apparent deteriorating ties seriously undermines relations among GCC[1] players and adversely affects its functioning. Current dispute, centered on allegations about Qatar’s foreign policy, caused much consternation, in fact, unequivocally conflicted with the interests of other members and escalated tensions. A scheme of prolonged economic isolation for the Gulf state of Qatar presents challenges and opportunities for Romania (particularly in food security initiatives in Qatar), however, in light of inter-regional realignments, a united GCC stance must consequently prevail to promote stability and reinforce its status of regional power in the Arab World, that would develop and maintain a strong bilateral relationship between Romania and the GCC. [1] (Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) is a political and economic union currently consisting of Bahrain, Kuwait, Qatar, Oman, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates)
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Tsivatyi, Viacheslav. "Diplomatic Instrumentation, Diplomacy of Non-Governmental Actors and Regional Initiatives of Romania in the Black Sea Region (2006-2018): Experience for Ukraine." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 37-38 (December 18, 2018): 217–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2018.37-38.217-227.
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The article is analyzed and systematized Romanian activity of non-governmental agencies, as a tool for promoting national interests in the Black Sea region; and experience Bucharest promotion of regional initiatives at the level of non-governmental organizations during the period of 2006-2018. The attention to the experience of Ukraine in communicating with non-governmental organizations. It is characterized by the example of Romania features and forms of implementation unofficial diplomacy (diplomacy governmental actors) in contemporary international relations and the role of unofficial diplomacy in resolving international conflicts.
The relevance of the study is determined not only by the intensification of the policy of Romania in the Black Sea region with the promotion of the interests of the EU, the U.S.A and NATO, but it is also determined by the Russian factor in the context of recent events in Ukraine, as well as by the presence for a long time a number of problems in the Ukrainian-Romanian relations and by the need of the complex and generalized approach to solution of these problems. Given the objective interest of Romania to maintain stability on its eastern border and to prevent the emergence of new factors that can have an adversely affect on the achievement by Bucharest of its long-term interests on the Republic of Moldova, the Romanian side is likely to use the restraint – positive rhetoric concerning Ukraine avoiding public critical evaluations of certain political events in our country.
The conclusions note that Ukraine's policy in relations with Romania should be to maximize the use of existing and, if necessary, create new mechanisms to ensure the national interests of our state, in particular, international instruments / instruments of influence on the policy of Romania that already exist or may arise as a result of Romania's cooperation with third countries and its activities in international organizations. Pay particular attention to the search for common interests and opportunities for Ukraine-Romania cooperation in the framework of the development of Ukraine's relations with the EU, NATO, as well as within the framework of the organizations with which both countries are members. In 2016-2018, the very activity of non-governmental actors (diplomacy of non-governmental actors) and their diplomatic tools in the globalized polycentric modern world should become an important factor in the development of the Romanian-Ukrainian bilateral relations.
Keywords: foreignpolicy, diplomacy, diplomacy model, national interests, institutionalization, diplomacy of non-governmentalactors, Romania, Ukraine
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POKIVAYLOVA, Tatiana. "From the History of Soviet-Romanian Relations: Preliminary Conference 1921 in Warsaw." Perspectives and prospects. E-journal, no. 1 (17) (2019): 113–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.32726/2411-3417-2019-1-113-129.
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After analyzing the causes and consequences of the rupture of diplomatic relations between Soviet Russia and Romania in January 1918, the author looks at the external and internal factors that demanded their restoration in the early 1920s. The work of the Soviet-Romanian Preliminary Conference (Warsaw, September 1921) is examined, revealing irreconcilable contradictions between the parties on issues such as the status of Bessarabia and the return of Romania’s gold reserves sent to Russia in 1916.
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Rus, Maria Ioana. "I rapporti diplomatici tra Romania e Italia negli anni venti, 1920-1928." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Studia Europaea 63, no. 2 (December 15, 2018): 395–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbeuropaea.2018.2.20.
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Basciani, Alberto. "La Romania e la grande carestia ucraina del 1932-1933." MONDO CONTEMPORANEO, no. 2 (August 2009): 83–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mon2009-002002.
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- The paper illustrates how Romania perceived the Ukrainian great famine of the years 1932-33 (holodomor) through the analysis of unpublished documentary material, coming from the archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Bucharest. At that time, Romania and Soviet Union did not have formal diplomatic relations. However, thanks to the reports of the military authorities working at the borders with the Soviet Union and thanks to the narrations of the Romanian diplomats, located in the bordering countries around the Ussr, the Romanian government could fully understand the tragedy that was upsetting the Ukrainian provinces and the Caucasus region. In this work a special attention is given to the narrations of hundreds of refugees who succeeded in crossing the Dniestr river and in finding a shelter in the Romanian territory. Their testimonies, gathered by the Romanians officials, were clear in proving the criminal nature of the famine, that was designed to undo the farmers' resistance to the collectivization of the fields and to politically and culturally subdue the non Russians nationalities inside the Urss.Key words: Romania, Ussr, Ukrainian Great Famine, refugees, Holodomor, international relations.Parole chiave: Romania, Urss, grande carestia, rifugiati, holodomor, relazioni internazionali. Mondo contemporaneo
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Dahl, Michał. "India’s foreign policy towards Central and Eastern Europe in 2014-2019." Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 12, no. 1 (September 24, 2021): 179–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.6469.
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It has been said that Central and Eastern Europe can be seen as an interesting direction for Indian political and economic expansion. Both the data on diplomatic activity and India’s trade with the countries of CEE, however, prove that the region is not of key importance for New Delhi’s foreign policy. On the other hand, a steadily growing trade turnover allows assuming that the current situation will gradually change. The conclusions may be confirmed by the analysis of New Delhi’s diplomacy directions in the region. The Indian leaders (not the most important figures, taking into account symbolism and real significance) visited in the years 2014-2019 the CEE countries with the highest trade turnover with India, namely Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary and Romania. They also paid visits to Bulgaria, Croatia and Serbia, that is countries with which India’s trade turnover is relatively low, but steadily growing. It may indicate a desire to establish more active diplomatic and economic involvement in this region than previously.
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Varga, Dániel. "Il ruolo dell’Italia per la realizzazione del progetto della Confederazione Danubiana del 1862." Italianistica Debreceniensis 25 (March 29, 2020): 146–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.34102/itde/2019/5559.
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Nell'autunno del 1861 fu preparato un piano franco-italiano-greco per far ribellare i popoli balcanici. I leader dell'emigrazione ungherese, in attesa di una guerra imminente, si consultarono per stabilire un'alleanza offensiva e difensiva tra Ungheria, Croazia, Serbia e Romania. Il loro obiettivo era, al contrario, nel 1848-49, di far combattere i popoli della regione del Danubio contro Vienna anziché Pest, aiutando così Torino ad acquisire Venezia. Ignác Helfy pubblicò gli elementi essenziali delle discussioni tra gli emigrati ungheresi nel quotidiano Alleanza, di cui fu anche direttore, in un pezzo dal titolo "Il programma ungherese", diventato un successo per la stampa italiana. Il Tribuno, guidato da Marco Antonio Canini, oltre a contestare l'Alleanza, chiese al giornale di rivelare tutto ciò che sapevano. Poco dopo, Canini visitò György Klapka e prepararono il piano della Confederazione Danubiana - che fu approvato anche da Vittorio Emanuele II. Canini, preparandosi per il suo tour diplomatico nella regione dei Balcani, visitò Lajos Kossuth, il quale pensava che stabilire un'alleanza di difesa sarebbe stato più realistico in quella situazione politica - ma Canini lo convinse che doveva essere creata una confederazione tra le nazioni coinvolte.
I commenti di Kossuth sul piano di Klapka e Canini furono trascritti. Tuttavia, Helfy li pubblicò nel suo articolo, rendendo impossibile a Canini condurre con successo i negoziati diplomatici tra i paesi. Infine, Vittorio Emanuele II, che inizialmente voleva uno dei suoi parenti come sovrano del Regno greco e a capo della Confederazione, si ritirò dai piani per la ribellione, a causa della mancanza di sostegno francese
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Dragan, D. G. "Foreign policy strategy of the Romania. Evolution, principles, goals." Post-Soviet Issues 5, no. 2 (July 6, 2018): 140–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2018-5-2-140-148.
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In this article, the author attempts to determine the strategic directions of Romania’s foreign policy. Significant geopolitical events in Europe expose the need to clarify the priorities of the policy pursued by the country. Historically in foreign relations Romania has employed diplomatic strategies that allowed it, according to historians, to «anoeuvre» between the centres of power on the international arena. However, in the early 2000’s a departure from this tradition has become apparent, especially during the administration of Traian Basescu (2004–2014), which also coincided with the country’s joining NATO in 2004 and EU in 2007. After the collapse of the socialist bloc Romania set its priorities, firstly, in the direction of joining both NATO and EU and later bringing the country in accordance with their norms and standards was put high on the agenda. Having become a member of the Alliance and an EU-state, Romania has been determining its foreign policy from the point of view of synchronizing its strategic goals with those of NATO and EU. Along with this, the strategic partnership with the US and the attached to it significant importance for Romania dictate the one-sided political approach deprived of the traditional manoeuvre capability in foreign affairs. This is also proven by the fact that despite the declared and established privileged relations with a number of countries, the level of their “strategic” execution is very low in reality. That being said, the direction of the relations between Romania and the Russian Federation, whose views on many regional and international issues differ, are likely to be greatly influenced by the state of the Russia-West affairs. Having analyzed the historic and current aspects of Romania’s foreign policy, the author determines the preservation of the euroatlanticism course as the main direction of the development of the foreign policy of Romania.
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Cremers, Hartwig. "Czernowitz 1941/1942 – der Einsatz des deutschen Konsuls Fritz Schellhorn für die Juden / Czernowitz 1941/42 – the Efforts of the German Consul Fritz Schellhorn for the Jews." Südost-Forschungen 73, no. 1 (August 8, 2014): 444–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sofo-2014-0120.
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Abstract This essay treats actions of Fritz Gebhard Schellhorn (1888-1982), physician, member of the German diplomatic service since 1920, German consul in Cernăuţi / Czernowitz (Romania) 1934-1944, resident in Jassy in the period 1940/41. It describes his efforts and resulting successes in preventing the continuation of the murder of Jews by a SS-„Sonderkommando“ in Cernăuţi in July 1941 and stopping the deportation of Jews from Cernăuţi saving up to 20 000 human beings in October 1941. In addition, the essay questions the prevailing interpretation of the role of Traian Popovici, lord mayor of Cernăuţi and presents some thoughts on the motivation of Schellhorn and the reception of this incidents.
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Ponomarenko, O., and L. Pavlichenko. "DIPLOMATIC DISCOURSE 2020: EVOLUTION OR REVOLUTION? (CHANGES OF THE GERMANIC AND ROMANIC DD DURING THE PANDEMIC PERIOD)." International Humanitarian University Herald. Philology 2, no. 46 (2020): 72–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.32841/2409-1154.2020.46-2.17.
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Bohatyrets, Valentyna, Liubov Melnychuk, and Yaroslav Zoriy. "Thematic Priorities For Sustainable Development of Ukraine-Romania Cross-Border Cooperation (The Case Study of Chernivtsi Region)." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 41 (June 26, 2020): 205–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2020.41.205-219.
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This paper seeks to investigate sustainable cross-border cooperation (CBC) as a distinctive model of interstate collaboration, embedded in the neighboring borderland regions of two or more countries. The focus of the research revolves around the establishment and further development of geostrategic, economic, cultural and scientific capacity of the Ukrainian-Romanian partnership as a fundamental construct in ensuring and strengthening the stability, security and cooperation in Europe. This research highlights Ukraine’s aspirations to establish, develop and diversify bilateral good-neighborly relations with Romania both regionally and internationally. The main objective is to elucidate Ukraine-Romania cross-border cooperation initiatives, inasmuch Ukraine-Romania CBC has been stirring up considerable interest in terms of its inexhaustible historical, cultural and spiritual ties. Furthermore, the similarity of the neighboring states’ strategic orientations grounds the basis for development and enhancement of Ukraine-Romania cooperation. The authors used desk research and quantitative research to conclude that Ukraine-Romania CBC has the impact not only on the EU and on Ukraine multi-vector foreign policy, but it also has the longer-term global consequences. In the light of the current reality, the idea of introducing and reinforcing the importance of Cross-Border Cooperation (CBC) sounds quite topical and relevant. This research considers a number of explanations for Ukraine-Romania Cross-Border Cooperation as a key element of the EU policy towards its neighbors. Besides, the subject of the research is considered from different perspectives in order to show the diversity and complexity of the Ukraine-Romania relations in view of the fact that sharing common borders we are presumed to find common solutions. As the research has demonstrated, the Ukraine-Romania cross border cooperation is a pivotal factor of boosting geostrategic, economic, political and cultural development for each participant country, largely depending on the neighboring countries’ cohesion and convergence. Significantly, there is an even stronger emphasis on the fact that while sharing the same borders, the countries share common interests and aspirations for economic thriving, cultural exchange, diplomatic ties and security, guaranteed by a legal framework. The findings of this study have a number of important implications for further development and enhancement of Ukraine-Romania cooperation. Accordingly, the research shows how imperative are the benefits of Romania as a strategic partner for outlining top priorities of Ukraine’s foreign policy.
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Cîrstea, Marusia. "Romanian Prime Minister Gheorghe Tătărescu in the Capitals of the Little Entente: Belgrade (1936) and Prague (1937)." Srpska politička misao 66, no. 4/2019 (February 3, 2020): 5–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.22182/spm.6642019.1.
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The present article presents certain aspects of the relations between Romania, the Czech Republic and Yugoslavia in the interwar period. The fourth decade of the last century in particular was extremely rich in political, diplomatic and military events. Within this international context, Romanian Prime Minister Gheorghe Tătărescu (1934-1937) sought to establish bilateral contacts – with the great powers of Europe, but mainly with the members of the Little Entente – meant to both strengthen bilateral relations and clarify the states’ perspective on the events in progress. During his visits to Belgrade and Prague – as emerges from the press of the time – Gheorghe Tătărescu permanently advocated maintaining the status-quo and the political, economic and military cooperation between the states of the Little Entente.
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Nazarchuk, Olexander, and Pavlo Satskyi. "Hybrid Signs of Poland’s Confrontation with the Ukrainian SSR and Soviet Russia during the Genoa Conference (1922)." European Historical Studies, no. 16 (2020): 93–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2020.16.7.
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The article analyses the Poland’s policies with regard to the Russin Socialist Federation Soviet Republic and the Ukrainian SSR during the preparation and holding the Genoa Conference (April 10 – May 19, 1922). At present, researches on the hybrid warfare practices are of vital importance, and such practices had already been developed since the beginning of the twentieth century. Of particular importance are the practices when the states have diplomatic relations with each other and do not carry out warfare activities de jure, however, they create a permanent state of military threat to one another and formally deny their own responsibility for creating such a state. Within the context of international politics in Europe, this problematics has not yet been elaborated. This research chronologically covers the period from January 1922 to the end of May of the same year. Additionally, the analysis subject includes the Romania’s policy with regard to the Soviet Republics during the same period, because its policy was conditioned by coordinated actions with Poland. The study is based on the analysis of the operations reports of the Counter-Banditry Division of the All-Ukrainian Extraordinary Commission for the Central Committee of the Communist Party (Bolshevics) of Ukraine regarding the cross-border situation between the Ukrainian SSR and the territories of Poland and Romania (in particular, Eastern Galicia – occupied by Poland, and Bessarabia – occupied by Romania). A peculiarity of the research approach is a retrospective review of these operations reports in the context of the diplomatic struggle during the 1922 Genoa Conference. In parallel with the analysis of Poland’s policies regarding the territories with the Soviet social order, an analysis of the actions of the Soviet delegation during the international conference in Geneva was carried out, including consequences of the Treaty of Rapallo, which was concluded between the RSFSR and Germany. Considerable attention is paid to the analysis of the international political situation of Poland, the RSFSR, and the Ukrainian SSR on the eve of the Genoa Conference and its transformation as a result of the conclusion of the Rapallo Treaty on April 16, 1922. In the same context, an analysis of the transformation of Poland’s policy on the Soviet cross-border territories was carried out. The problematics of the use of Ukrainian People’s Republic military forces and the White Guards by coordinated efforts of Poland and Romania in creating a permanent military threat to the Soviet territories was singled out. The study established that the states tried to avoid the long-term war, given the negative track record of World War I, amidst the global capitalist economy of 1920s. Therefore, they tried to concentrate their major efforts on changing their international political position by means of diplomatic actions, which were reinforced by methods of economic pressure and permanent military threat as a conclusive argument. Poland’s policy of creating a permanent military threat to the RSFSR and the Ukrainian SSR was unsuccessful because of Poland’s complicated political situation and the aggressive actions of the RSFSR to exploit systemic contradictions in the international politics of Europe after the First World War.
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Datskiv, I. "ZUNR in the Struggle for Independence of the Paris Peace Conference in 1919." Problems of World History, no. 1 (March 24, 2016): 147–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2016-1-9.
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The article investigates the events that took place after World War I, and directly affect the fate of the West Ukrainian People's Republic. Particular attention is paid to foreign factors profound rethinking of the liberation struggle in 1918-1921. ZUNR diplomatic action in defense of statehood at the Paris Peace Conference is analyzed. The activities of Ukrainian diplomats at the conference, their attempts to protect the right to self-determination of the Galician Ukrainian are considered in details. It was the first outing ZUNR diplomacy on the international scene and the active participation of the Ukrainian delegation at the conference, along with the leading states of the world. It is noticed that in Paris the victorious powers regarded Ukrainian problem in the anti-Bolshevik aspect, relying mainly on Poland, Romania and Russia white than ZUNR.
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Lee, Seong-Hyon. "Seoul’s up-and-down Romance with China amid US-China Rivalry: A Korean Perspective." China Report 57, no. 3 (August 2021): 309–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00094455211023908.
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South Korea’s quest to become a middle power, articulated through autonomy in foreign policy, has been challenged in the ambience of great power competition reality between the USA and China. This article delineates South Korean foreign policy’s complex nature in the evolving East Asian regional context, focusing on Seoul’s relationship with China in particular. Many observers noted that South Korea has in recent years been increasingly leaning towards China, despite the fact that it is a military-pact ally of the USA. It also comes as a bewilderment to outsiders to notice that South Korea has been ‘cold-shouldering’ Japan, the world’s number three economy. It does not necessarily mean that Seoul maintains good relations with China either. The two nations have yet to overcome the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) dispute. This article also scrutinises how the USA plays an important role in South Korea’s relations with its two neighbours. Seoul has been in search of diplomatic autonomy between the world’s two most powerful nations. The process has been tumultuous. The future outlook seems uncertain.
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Doboș, Corina. "Swinging Statistics." History of Communism in Europe 9 (2018): 111–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/hce201896.
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The present article proposes an examination of the disciplinary evolution of demographic research in Communist Romania, as a case study of the mutually constitutive, multifaceted relationship between science, politics, ideology and memory. My research tries to compensate for the lack of access to the archives of the central institutions for population research during Communism (the National Institute of Statistics and the National Commission of Demography), by combining published sources (mainly scientific works, but also histories of demography and personal memoirs), with different archival documents, mainly coming from personal funds of two population researchers (Sabin Manuilă and Ștefan Milcu), from the fund of the Central Commission for Planning, of the Chancellery of the Romanian Communist Party and from diplomatic archives. I pay attention to the side of the story offered by the actors themselves, focusing on the way in which the legacy of interwar demography was assumed and invoked in different post-war accounts regarding the history of demographic discipline in Romania. By doing so, I seek to contribute to writing a history of science as a product of complex entanglements between the different factors that circumscribe the process of knowledge production within a larger social and political context: specific professional interests and institutional settings, subjective interpretations, ideological pressures and attempts of political control.
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Solomon, F. "To the history of perception of the work of Leo Tolstoy in Romania (Russian diplomatic dispatches from Bucharest, 1902)." Slavianovedenie, no. 6 (2020): 111–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0869544x0012100-3.
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Sribnyak, I. V., and Ya V. Popenko. "ACTIVITIES OF THE MILITARY DEPARTMENT OF THE UKRAINIAN PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC EXTRAORDINARY DIPLOMATIC MISSION IN ROMANIA, 1920 (BASED ON САW)." Rusin, no. 57 (2019): 157–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/57/10.
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Carpentieri, Nicole, and Carol Symes. "Introduction." Medieval Globe 5, no. 2 (2019): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.17302/tmg.5-2.1.
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The seven articles in this thematic issue address written responses to different periods of turmoil that impacted Muslim and Christian societies in the western Mediterranean from the ninth to the sixteenth centuries. By highlighting the complexities of the literary artifacts produced in Sicily, al-Andalus, and North Africa, it offers new perspectives on the interactions between Islam and Christendom at a time of traumatic transition from one political and religious hegemony to another, as reflected in a variety of genres: apologetic and hagio-graphical works, interreligious polemics, military and diplomatic dispatches, historiography, travel narratives, and romance. These analyses reveal a cultural panorama in which "internal otherness" and religious rivalry are both generative forces within a Mediterranean of fungible linguistic and social boundaries, where traditional genres are inflected and re-invented and new vernacular forms arise from multicultural and multi-confessional encounters.
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Lebensztayn, Leda. ""Ao vencido, ódio ou compaixão". Entre a desfaçatez e a diplomacia: a fidelidade à arte de Machado de Assis." Teresa, no. 6-7 (December 8, 2005): 339. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2447-8997.teresa.2005.116630.
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Instigada por imagens críticas sobre Machado de Assis e sua obra, busco os sentidos da desfaçatez de Brás Cubas e da diplomacia de Aires. A partir da análise de um sonho do Conselheiro, em que se vê em meio a uma ciranda de crianças felizes, dedico-me a interpretar o Memorial de Aires. Interessa-me apreender como a construção do romance combina a representação crítica dos impasses da abolição da escravatura no Brasil com a expressão trágica de um “Eclesiastes moderno”. Configurando uma hermenêutica moral, entre a compreensão das necessidades egoístas e a compaixão pelos vencidos, revela a fidelidade de Machado de Assis à arte, forma única de vencer os limites da ordem social e da condição humana
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Ayres, John D. "Producing Outside the Box: Creative Strategies in the Work of Betty E. Box, 1957–64." Journal of British Cinema and Television 17, no. 3 (July 2020): 355–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jbctv.2020.0533.
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This article considers the working practices of British cinema's only major female film producer during the early-to-mid post-Second World War era, Betty E. Box (1915–99). Via reference to her extensive archive at the British Film Institute and the films Campbell's Kingdom (1957), The Wind Cannot Read (1958) and Hot Enough for June (1964), the article charts how Box initially envisaged multi-generational casting for roles that were eventually taken by long-term collaborator Dirk Bogarde. It considers the manner in which she approached the diplomatic complexities of location shooting, with particular focus on Ralph Thomas's military romance The Wind Cannot Read, the first British film to be shot in India for twenty years at the time of its production. The reasoning for Box's ongoing absence, as a female creative figure, from scholarship addressing British cinema, and film production more generally, will also be addressed.
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Firta, Aurora, Anamaria Gebaila, and Corina Anton. "Attori della mediazione culturale tra l'Italia e la Romania comunista: il caso Alexandru Balaci." MONDO CONTEMPORANEO, no. 2 (May 2021): 103–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mon2020-002006.
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Le relazioni culturali italo-romene dei decenni compresi tra il 1950 e il 1989 trovarono nell'accademico Alexandru Balaci (1916-2002), docente di letteratura italiana presso l'Università di Bucarest, membro dell'Accademia Romena, autore di un'ampia produzione scritta mirata a diffondere la letteratura e la lingua italiana (premesse, studi monografici, antologie, traduzioni, dizionari), uno dei promotori più assidui e più visibili. Pertanto, la presente ricerca ha lo scopo di interpretare la produzione scritta di Balaci e la sua attività diplomatica a Roma attraverso la lente dei suoi legami privilegiati con l'Italia, grazie ai quali riuscì a conservare il prestigio degli studi di italianistica sotto il regime comunista romeno, ma anche a compiere un'importante opera di divulgazione sia della cultura italiana in Romania, sia di quella romena in Italia. Si delinea così il ritratto di un mediatore che seppe trovare un equilibrio tra l'entusiasmo dell'uomo di cultura e gli inerenti compromessi che l'appartenenza al PCR presupponeva.
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Matheson, Michael J. "The Fifty-Sixth Session of the International Law Commission." American Journal of International Law 99, no. 1 (January 2005): 211–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3246099.
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The International Law Commission held its fifty-sixdi session in Geneva from May 3 to June 4, and from July 5 to August 6, 2004, under the chairmanship of Teodor Melescanu of Romania. The Commission completed its first reading of draft principles on international liability for transboundary harm and draft articles on diplomatic protection, which have now been submitted for comment by states with a view to their completion in 2006. The Commission also continued its work on reservations to treaties, responsibility of international organizations, unilateral acts of states, fragmentation of international law, and shared natural resources. In addition, the Commission decided to start work next year on the effect of armed conflict on treaties and the expulsion of aliens, and to recommend adding a new topic—the obligation to prosecute or extradite—to its long-term program. The following is a summary of where each topic stands and what issues are likely to be most prominent at the Commission's 2005 session.
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Houndjahoue, Michel. "YAKEMTCHOUK, Romain. Une démocratie pour l'Afrique. Bruxelles, Institut Royal des Relations internationales, Coll. « Studia Diplomatica, vol. 44, no. 2 », 1991, 126 p." Études internationales 23, no. 1 (1992): 216. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/702989ar.
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Matiash, Iryna. "First Belarusian Foreign Missions in Ukraine (1918): Attempt To Establish Diplomatic Relations Between The UPR And The BPR (Romance of Hope and Reality)." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XIX (2018): 76–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2018-3.
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The article highlights attempts to establish official intergovernmental relations between the Belarusian People’s Republic and the Ukrainian People’s Republic in 1917–1920. The article also pays attention to the creation of the Belarusian People's Republic, the persons of its representatives and attempts to preserve the Belarusian statehood. The author stresses that the first official contacts had already been started before the proclamation of the independence of the BPR. Relying upon archival information from the funds of the Ukrainian and Belarusian archival institutions, the activities of the Belarusian foreign missions in the UPR and the Ukrainian State are highlighted. Accomplishments of the Ukrainian, Belarusian and Polish historiography regarding the study of the history of interstate relations between the UPR and BPR are considered. The paper analyses the position of Belarusian representatives in the negotiation process with the Ukrainian side. It is specified that the Belarusian delegation having the right to deliberative vote included prominent Belarusians, who resided in Kyiv: M. Dovnar-Zapolskyi, I. Kraskovskyi, F. Burchak. Attempts to gain recognition of the BPR by Ukraine are studied. Special attention is paid to the role of the representatives of the BPR (F. Burchak, A. Tsvikevych, S. Rak-Mykhailovskyi, P. Trempovych), the undisclosed facts about their life paths are revealed. Keywords: BPR, Belarusian foreign missions in Ukraine, Aleksiuk, Trempovych, Tsvikevych, Dovnar-Zapolskyi, Belarusian Chamber of Commerce.
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Iordachi, Constantin, and Ottmar Traşcă. "Ideological Transfers and Bureaucratic Entanglements: Nazi ‘Experts’ on the ‘Jewish Question’ and the Romanian-German Relations, 1940–1944." Fascism 4, no. 1 (April 4, 2015): 48–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00401003.
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This article focuses on the transfer of the Nazi legal and ideological model to East Central Europe and its subsequent adoption, modification and fusion with local legal-political practices. To illustrate this process, we explore the evolution of the anti-Semitic policy of the Antonescu regime in Romania (1940–1944) from an under-researched perspective: the activity of the Nazi ‘advisors on the Jewish Question’ dispatched to Bucharest. Based on a wide range of published and unpublished archival sources, we attempt to provide answers to the following questions: To what extent did the Third Reich shape Romania’s anti-Semitic polices during the Second World War? What was the role played by the Nazi advisors in this process? In answering these questions, special attention is devoted to the activity of the Hauptsturmführer ss Gustav Richter, who served as Berater für Juden und Arisierungsfragen [advisor to the Jewish and Aryanization questions] in the German Legation in Bucharest from 1st of April 1941 until 23 August 1944. We argue that, by evaluating the work of the Nazi experts in Bucharest, we can better grasp the immediate as well as the longer-term objectives followed by the Third Reich in Romania on the ‘Jewish Question,’ and the evolution of this issue within the context of the Romanian-German diplomatic relations and political interactions. By taking into account a variety of internal and external factors and by reconstructing the complicated web of political and bureaucratic interactions that led to the crystallization of General Ion Antonescu’s policy towards the Jews, we are able to provide a richer and more nuanced analysis of German-Romanian relations during the Second World War.
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Cutter, Zdzisław. "Political-military alliances in shaping the security of Poland in 1918-1939." Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces 196, no. 2 (June 26, 2020): 245–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.2530.
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Poland was forming allied relations in the twenties and thirties of the twentieth century due to the state’s weakness, mainly in military and economic terms. The Polish state’s situation regarding political and military security guarantees on the part of other subjects of the international community was neither stable nor advantageous during that period. That was influenced, among others, by the following phenomena: changes in the international arena that were unfavorable for the Second Republic of Poland, diplomatic activities of Germany and the USSR aimed at revising the borders of the Polish state, political and military rapprochement between the USSR and Germany in the area of economic and military cooperation, conciliatory and ineffective international policy of the Western powers (mainly the French Republic) towards Germany in the late 1920s, impermanence and low effectiveness of bilateral agreements and declarations concluded by Poland with its eastern neighbor – the Soviet Union and its western neighbor – Germany, ineffectiveness of the political-military alliances concluded by Poland with France, Romania, and the United Kingdom, and significant disproportions between Polish and German and Soviet industrial and military potential, combined with the inability of the western powers to fulfil their allied obligations in practical terms.
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PREDA, Dumitru. "NICOLAE TITULESCU: THE LINK BETWEEN THE EUROPEAN SECURITY AND THE INTERNATIONAL SECURITY. THE HERITAGE OF A POLITICAL VISION AND CONSTRUCTION." STRATEGIES XXI - National Defence College 1, no. 72 (July 15, 2021): 390–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477/2668-5094-21-28.
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The author evokes Nicolae Titulescu’ personality, thought and actions in favor of strengthening the multilateral cooperation for peace and security during the interwar period.To him – a profound democratic and visionary spirit with a solid legal, philosophical, and political background, and a considerable international experience – the long-lasting Peacemeans nothing if not built on the only foundation suited to support it – Security. But in his view, security has always been closely linked to the manifestation of sovereignty of independent states and national identity. In conclusion, Titulescu’s political stance, his remarkable diplomatic work aiming at setting up a solid European and international security system able to deter the aggressor, bring peace and raise trust among nations, continue to be a stimulative example and an appeal still valid in its fundamental nature for the necessary and constructive steps to be taken in order to give meaning and continuity to our lives in the Third Millennium when we have to face so many crucial existential challenges.Keywords: Nicolae Titulescu, Romania, Europe, Great Powers, Latin America, League of Nations, peace, European and International Security, alliances, The Little Entente, The BalkanPact.
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Mireanu, Manuel. "Romania’s Great Union and the Anti-Communist Discourse." Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, European and Regional Studies 16, no. 1 (December 1, 2019): 39–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/auseur-2019-0011.
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Abstract This text re-constructs the evolution of anticommunist ideas and practices during the period of Romania’s ‘great union’, while it also sketches the international context that enabled this evolution. It is a genealogical discourse analysis that serves for a better understanding of Romania’s present political and social climate. The political, diplomatic and military process of crafting ‘Greater Romania’ between 1918 and 1919 rested fundamentally on the anticommunist discourse. This discourse functioned as a pretext for the armed interventions in the desired territories. It also helped to securitize and pacify these three territories. The Romanian army entered Bessarabia, Bukovina, and Transylvania with the goal of protecting the local population against Bolshevik disorders and ‘anarchy’. The anticommunist discourse evolved from the panic generated by retreating Russian soldiers and the ‘anarchy’ they created towards the fear of contagion with the revolutionary ‘psychosis’. The answer to the communist threat was invariably violent and militaristic in nature. The ideas and issues raised by the communists were never legitimized as a political project but as a crime and a pathology that could destroy society. In this context, what we now refer to as ‘the Great Union’ was largely the substitution of social and economic projects with the hegemonic narrative of anti-communism.
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Paszkiewicz, Jędrzej. "Main challenges for the Greek national security against the geopolitical changes in the Balkans during the period 1918–1923." Balcanica Posnaniensia. Acta et studia 26 (January 27, 2020): 193–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/bp.2019.26.11.
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The aim of the article is to show the role of the Balkan states within the Greek foreign policy during the period 1918–1923, on the base of diplomatic correspondence and historiography. The consequences of the military conflict with Turkey (1918–1922) and the internal problems, constantly harassing the socio-political life of Greece, seriously weakened its ability to impact effectively on particular geopolitical problems in the Balkan region. The Greek regional policy could be achieved, completely or partially, only with close cooperation with the powers from outside. It was connected with such cases as the delimitation of the Albanian frontier or the solution of the Western Thrace question in 1920. On the other hand, the proceedings of the Greek diplomats were determined by the belief that due to the unresolved territorial and national controversies, especially in the issue of the Macedonian and Thracian lands, the particular Balkan states were dependent on each other on the international arena. That is why the Greek diplomacy started apply the tactics of balance of power in the region, aiming at the creation of less or more stable bilateral political constructions with the Kingdom SCS (Yugoslavia) and Romania. Their aim was to ensure the advantage over the competitors on the Balkan arena, especially over Bulgarian and Turkish revisionist agendas.
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Podriez, Yuliya. "Transformation the world construction after the Second World War and places in its USA and USSR (1945 – 1946)." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 7 (2019): 84–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2019.07.84-91.
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The article is devoted to studing the trunsformation (changes) in the world after the Second World War, as well as the role and the place in it of two powerful states – the USA and the USSR. The article is devoted to the study of the question of the universe after the Second World War, as well as the role and the place in it of two powerful states – the USA and the USSR. In the article, the author emphasizes the objective and subjective circumstances that transformed Soviet-American relations since 1945. At the same time, it is emphasized that relations are complicated by the emergence of a new factor – atomic. Consideration of Soviet-USA relations is proposed through the lens of attempting to establish USA-USSR cooperation in the economic sphere, the development of nuclear weapons, and a technological approach in strategic arms. Much attention is paid to the meeting of the Big Three, which took place in Potsdam. In particular, on the one hand, the focus is on the direct procedure for concluding peace treaties and establishing diplomatic relations with Bulgaria, Hungary, Italy, Romania and Finland; on the other, the distribution of spheres of influence across Germany, based on the relevant protocol. In general, the author attempted to prove that the Berlin Conference made it possible to find mutually agreed solutions and to reach compromises, despite the escalation.
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Yevgeny, Ryabinin. "Hungary’s and Romania’s exogenous influence on separatism processes in Ukraine." Review of Nationalities 10, no. 1 (December 1, 2020): 93–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pn-2020-0007.
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Abstract The author, on the basis of a preliminary analysis of the problem of the exogenous influence of the countries on the strengthening of separatism processes in Ukraine, expresses the view that separatism conflicts have not only internal causes for escalation, but also the external influence exerted by the main actors of international relations, solving their geopolitical task or countries bordering Ukraine. The author classifies the exogenous factors of influence, which are most often used by the main and influential actors of international relations to strengthen their positions in the region or in any state. The aim of the article is to analyze such components of the Hungarian and Romanian exogenous influence on Ukraine as cultural, educational, political, and diplomatic ones. These two countries consistently and persistently try to protect the rights and interests of Hungarian and Romanian national minorities in Ukraine, but every year they do so contrary to the interests and territorial integrity of Ukraine. Relations between the countries have worsened due to statements by political and public figures in Hungary and Romania after the adoption of the Law on Education by Ukraine in September 2017. The author comes to the conclusion that the cultural component of exogenous influence increases the factor of identity and can serve as an element of soft power and catalyze the ethnic/separatism conflict in the country.
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Wang, Yuanfei. "Java in Discord." positions: asia critique 27, no. 4 (November 1, 2019): 623–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10679847-7726916.
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In the late sixteenth century, thriving private maritime trade brought forth maritime trouble to the late Ming state. In times of rampant “Japanese” piracy and Hideyoshi’s invasion of Korea, Chinese literati composed unofficial histories and vernacular fiction on China’s foreign relations. Among them, Yan Congjian 嚴從簡 wrote Shuyu zhouzi lu 殊域周咨錄 (Records of Surrounding Strange Realms) (1574), He Qiaoyuan 何喬遠 compiled Wang Xiangji 王享記 (Records of the Emperors’ Tributes) (1597–1620), Luo Yuejiong 羅曰褧 penned Xianbin lu 咸賓錄 (Records of Tributary Guests) (1597), and Luo Maodeng 羅懋登 composed a vernacular novel Sanbao taijian xiyangji tongsu yanyi 三寶太監西洋記通俗演義 (Vernacular Romance of Eunuch Sanbao’s Voyages on the Indian Ocean) (1598). This article examines how the imminent maritime realities reminded the late Ming authors of one cross-border war and two genocides in Java and Sanfoqi during Yuan and early and mid-Ming times. These transgressions that violated Chinese official tributary order became memorable and made Sino-Java relations a definite point of comparison for the late Ming maritime piracy problems. This article argues that the cultural memory of Sino-Java military and diplomatic exchange enabled the authors to lament and condemn the executed pirates Wang Zhi and Chen Zuyi. The four authors imbue their narratives with personal anxieties and nationalistic sentiments. While the historical narratives tend to moralize and idealize China’s tributary world order, the vernacular fiction paints a more realistic picture of the late Ming state by involving heterogeneous voices of the “other.” Collectively, the four narratives represent various images of the Ming Empire, revealing the authors’ deep apprehension of the Mings’ identity, their political criticism of the state, and their divergent and even self-conflicted views toward maritime commerce, immigrants, and people of different races.
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Woźny, Grażyna. "Generał brygady pilot Bolesław Feliks Stachoń (1897–1941). Przyczynek do badań biograficznych oficera i lotnika." UR Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 16, no. 3 (2020): 77–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/johass.2020.3.5.
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In 2021, 80 years will have passed since the death of Bolesław Stachoń, the Polish pilot and a Royal Air Force (RAF) liaison officer. His contribution to the development of Polish aviation and his activity as the commander of the congregation camp in Eastchurch (December 1939 – July 1940) and later Swinderby Airport (VII 1940 – VII 1941 r.), from which he flew combat missions, remain unknown. His education, war experience and knowledge of foreign languages predetermined Stachoń to perform high functions in the army. He was, among other things, park commander in the 11th Aviation Regiment in Lida, the Pilot School in the NCO Aviation Training Center and the commander of the Aviation Shooting and Bombing School in Grudziądz. He ran an editing business and published articles in "Przegląd Lotniczy...", and also he published books in the field of aviation. Before the Second World War world he held a diplomatic function in Moscow. He was the first Pole to gain a gyroplane pilot's license, thanks to which he brought the C-30 airship to Warsaw. In September 1939, he commanded units that brought down over 20 German planes. On the orders of General Józef Zając he undertook a military mission to Romania, where he oversaw the evacuation of Polish airmen to France. From there he made a detour to England, where he was in command of the RAF Volunteer Reserve Training Center. In exile, he continued his editorial work; cofounding the magazine "News from the World: the daily newsletter of the Center Polish Aviation in England"; published "One-day Polish Aviation in England". Bolesław Stachoń was an icon of interwar Polish aviation and first-class pilot. He died during his third bomber flight on July 4 1941.
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Lovenjak, Milan. "Roman Tribune Cola di Rienzo (1347), Res Gestae Divi Augusti and Lex de Imperio Vespasiani." Keria: Studia Latina et Graeca 20, no. 1 (October 30, 2018): 47–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/keria.20.1.47-104.
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The anonymous and fragmentarily preserved Romance-dialect Chronicle describing the history of Rome in 1325–1360, the extensive correspondence between Cola di Rienzo (1313–1354) and rulers, nobles, Church dignitaries, and intellectuals (especially Petrarch) in Italy and abroad, as well as various documentary sources allow us to trace Rienzo’s career in considerable detail. A papal notary, a scholar in Classical literature, an exceptional orator and a copyist and translator of Ancient Roman inscriptions, Rienzo, aided by a group of followers, overthrew the baron rule in Rome in May 1347, assumed the title of ‘Roman Tribune’ and seized power with the aim of reuniting Italy under a common emperor, a concept modelled on the first Roman emperor, Augustus. After undertaking a number of more or less successful measures, public manifestations and diplomatic activities, he was forced to retreat by a clash with the barons’ army even before the end of the year. After years of exile, he returned triumphant in the middle of 1354 to seize power, but the first few weeks of tyranny and arbitrary measures led to his tragic demise at the hands of an infuriated mob. Later he grew into the subject of myth, portrayed in numerous literary, musical, and dramatic adaptations. The present paper examines two ancient documents crucial to the formation of the principate (the renewal of which was Cola’s objective), i.e. Augustus’ account of his own deeds (Res gestae divi Augusti), which is mentioned by Suetonius and known from three epigraphically attested copies from Asia Minor, and a bronze plaque bearing a law on the conferment of powers on Emperor Vespasian, the so-called Lex de imperio Vespasiani. The plaque was used as propaganda by Cola during his preparations for the coup. The inconsistencies between the parts of the law preserved on the plaque (it must have been preceded by at least one other plaque) and the account of Cola’s interpretation as given in the anonymous Chronicle raise a number of questions, which resist definitive answers.