To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Diplomatist.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Diplomatist'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Diplomatist.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Bély, Lucien. "Diplomates et diplomatie autour de la paix d'Utrecht." Lille 3 : ANRT, 1988. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37602781m.
Full text
2
Bély, Lucien. "Diplomates et diplomatie autour de la paix d'Utrecht." Paris 1, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987PA010635.
Full textAbstract:
Ce travail ne vise pas à faire l'histoire des solutions diplomatiques imposées à Utrecht, mais il tente de lier l'histoire des négociations et des négociateurs aux réalités sociales, économiques, et politiques qui étaient celles de ce temps. Tous les éléments biographiques ont été rassemblés sur les origines sociales et les carrières des diplomates au début du XVIIIe siècle. Dans un second temps, à travers les correspondances politiques (affaires étrangères, Paris ; P. R. O. , londrès; Bodleian library, oxford; A. R. A. , La Haye; A. S. V. , Rome), l'étude a porté sur le travail du congrès d'Utrecht. Comme c'était une réunion internationale, la vie sociale était considérée comme un support des discussions. Il est important de voir comment les négociateurs jugeaient le rassemblement d'Utrecht et quels étaient les moyens qu'ils avaient de comprendre et de défendre des problèmes politiques (Quelle langue utiliser? Quelle documentation? Que faut-il écrire? Quelle attitude adopter en public?). Enfin les échanges quotidiens de lettres permettent de cerner comment ces spécialités de la paix se représentaient l'organisation des états européens. Dans un troisième temps, l'information secrète a retenu l'attention, car les diplomates voulaient être bien informés. Au portrait du "bon espion" qu'ils faisaient, on a opposé celui que brossait la police. Les réseaux d'espionnage, les méthodes du renseignement, la substance de l'information ont été ensuite abordés. Enfin, par le biais de la propagande, c'est l'utilisation et la manipulation de la nouvelle qui ont été étudiées. Un congrès est destiné à bâtir une paix: voilà pourquoi Utrecht est une occasion de considérer les rapports entre la paix et la guerre dans les sociétés anciennes. Le traité de 1713 a été permis par un accord commercial anglo-espagnol : les questions économiques ont donc joué un rôle important dans la négociation et il est utile de voir comment ces domaines étaient décrits par les diplomates. La guerre transformait aussi les voyages qui ont pu être approchés par le journal d'un précepteur anglais et une liste des passeports pour 1712. L'installation de la paix demandait du temps et sa célébration était un moyen d'interesser les peuples à un tel évènement politique. Enfin le début du XVIIIe siècle, avec l’abbé de Saint-Pierre, a vu s'amorcer une vaste réflexion sur les fondements d'une paix durable
3
Liutkutė, Laura. "Igno Šeiniaus diplomatinė veikla 1954-1959 m." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2013. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2013~D_20130604_234838-19744.
Full textAbstract:
Ignas Šeinius – diplomatas, atstovavęs Lietuvą tarpukariu, 1927 m. veiklą nutraukęs, o po Lietuvos okupacijos prisijungęs prie Lietuvos diplomatinės tarnybos (LDT), kurioje kartu su kitais jos nariais kėlė Lietuvos laisvinimo bylą ir reprezentavo tėvynės vardą Vakarų šalyse. Tačiau I. Šeiniaus diplomatinė veikla iki šiol nėra susilaukusi platesnių tyrinėjimų. Greičiausiai viena iš šių tyrinėjimų stokos priežasčių yra tai, kad I. Šeiniaus archyvai ilgai buvo saugomi Švedijoje, ne Lietuvoje. 2011 m. įvykęs jų pargabenimas į Lietuvą sąlygojo naujų istoriografinių tyrinėjimų apie šio diplomato veiklą atsiradimą. Taigi šio darbo tikslas yra išnagrinėti I. Šeiniaus diplomatinę veiklą Švedijoje 1954-1959 m. Didžioji dalis duomenų paimti iš LCVA saugomo I. Šeiniaus fondo 675.
Prisijungti prie LDT 1954 m. I. Šeinius buvo paprašytas Stasio Lozoraičio, buvusiam Lietuvos atstovui Švedijoje Vladui Žilinskui išvykus į JAV. Visą atstovavimo laikotarpį I. Šeinius dirbo kaip neoficialus Lietuvos atstovas Skandinavijos valstybėse. Jo veikla rėmėsi keliais pagrindiniais principais: bendradarbiavimu su LDT nariais, iš kurių stipriausi ir nuolatiniai kontaktai buvo palaikomi su LDT šefu S. Lozoraičiu, įvairių Lietuvos laisvinimui svarbių švenčių ir minėjimų organizavimu, politinių įvykių stėbėjimu atstovaujamojoje šalyje ir nuolatiniu pranešinėjimu apie tai kitose šalyse reziduojantiems Lietuvos diplomatams, taip pat naudingų kontaktų atstovaujamai šaliai užmezgimu ir palaikymu bei rūpinimusi... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]Ignas Scheynius – the diplomat, represented Lithuania in interwar period, after 1927 years he suspended that activity, but after Lithuanian occupation came back and attached to Lithuanian Diplomatic Servise (LDS), where he, together with others members of LDS, raised Lithuanian liberation case and represented Lithuanian name to the West countries. But I. Scheynius diplomatic activity was not explored very widely. Possibly, the one reason of the lack of that kind researches is that the archives of I. Scheynius long time were kept in Sweden, not in Lithuania. In 2011 they were brought to Lithuania and that caused the appearance of new historiography researches about I. Scheynius diplomatic activity. Therefore the aim of this paper is to investigate the diplomatic activity of I. Scheynius in 1954-1959 years. To reach the aim was analysed the documents of I. Scheynius activity saved in Office of the Chief Archivist of Lithuania, number of fund 675. To join to LDS in 1954 I. Scheynius was asked by LDS chief Stasys Lozoraitis, after the last representative in Sweden V. Žilinskas moved to USA. All the time of his agency I. Scheynius worked as unofficial Lithuanian representative in Skandinavia. There was a few main rules of the activity of I. Sheynius: collaboration with others LDS members, of which the strongest and most steady connection was with LDS chief S. Lozoraitis, concerning about the organization of celebrations and commemorations important to Lithuanian liberation... [to full text]
4
Håkansson, Matteus. "Ubåtar och den diplomatiska kraften : En teorikonsumerande studie av ubåten som diplomatiskt medel." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-9188.
Full textAbstract:
The submarine has historically proven itself to be able to greatly contribute to the achievement of national strategic goals and ambitions. Multiple nations are therefore developing and procuring submarines to increase their own strategic effect on the global arena. What is absent in discussions regarding submarines are possible contributions as a diplomatic tool. This study aims to analyze the possibility of understanding the submarine as a diplomatic tool in a context of development. Thus the study is based on theories of naval diplomacy which through the use of four strategic values, formulated and defined by the theories, explains national use of naval forces for diplomatic purposes. By analysis of documents explaining the development of submarines in two nations, Sweden and the USA, with differing global and strategic ambitions a width regarding empirical data is ensured which in turn contributes to a wider understanding of the submarine. The outcome of the analysis shows that the submarine indeed can be understood and seen as a tool of diplomatic value. However the result is ambiguous since the strategic value of symbolism does not present itself as a factor in the depiction of the submarine in Swedish documents and thus prevents the total understanding of the submarine as a diplomatic tool.
5
Fonseca, Gabrieli Aparecida da. "Identificação documental em arquivos pessoais : possibilidades, convergências e desafios /." Marília, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/150780.
Full textAbstract:
Orientador: Sonia Maria Troitiño RodriguezBanca: Telma Campanha de Carvalho Madio
Banca: Ana Célia Rodrigues
Resumo: The present dissertation deals with Archival Identification in Personal Papers, through the analysis of the specific situation in this file type, especially with regard to documentary production and recovery of principle of provenance. Thus, we seek to trace a brief history, conceptualization and analysis of Archival Identification indicated in the national and international literature, based on the research of Brazil and Spain. Also points up the relationship between the Archival Identification and the principles, functions and methods of Archival Science. Turning specifically to the case of personal papers, which have a remarkable difference in their composition. Thus, it is proposed to reflect the issues surrounding personal papers. It is thus a theoretical research that has as object the personal papers, following the Total Archives approach, which comprises the integration of the files and documentary treatment. It is thus possible to see how the theory is important in the development of practice, considering that design differences can result in different specific effects. In this sense, it is expected that the critical analysis grounded in theoretical basis of different understandings of Archival Identification and establishment of the Personal Papers can potentially contribute to the development of Archival science while science, including by making possible greater concreteness to practical application of archival doings.
Abstract: A presente dissertação trata a respeito da Identificação Documental em arquivos pessoais, através da análise das especificidades existentes nesse tipo de arquivo, especialmente no que se refere à produção documental e recuperação do princípio de proveniência. Assim, buscou-se traçar um breve histórico, conceituação e análise da Identificação Documental na literatura nacional e internacional, tomando como base as pesquisas de Brasil e Espanha. Ressalta-se também a relação existente entre a Identificação Documental e os princípios, funções e métodos da Arquivologia. Voltando-se especificamente para o caso dos arquivos pessoais, que apresentam um notável diferencial em sua composição. Dessa forma, propõe-se refletir sobre questões que envolvem os arquivos pessoais. Trata-se, de uma pesquisa teórica que tem como objeto os arquivos pessoais, seguindo a abordagem do Total Archives, a qual compreende a integração entre os arquivos e tratamento documental. Torna-se, assim, possível perceber o quanto a teoria é importante no desenvolvimento da prática, considerando que diferenças de concepção podem ocasionar efeitos concretos divergentes. Nesse sentido, espera-se que a análise crítica, embasada em fundamentação teórica dos diferentes entendimentos de Identificação Documental e da constituição dos arquivos pessoais, possa vir a contribuir, para a evolução da Arquivologia enquanto ciência, inclusive por tornar possível maior concretude à aplicação prática dos fazeres... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
Mestre
6
Damberg, Elin. "Tyst diplomati : En jämförande fallstudie som skildrar den tysta diplomatin som förhandlingsstrategi i konfliktlösningar." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-48779.
Full textAbstract:
Through an older study auspices, awakened an interest to study how the statesmen manage the world order. The answer has its starting point in diplomacy. This paper will focus on the most criticized and controversial branch of diplomacy: the quiet diplomacy. The quiet diplomacy is a deemed confidential and flexible method that is adopted for particularly sensitive conflict resolutions, which takes place at an intergovernmental level. The main purpose of this paper is to examine the diplomatic process in three journalistic cases. Although, these cases are different in one significant standing, one resemblance may be noticed. All cases encompass a quiet diplomacy. Have the quiet diplomacy developed opportunities or obstacles in the various mediation activities? Theories in the form of analysis dimensions serve as the framework in this paper and are tasked to derive the concept through the respective cases.
7
Dullin, Sabine. "Diplomates et diplomatie soviétiques en Europe (1930-1939) : structures et méthodes d'une politique extérieure sous Staline." Paris 1, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998PA010645.
Full textAbstract:
Cette thèse est une étude du commissariat du peuple aux affaires étrangères (NKID) entre 1930 et 1939, période où Litvinov est le chef de la diplomatie. S'inscrivant dans le champ des études historiques sur le processus de décision en politique étrangère, elle s'appuie, grâce à l'ouverture des archives à Moscou, sur une documentation nouvelle qui permet d'analyser de manière plus précise qu'avant les relations de travail existant entre le NKID et les dirigeants du parti. Elle permet aussi d'évaluer la place qu'avait l'appareil diplomatique par rapport au Komintern ou à d'autres institutions soviétiques comme les commissariats au commerce extérieur et à la défense. Cette étude de cas recoupe la question plus vaste du rôle que peuvent jouer les appareils gouvernementaux dans un état-parti à tendance totalitaire. Ces problématiques sont abordées à travers l'histoire de la politique extérieure de l'URSS en Europe. A des moments clé comme l'adhésion de l'URSS à la politique de sécurité collective en décembre 1933, son entrée à la SDN en septembre 1934 ou la conclusion du pacte d'assistance mutuelle avec la France en mai 1935, l'analyse du processus de décision montre l'influence acquise par Litvinov auprès de Staline ainsi que les fonctions d'information et de propagande dévolues aux ambassades soviétiques en Europe et aux délégués de l'URSS à Genève. Ces diplomates soviétiques possèdent des caractéristiques personnelles qui favorisent l'intégration de l'URSS au "concert européen". A partir de la fin 1936 en revanche, dans le contexte de la grande terreur et dans un climat de guerre imminente, le NKID, forge par Litvinov, s'affaiblit avant de disparaitre. Face à des dirigeants, revenant à un anti-impérialisme indifférencié et à une politique isolationniste, les options de Litvinov sont contestées, tandis que Staline, s'efforçant de faire disparaitre toute parcelle d'autonomie, utilise les purges pour prendre en main, sans plus d'intermédiaire, l'outil diplomatiqueThis thesis is a study of the people's commissariat for foreign affairs (NKID) between 1930 and 1939, when litvinov is the chief of the diplomacy. Belonging to the historical field of studies on the decision-making process, it is based, thanks to the opening of archives in moscow, on a new documentation which offers the possibility to analyse more precisely than before the working relations between NKID and the party's leading circles. It makes it also possible to evaluate the place of the diplomatic institution in regard to the comintern but also to soviet institutions, such as commissariats for foreign trade and for defense. Underlying this study-case, rests the larger question of the role played by higher administrations inside a party-state with totalitarian tendencies. These issues are treated throughout history of soviet union's foreign policy in Europe. At some key-moments, such as the soviet decision to follow a policy of collective security in december 1933, ussr's decision to join the league of nations in september 1934 or the signature of the mutual assistance pact with france in may 1935, the analysis of the decision-making process shows the influence gained by Litvinov amongst soviet leaders in the diplomatic field, and gives a better understanding of the job asked to soviet embassies in Europe and to soviet delegates in Geneva, charged of information and propaganda. Soviet diplomats have a profile allowing a good adaptation and a successful integration of the ussr in the "concert europeen". But, after the end of 1936, in the context of the great terror and a pre-war atmosphere, the NKID, forged by litvinov, becomes weaker, before disappearing totally. Facing party leaders coming back to the theory of undifferentiated anti-imperialism and to an isolationnist policy, Litvinov's projects become questioned, while stalin, doing his best to eliminate any scrap of autonomy, uses the purges to take control over diplomacy with no more go-between
8
Spies, Yolanda Kemp. "Meeting the challenge of developing world diplomacy in the 21st century : an assessment of perspectives on contemporary diplomatic training." Pretoria : [s.n.], 2005. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-08102006-134244/.
Full text
9
Lewin, André. "Diplomatie bilatérale, diplomatie multilatérale." Paris 2, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990PA020037.
Full textAbstract:
Les crises que traversent periodiquement les organisations internationales et les succes que remporte regulierement la politique de puissance de certains etats, ne sont que des obstacles sur la voie d'une multilateralisation progressive des relations entre les pays, amorcee depuis longtemps sur le plan tant quantitatif que qualitatif. L'auteur s'efforce de justifier ce point de vue a travers la trentaine d'ecrits presentes a l'appui de sa these, en comparant chaque fois que possible pratiques bilaterales et pratiques multilaterales. Sa connaissance personnelle des deux formes de diplomatie lui permet de completer ses analyses juridiques par des arguments et des observations pratiques. Les institutions qu'il examine appartiennent le plus souvent au systeme des nations unies, mais se situent egalement en dehors de celui-ci: organisation de l'unite africaine, ligue des etats arabes, interpol, etc. Les problemes qu'il aborde sont aussi bien specifiques (la ponderation des votes, la coordination, le maintien de la paix, le processus de decision, les hautes fonctions internationales, etc. . . ) que generaux (l'avenir des organisations internationales, l'adaptation du multilateralisme aux defis de notre temps, les politiques des organisations face a la crise, les princi@es communs des organisations internationales, etc. . . )The crises periodically experienced by international institutions as well as the successes regularly obtained by the policies of power of certain countries are only obstacles on the way of a progressive "multilateralization" of international relations, which has in fact already started long ago both in quantity and quality. The author tries to justify this opinion through the thirty odd publications he presents in support of his thesis, in comparing whenever possible bilateral and multilateral practice. His personal knowledge of these two forms of diplomacy enables him to complete his juridical analyses by practical argument and factual observations. The institutions examined by him belong mostly to the united national family, but he also deals with some outside organizations, like the o. A. U. , the arab league, or interpol. The problems he envisages include specific ones (likes weighting of votes, coordination, peace-keeping, decision-making process, international civil service) as well as global ones (the future of international organizations, the adaptation of multilateralism to the challenges of the present world, the policies of the institutions faced with the current crises, common principles of international organizations, etc. . . )
10
Bengtsson, Elin. "Europeisering av nationell bilateral diplomati mellan EU-stater : - en beskrivande fallstudie av Italiens och Sveriges bilaterala diplomatiska förbindelser via ambassaderna." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-31651.
Full textAbstract:
This study aims at examine if an Europeanization is affecting the bilateral diplomatic relation between Sweden and Italy as managed by the national embassies. The questions asked to pursue the aim are; how the bilateral diplomatic work is managed between the countries, are there any signs of Europeanization within this relation or is it still contingent on intergovernmental principles? In this study an analytical model is created and used to analyze how the bilateral diplomacy between Italy and Sweden is managed through the embassies. The discussion on top –down Europeanization by Tanja Börzel is central to the development of the analytical model. Indicators of Europeanization are generated and applied in the empirical analysis. The empirical material is based on documents and interviews. One general conclusion of this study asserts that there is no direct top-down Europeanization going on within the national bilateral diplomacy. Another one affirms that an indirectly top-down Europeanization on an embryonic stage may be going on within the embassy-driven bilateral work carried out between the EU member states.
11
Rekešiūtė, Renata. "Investuotojo sąvoka ir jo teisių apsaugos mechanizmas šiuolaikinėje tarptautinėje teisėje." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2008. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2008~D_20080121_102011-86960.
Full textAbstract:
Šis magistro baigiamasis darbas skirtas investicijų apsaugos užsienio valstybėse analizei.
Klasikinėje tarptautinėje teisėje visiškas subjektiškumas buvo suprantamas kaip būdingas tik valstybėms, todėl visi tarptautiniai santykiai, tarp jų ir ginčų sprendimas buvo valstybių tarpusavio reikalas. Dėl to, jei reikėdavo ginti asmenį užsienyje patyrusį žalą, tai galima buvo padaryti tik remiantis fikcija – kad žala padaryta asmeniui yra žala padaryta jo valstybei. Jei asmuo investavęs į užsienio valstybę patirdavo žalą dėl neteisėtų investicijas priimančios valstybės veiksmų, jis pats galėdavo kreiptis dėl kompensacijos į vietinius valstybės teismus arba į savo pilietybės ar nacionalinės priklausomybės valstybę, kad ši imtųsi diplomatinių priemonių.
Šiuolaikinė tarptautinė teisė subjektų klausimu, galima sakyti, žengia toliau. Šiuo metu fiziniai asmenys yra įgiję dalinį tarptautinį teisinį subjektiškumą žmogaus teisių srityje. Nuosavybės apsauga (tame tarpe ir investicijų apsauga) yra viena iš svarbiausių žmogaus teisių, deklaruojamų tiek valstybių konstitucijose, tiek tarptautiniuose dokumentuose, todėl investuotojai gali patys, be savo valstybės įtraukimo ar įsikišimo, išspręsti investicinį ginčą su investicijas priimančia valstybe. Įvairių instrumentų pagalba šiuolaikinėje tarptautinėje teisėje yra sukurta nemažai pažeistų teisių gynimo mechanizmų, kuriais gali pasinaudoti investuotojai tiek fiziniai, tiek juridiniai asmenys. Jei investuotojas siekia investicinį ginčą... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]The analysis of the protection of foreign investment is the key object of this master thesis. States were recognized as the only subjects in the classical international law. Therefore all international relationships and disputes where settled between the states themselves. In case of a breach of the rights of a foreign investor it was the state of his nationality to bring any kind of claims in regards to another state. Contemporary international law goes way further in regard to international legal personality of natural persons or legal entities. Partial personality, in particular in the field of human rights, is recognized for the natural/legal persons. Protection of property, as well as investment, is considered to be one of the most fundamental human rights embedded in constitutions and international treaties. Therefore, investors have a right to protect their injured rights by bringing claims in international tribunals. There are quite a few mechanisms for the protection of investors’ rights in the domain of international law. Such as international institutional arbitration, ad hoc arbitration, ECHR, ICSID and diplomatic protection by investor’s state of nationality. The analysis of the investment protection mechanisms wouldn’t be completed without the analysis of the notion of investor itself. There is no universal definition of the notion of investor. In most BIT this notion differs because of the different interests of capital exporting and capital importing countries... [to full text]
12
Cruz, Abner Neemias da [UNESP]. "As práticas políticas de Silvestre Rebello: um diplomata brasileiro nos Estados Unidos da América (1824-1829)." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/149246.
Full textAbstract:
Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-14T14:10:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0
Previous issue date: 2015-11-05. Added 1 bitstream(s) on 2017-03-14T14:42:51Z : No. of bitstreams: 1
000876247.pdf: 2669916 bytes, checksum: dbff4f8a79bd27f4b89aa5147df11c7c (MD5)Durante o Primeiro Reinado, Silvestre Rebello, na categoria de encarregado plenipotenciário, representou o Brasil em Washington perante o Governo estadunidense. Esta dissertação tem por finalidade compreender as práticas políticas engendradas pelo diplomata Rebello entre 1824 a 1829. A partir da experiência política de Silvestre Rebello, analisaremos também algumas especificidades das relações entre Brasil e Estados Unidos durante o Primeiro Reinado, além de matizes do funcionamento da Secretaria de Estado de Negócios Estrangeiros e nuances relacionadas à solidificação do Império Brasileiro. Este estudo ancora-se, sobretudo, na análise da correspondência trocada entre Rebello e a Secretaria de Estado de Negócios Estrangeiros no período de 1824 a 1829, em conjunto com papéis administrativos produzidos por esse mesmo órgão, periódicos e revistas da época, atas do IHGB e materiais iconográficos.
At the time of the first reign, Silvestre Rebello was the Brazilian diplomat representing the Brazilian Government in the United States. This job aims to understand the politic actions of Rebello during the years of 1824 to 1829 including the specific matters involved in the established relation between Brazil and USA. This |Master's Thesis also intends to think about the Rebello actions and the institutional relations between the Brazilian Foreign Business Agency and the American Government and the public opinion about it. To get these objects, it is going to use the letters sent and receipt by Rebello and the Brazilian Foreign Business Agency in the years of 1824 to 1829 and also the official documents produced by the Brazilian and American agencies and the running newspapers.
13
Cruz, Abner Neemias da. "As práticas políticas de Silvestre Rebello : um diplomata brasileiro nos Estados Unidos da América (1824-1829) /." Franca, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/149246.
Full textAbstract:
Orientador: Marisa Saenz LemeBanca: Samuel Alves Soares
Banca: Diogo da Silva Roiz
Resumo: Durante o Primeiro Reinado, Silvestre Rebello, na categoria de encarregado plenipotenciário, representou o Brasil em Washington perante o Governo estadunidense. Esta dissertação tem por finalidade compreender as práticas políticas engendradas pelo diplomata Rebello entre 1824 a 1829. A partir da experiência política de Silvestre Rebello, analisaremos também algumas especificidades das relações entre Brasil e Estados Unidos durante o Primeiro Reinado, além de matizes do funcionamento da Secretaria de Estado de Negócios Estrangeiros e nuances relacionadas à solidificação do Império Brasileiro. Este estudo ancora-se, sobretudo, na análise da correspondência trocada entre Rebello e a Secretaria de Estado de Negócios Estrangeiros no período de 1824 a 1829, em conjunto com papéis administrativos produzidos por esse mesmo órgão, periódicos e revistas da época, atas do IHGB e materiais iconográficos.
Abstract: At the time of the first reign, Silvestre Rebello was the Brazilian diplomat representing the Brazilian Government in the United States. This job aims to understand the politic actions of Rebello during the years of 1824 to 1829 including the specific matters involved in the established relation between Brazil and USA. This |Master's Thesis also intends to think about the Rebello actions and the institutional relations between the Brazilian Foreign Business Agency and the American Government and the public opinion about it. To get these objects, it is going to use the letters sent and receipt by Rebello and the Brazilian Foreign Business Agency in the years of 1824 to 1829 and also the official documents produced by the Brazilian and American agencies and the running newspapers.
Mestre
14
Schneider, James D. "The English Diplomatic Corps, 1649-1660: a comparison of the diplomats of the Commonwealth and Protectorate and of Charles II." Thesis, Kansas State University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/8454.
Full textAbstract:
Master of ArtsDepartment of History
Marsha L. Frey
The diplomatic corps employed by Oliver Cromwell and Charles II from 1649 to 1660 differed greatly. This study will focus on the top three diplomatic ranks: ambassador, envoys and residents and will exclude agents and chargé d′affaires. The lesser ranks have been excluded for several reasons primarily because biographical information does not exist for many of them and as lesser diplomats their missions were not significant and often lasted only a matter of days. This prosopographical examination of the twenty-four diplomats employed by Charles II and Oliver Cromwell provides insight into their similarities as well as their differences. After examining the twenty-four, one from each side will be further researched. In matters of religion, Cromwell predictably sent Protestants. Charles also sent Protestants, but did send Roman Catholics, especially to Catholic courts. Despite the age difference between Cromwell and Charles II, age did not separate their diplomats. The average age of Cromwell’s and Charles’ II diplomats was both forty years. In matters of education, those who went to college had a tendency to choose the Puritan-influenced Cambridge for the Commonwealth and Protectorate and Oxford for the Royalists. The area a diplomat was from shows that the diplomats from north chose the side of the Commonwealth while those from London and south chose the Royalist side. Royalists had a higher percentage of military service and a higher percentage of Parliamentary service. Although more Commonwealth and Protectorate diplomats had a university education, the Royalists had a higher percentage of master’s degrees and the study of the law. When looking at a diplomat’s position in a family, the Commonwealth diplomats had a greater chance of being the oldest son, while the Royalists tended to be younger sons. This information is valuable because it expands the commonly held historiographical image of the typical Royalist and Commonwealth supporters and illustrates the differences between the general support and each sides diplomatic corps.
15
Negrato, Claudio. "Lingua e linguaggio nei dispacci di Gasparo Contarini." Paris 8, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA084145.
Full textAbstract:
Cet étude est focalisé sur l'édition critique des dépêches de Gasparo Contarini, orateur de la République de Venise à Rome chez pope Clement VII (1528-1530). Je analyse la langue et le langage politique de Contarini avec une attention particulier aux nouveaux méthodes de communication de la langue diplomatique. Les lettres ont été rassemblées auprès de la Bibliothèque Nationale Marciana de Venise et le Archive d'État de Venise. Ces lettres-là sont très importantes pour les informations historiques et politiques et pour la capacité de Contarini à rendre la voix des protagonistes de la politique romaine de la RenaissanceMy research focuses on the writing of a critical edition of Gasparo Contarini's dispatches when he was ambassador of the Republic of Venice in Rome to the pope Clements VII (1528-1530). I analyzed Contarini's political lexicon with a particular attention to the new lexical entries and the communicative strategies used in the diplomatic dispatches. The letters are stored in the Marciana National Library and the National Archive of Venice. These letters are worth to be studied since they both give important historical informations and present Contarini's ability to make a portrait of the most relevant political characters of the Roman Renaissance
16
Falcke, Jeannette. "Studien zum diplomatischen Geschenkwesen am brandenburgisch-preußischen Hof im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert /." Berlin : Duncker & Humblot, 2006. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/fy0701/2006402928.html.
Full text
17
Maxson, Brian Jeffrey. "Diplomatic Oratory." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2017. https://www.amzn.com/0888445660.
Full textAbstract:
Book Summary:Diplomacy has never been a politically neutral field of historical research, even when it was confined to merely reconstructing the context of wars and revolutions. Since the nineteenth century, Renaissance Italy has been at the forefront of scholarship on diplomacy; today, with increasing awareness of the long history of the subject as well as a broader spectrum of case studies, the study of Italian diplomacy has become sophisticated and highly articulated, offering scholars many new directions for further exploration. During the period c. 1350–c. 1520 covered by the present volume, diplomatic sources became extremely rich and abundant. This sourcebook presents a selection of primary materials, both published and unpublished, which are mostly unavailable to English readers: a broad range of diplomatic sources, thematically organized, are introduced, translated, and annotated by an international team of leading scholars of the Italian Renaissance. The aim of this volume is to illustrate the richness of diplomatic documents both for the study of diplomacy itself as well as for other areas of historical investigation, such as gender and sexuality, crime and justice, art and leisure, and medicine.
18
David, Anne. "De la carte ethnographique à la frontière des diplomates (1919) : l''illusion scientiste d'une ethno-diplomatie, ses vicissitudes et ses échecs en Europe centrale." Montpellier 3, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002MON30005.
Full text
19
Clerc, Louis. "La Finlande dans la diplomatie française : représentations, forces organisationnelles et intérêt national dans les considérations finlandaises des diplomates et des militaires français (1918-1940)." Université Robert Schuman (Strasbourg) (1971-2008), 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007STR30001.
Full textAbstract:
Notre thèse vise à étudier la place de la Finlande dans la diplomatie et la stratégie française entre 1918 et 1940. Notre travail s'articule autour de trois questions principales :. Quelles sont les relations entretenues par les responsables français de politique étrangère avec la Finlande?. Quelles sont les structures de ces relations, la façon dont les responsables français replacent la Finlande dans le cadre de leurs visions du monde et de l'intérêt national?. Quels enseignements en termes d'organisation des relations entre un petit Etat et une grande puissance peut-on tirer du cas d'école des relations franco-finlandaises? Notre travail reprend le cours des relations franco-finlandaises de la reconnaissance par la France de l'indépendance finlandaise (4 janvier 1918) à la fin de la guerre finno-soviétique (13 mars 1940). Nous observons ces relations dans trois domaines : les représentations de la Finlande en France ; les forces organisationnelles à l'oeuvre dans les relations entre les responsables français et la Finlande ; la façon dont la Finlande s'insère dans les considérations d'intérêt national de ces responsables. Dans ces trois domaines, notre but est de trouver les influences pesant sur les responsables français dans leur appréciation des questions finlandaises. Ce travail nous permet de dresser un certain nombre de conclusions sur la nature des relations entre grandes puissances et petits Etats et sur la politique française en Baltique de 1918 à 1940Our thesis aims at studying the place of Finland in French diplomacy and strategy from 1918 to 1940. Our work revolves around three sets of issues: What are the relations between the French foreign policy leadership and Finland? What are the structures of these relations, the way the French foreign policy leadership replaces Finland in their views of the world and their assessment of French national interest? What does this case-study teach us in terms of the way Great Powers relate to small States? Our work describes chronologically French-Finnish relations from the recognition by France of Finland’s independence (4th January 1918) to the end of the Finnish-Soviet war (13th March 1940). We observe these relations in three domains: the French representations about Finland; the organisational forces at work between the French leadership and Finland ; the way Finland is replaced in the French assessment of France’s national interest. In these three domains, our goal is to find the influences that weight on the French leadership’s assessment of Finland’s place in France’s national interest. This work allows us to draw a few conclusions of the way Great Powers relate to small States, and on French policy in the Baltic between the two World wars
20
Pucher, Isabelle, and Kim Dahlbeck. "Three is a Crowd : A Critical Analysis of Third Party Actor Influence Regarding the Nuclear Negotiations Between P5+1 and Iran." Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Akademin för lärande, humaniora och samhälle, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-29685.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines third-party actor influence on the domestic level in the ongoing diplomatic negotiations between P5+1 and Iran, with the research question being; What demands, arguments and strategies does the Congress and AIPAC use to influence the negotiation process between the U.S. and Iran? Secondly, what are their goals for doing so? Furthermore, the combined theoretical framework has been applied onto the material using a critical method in order to answer the questions. Legislative bills from the Congress, regarding congressional insight to the agreement, have been approved. In this pressured negotiation process with high stakes it is astounding that these actions are allowed. Due to this behavior from Congress, amongst others, it becomes interesting to study the negotiation process and its salient third-party actor influence. The results suggests that legislative actions combined with various demands and arguments, focused on mistrust of Iran, history and the security of Israel, are their main strategies to gain influence. An additional new, third, level has also been discovered by the authors of this thesis in regards to these complicated negotiations.
21
Abdul, Wahid Noor Nasser <1984>. "Il linguaggio diplomatico." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2011. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/3276/.
Full text
22
Pantalacci, Jean-Pierre. "Diplomatie et diplomates vénitiens à Rome au XVIe siècle : 1500-1535 : les rapports entre la Papauté et Venise à travers les Relazioni des ambassadeurs vénitiens." Paris 4, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002PA040232.
Full textAbstract:
L'objet de ces travaux est d'analyser les relations entre la papauté et Venise, dans la 1ère moitié du XVIe siècle, à travers les rapports des ambassadeurs vénitiens qui nous sont parvenus. La période retenue pour cette étude va de 1500 à 1535 et coresspond à quatre pontificats : ceux d'Alexandre VI, Julius II, Léon X et Clément VII. C'est une période riche en rebondissements sur la scène italienne et eurpéenne, période au cours de laquelle Venise se trouve tout à tour alliée et opposée à Rome. L'ambassadeur est à la fois observateur, juge et acteur de ces événements. Il porte également un regard sur les personnages des quatres pontifies et sur la Rome de cette époqueThe aim of this work tends to analyse the relationships between the papacy and Venice in the first half of the XVIth century through the Venetian ambassadors'reports that have been preserved. The span of time chosen for this study covers the period 1500-1535 and corresponds to four pontificates : Alexander VI b. Borgia, Julius II b. Della Rovere, Leo X and Clement VII b. Medici. This period is particularly eventful both in Italy and Europe, period in which Venice found itself an ally and an opponent of Rome in turns. Thus, the Venetian ambassador is at same time an observer, a judge and an actor of these events. He also considers the personalities of the four pontiffs and Rome
23
Delamonica, Laura Berdine Santos. "Mulheres diplomatas brasileiras." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UnB, 2014. http://repositorio.unb.br/handle/10482/16802.
Full textAbstract:
Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Relações Internacionais, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais, 2014.Submitted by Laís Lorena Barbosa Garcia (lais-lorena@hotmail.com) on 2014-11-06T13:40:40Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2014_LauraBerdineSantosDalamonica.pdf: 445075 bytes, checksum: 6780483cf9d9931e475b1fd0855a02b2 (MD5)
Approved for entry into archive by Guimaraes Jacqueline(jacqueline.guimaraes@bce.unb.br) on 2014-11-10T12:52:33Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2014_LauraBerdineSantosDalamonica.pdf: 445075 bytes, checksum: 6780483cf9d9931e475b1fd0855a02b2 (MD5)
Made available in DSpace on 2014-11-10T12:52:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2014_LauraBerdineSantosDalamonica.pdf: 445075 bytes, checksum: 6780483cf9d9931e475b1fd0855a02b2 (MD5)
As questões relacionadas à situação das mulheres foram tratadas, por muito tempo, como temas que diziam respeito apenas ao âmbito privado, não sendo vistas como esfera de atuação dos Estados, nem consideradas importantes para as relações internacionais. Diante dessa realidade, a diplomacia torna-se uma interessante área de análise para se tentar compreender a inserção das mulheres em um âmbito tradicionalmente masculino. O presente trabalho terá, portanto, como foco a atuação das mulheres diplomatas brasileiras, analisando possíveis interesses comuns, identificando desafios e apresentando expectativas acerca dessa carreira de Estado. Por mais que este estudo busque examinar um universo abrangente – interesses, desafios e expectativas, é necessário, primeiramente, tentar responder a uma pergunta basilar: será que existe um interesse comum das mulheres a ser defendido? Diante desse questionamento, que se justifica em razão da heterogeneidade das mulheres diplomatas, partir-se-á da seguinte hipótese: existem interesses comuns das mulheres diplomatas, os quais se desdobram em desafios e expectativas. Para tentar responder a essas indagações iniciais, foram realizadas entrevistas com diplomatas brasileiras de diversos níveis hierárquicos, e as informações obtidas foram contrastadas com estudos acadêmicos a respeito do tema. A conjunção de tais análises permite concluir que, apesar das diferenças, há um incipiente interesse comum das mulheres a ser defendido no Itamaraty, que se desdobra em quatro eixos temáticos principais: vida pública e privada; relações de poder e prestígio; feminismo e sugestões concretas. ______________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT
For a long time, issues regarding the situation of women were treated only on the private sphere, and they were not seen as a scope of action of States nor considered important for international relations. Due to this reality, diplomacy becomes an interesting area of analysis to try to understand the integration of women in a traditionally male environment. Therefore, this work will focus on the performance of Brazilian women diplomats, analyzing possible common interests, identifying challenges and presenting expectations about the career. Since this research seeks to examine a comprehensive universe - interests, challenges and expectations, firstly it is necessary to try to answer a fundamental question: is there a common interest of women to be advocated? This question is justified by the heterogeneity of women diplomats. Accordingly, the following hypothesis will guide the present work: there are common interests of women diplomat, and there are challenges and expectations that derive from these interests. In order to answer these initial questions, a number of Brazilian diplomats from various hierarchical levels were interviewed, and the information obtained was contrasted with academic studies on the subject. The conjunction of analysis supports the following conclusion: despite their differences, there is an incipient common interest of women to be advocated at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which unfolds into four main themes: public and private life; relations of power and prestige; feminism and practical suggestions.
24
Ngouaka-Tsoumou, André Ludovic. "La diplomatie francophone." Lyon 3, 2010. https://scd-resnum.univ-lyon3.fr/out/theses/2010_out_ngouaka_a.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Les incertitudes de la mondialisation libérale dans les relations internationales, ont renforcé la prudence et la réserve dans l’opinion francophone répandue sur les cinq continents et structurée dans un grand ensemble géoculturel composé aujourd’hui de 70 pays. C’est la Francophonie politique. Elle se dévoile comme le pôle de la diversité, l’antidote de la pensée unique. C’est "une autre mondialisation", une autre façon de gérer les relations internationales, respectueuse de la dialectique de l’identité et de l’altérité. On nommera cela, faute d’autre appellation, "la Diplomatie francophone": une diplomatie de la rupture avec l’immobilisme en ce qu’elle s’adapte aux grandes mutations historiques. Sous-tendue par une volonté politique affirmée, elle dispose des atouts qui sont une première dans l’histoire des O. I. Géoculturelles. La diversité culturelle, le dialogue des cultures et la solidarité érigés en autres principes du Droit diplomatique relèvent d’une prouesse que l’on doit à la stratégie diplomatique francophone, donnant ainsi à la Francophonie une position d’influence spécifique et utile dans la mondialisation. Position qui consiste à s’afficher comme une communauté de valeurs, mais bien plus, à jouer sur le terrain le rôle de contrepoids de la vision uniformisatrice et unipolaire de la mondialisation non maîtrisée. "La diplomatie francophone" n’est pas une chimère. C’est une diplomatie d’une union géoculturelle qui, partageant la même langue, le français, fait du dialogue un outil de paix, de prévention des conflits et de la médiation internationale. C’est une diplomatie attractive et d’influence au service de grandes idées humanistes pour la construction d’une communauté internationale équilibrée et solidaireThe uncertainties of the liberal globalization in the international relations, reinforced prudence and the reserve in the French-speaking opinion widespread on the five continents and structured in a great geo-cultural unit today composed of 70 countries. That’s the political "Francophonie". It’s revealed like the pole of diversity, the antidote of the unique thinking. It’s "another globalization", another way of managing the international relations, respectful of the dialectic of identity and otherness. One will name that, for lack of another name, "the Francophone diplomacy": diplomacy of the rupture with the opposition to progress in what it adapts to the great historical changes. Underlain by an affirmed political will, it has the assets which are a first in geo-cultural international organisations history. The cultural diversity, the dialogue of the cultures and solidarity set up in other principles of the diplomatic Right concern a prowess that one must with the French-speaking diplomatic strategy, thus giving to the Francophonie position of a specific and useful influence in globalization. Position that consists in showing itself as a community of values, but much more, in playing the function of the standardized and “unipolar” view counterweight of uncontrolled globalization. "Francophone diplomacy" is not a dream. It is a diplomacy of a geo-cultural union which, sharing the same language, French, makes dialogue a tool of peace, conflicts prevention and international mediation. It’s a gravitational diplomacy and of influence to the service of great humanistic ideas for the construction of a balanced and interdependent international community
25
Pejo, Philippe. "La diplomatie parlementaire." Thesis, Université Paris-Saclay (ComUE), 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016SACLS532.
Full textAbstract:
Concept original lié à une pratique contemporaine de l’action des parlements, la diplomatie parlementaire complète avec habilité la diplomatie classique, compétence régalienne des représentants étatiques du pouvoir exécutif. Justifiant son fondement légal sur le droit public en général et le droit parlementaire en particulier, la diplomatie parlementaire consacre l’internationalisation croissante de l’activité parlementaire et apporte son concours effectif à la démocratisation de la scène internationaleOriginal concept related to a contemporary practice of parliamentary action, the parliamentary diplomacy strengthens skillfully classical diplomacy, the regal skill of state executive branch officials. Justifying its legal basis on public law in general and particularly on parliamentary law, parliamentary diplomacy devotes increasing internationalization of parliamentary activity and provides effective support to the democratization of the international scene
26
Ismail, Muhammad-Basheer Adisa. "Islamic diplomatic law and international diplomatic law : a quest for compatibility." Thesis, University of Hull, 2012. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:7135.
Full textAbstract:
Most literatures on international law have been observed to neglect or give scanty attention to the contribution of Islamic law towards the development of modern international law, particularly the principles relating to the diplomatic immunity and privileges. It has often been maintained, especially by some Western commentators that there is no modicum of materiality between Islamic siyar and the rules of conventional international law; as such, Islamic law has nothing to offer the international legal system. The current spades of global terrorism which are allegedly perpetrated in the name of Islam against diplomatic institutions have further widened this perceived incongruity between the two legal regimes. This study therefore critiques and also evaluates the exactitude of the contention that the sources of the two legal regimes are incompatible. This study equally examines the compatibility in the diplomatic principles between Islamic diplomatic law and international diplomatic law. It also contends that the attacks on diplomats and diplomatic facilities are antithetical to the classical principles of jihaad and Islamic diplomatic law. It further argues that the need to harmonise the two legal systems and have a thorough cross-cultural understanding amongst nations generally with a view to enhancing unfettered diplomatic cooperation should be of paramount priority.
27
Maybarduk, Sharon M. "An exploration of factors associated with reentry adjustment of U.S. foreign service spouses : a project based upon an independent investigation /." View online, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10090/5911.
Full text
28
Scheffler, Matthias. "Mit Diplomatie und Handarbeit." Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2010. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-qucosa-61176.
Full textAbstract:
Den Begriff oder die Orchesterbibliotheken selbst kennt kaum jemand. Dabei spielen sie eine der wichtigsten Rollen bei den Orchestern. Denn wie gelangen stets die richtigen Noten pünktlich auf die Pulte der Dirigenten und Spieler? Die Orchesterbibliothekare legen meistens selbst Hand an und erarbeiten mit den Dramaturgen und Regisseuren eine Aufführungsfassung. Nicht selten müssen bis zu 100 Seiten Opernmaterial eingerichtet werden. Und das nicht gesamt, sondern einzeln für die Bläser, die Sänger und den Dirigenten.
29
Maxson, Brian. "In the Presence of Mine Enemies: Pope Martin V, Florence, Diplomats, and Diplomacy." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2011. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/6222.
Full text
30
Forni, Federico <1979>. "Cittadinanza europea e protezione diplomatica." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2011. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/3651/.
Full text
31
Johansson, Gustav. "La diplomatie publique : une comparaison entre la France et la Suède." Thesis, Växjö University, School of Humanities, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-5610.
Full textAbstract:
Dans la mondialisation d’aujourd’hui et dans un monde plus démocratique et ouvert, la diplomatie publique est devenue un sujet qui suscite de plus en plus d’intérêt. Selon Anholt, un analyste de société anglais, tous les gouvernements doivent, pour le compte du peuple, des institutions et des entreprises, développer une stratégie pour améliorer et fortifier la perception du pays. La théorie utilisée est celle d’Anholt appelée Nation branding où il applique une théorie commerciale dans le monde des sciences politiques et sociales en comparant les pays aux marques commerciales. Dans ce mémoire, en utilisant les méthodes de l’étude du corpus et l’entretien, je compare les stratégies et les objectifs de la diplomatie publique de la France et de la Suède. Après avoir fait un inventaire des cinq grandes voies de promouvoir un pays à l’extérieur et après avoir regardé les stratégies actuelles des deux pays, on trouve de nombreuses similarités, surtout dans les stratégies des cinq voies de promouvoir un pays. Les différences se trouvent ailleurs. Par exemple la Suède n’hésite pas à comparer l’image du pays avec une marque commerciale selon la théorie de Nation branding tandis que la France est plus hésitante, mais le nouveau ministre des Affaires étrangères et européennes en France est favorable à la notion. D’autre part, j’ai pu constater que l’optique suédoise de la diplomatie publique correspond plutôt à une volonté de placer la Suède sur la scène mondiale et d’instaurer un sentiment de good will tandis que la France souhaite avant tout sauvegarder son rang de puissance mondiale et considère la position forte de sa langue comme une condition nécessaire pour ce faire. L’action culturelle extérieure suédoise s’organise surtout depuis la Suède, parce que la Suède n’a pas de réseau culturel comparable à celui de la France. La mise en place du Conseil de la promotion de l’image de la Suède dans le monde permet partiellement de contrer la grandeur de la France.
In the globalization of today, in a more democratic and open world, public diplomacy has become a subject that gets more and more attention. According to Anholt, a British social analyst, all governments should, on behalf of the people, the institutions and the companies, develop a strategy to improve and strengthen the perception of the country. The theory applied is Anholt’s Nation Branding where he uses the ideas of branding for the public diplomacy of a country. He likes to compare countries to commercial brands. The aim of this minor thesis is to compare the strategies and objectives of the public diplomacy of today in France and Sweden. To reach my conclusions I have collected information from Anholt’s books of Nation branding and from the official websites of the different national administrations. I also made interviews with people involved in the matter. There are five ways to communicate the image of a country abroad. France and Sweden have similar strategies within these fields. The differences are to be found, foremost in the way of talking about the country as a brand and the value of Nation Branding. It’s a part of the Swedish strategy while the French are more reluctant. At the same time, the French minister of foreign and European affairs, Kouchner, seems to be influenced by the ideas behind Nation Branding. I have also come to the conclusion that the aim of the Swedish public diplomacy regards primary to place Sweden on the world map and to create a sense of good will while the main priority of France is to stay a leading world nation and considers the language aspect very important to do so. The Swedish cultural diplomacy is organized at the head office in Stockholm while the French have an immense network of cultural institutes. As Sweden is not represented worldwide, the Swedish solution is a national council of international representations that work together to form a strategy to promote Sweden.
32
Lüning, Carl. "Marin diplomati i Arktis." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-6699.
Full textAbstract:
The Arctic area is in a state of rapid change. New fairways open up as the ice melts, which – in turn – presents both opportunities and threats to the neighboring states. As the Arctic is of both economical and strategic interest, these states include both great powers like the U.S. and Russia but also small powers like Norway and Denmark. The purpose of this thesis is to investigate how these states use their armed forces in claim of the Arctic and – more specifically – how Maritime Diplomacy is used in this situation. The thesis furthers attempts to address the question whether there are differences between the large states on the one hand, and the smaller ones on the other when using Maritime Diplomacy. The theoretical framework used in the thesis comes from several well known scholars and military theorists including Cable and Corbett which focus on maritime strategy. The analyses suggest that there are indeed significant differences between the studied states in terms of their use of Maritime Diplomacy. The thesis concludes that the four nations uses it’s maritime diplomacy tools in a coherent way. But there is a difference between great powers and smaller states since the smaller tend to use influence as a tool in greater extent. The thesis also shows that Russia as the only state that uses a coercive tool.
33
Lukovicsová, Nicola. "The history of diplomatic protocol with the emphasis on French influence on diplomatic protocol and new cultural influences on today´s diplomatic protocol." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-193888.
Full textAbstract:
The Master's Thesis on "The History of Diplomatic Protocol with the Emphasis on French Influence on Diplomatic Protocol and New Cultural Influences on Today's Diplomatic Protocol" aims at introducing the topic of History of Diplomatic protocol and is further elaborating on the topic in terms of various influences on Diplomacy and Diplomatic protocol. The purpose was to show that the evolution of the practices, protocols and etiquette is a gradual process of change. Nowadays we live in the world strongly influenced by the European tradition that mainly comes from France. However, the changing world and process of globalization makes it easier for people to interact, share their values and spread their ideas.
34
Nanz, Tobias. "Grenzverkehr eine Mediengeschichte der Diplomatie." Zürich Berlin Diaphanes, 2008. http://d-nb.info/999191640/04.
Full text
35
Arbi, Moubachir el. "Politique et diplomatie chez Leibniz." Lille 3 : ANRT, 1985. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37594077m.
Full text
36
Bachardoust, Ramazan. "Diplomatie et la guerre d'Afghanistan." Toulouse 1, 1995. http://www.theses.fr/1995TOU10030.
Full textAbstract:
Cette recherche est consacrée à l'étude de l'activité diplomatique - au sens large de ce terme - qui a accompagné le déroulement de la guerre d'Afghanistan de 1979 à 1992. La première partie analyse d'abord la façon dont se sont articulées l'intervention militaire et la stratégie diplomatique de l'URSS, tandis que la seconde évoque les réactions diplomatiques des états les plus concernés par ces événements pour des raisons géographiques, idéologiques ou stratégiques : les Etats-Unis, le Pakistan et l'Iran. La description et l'analyse des politiques diplomatiques de ces différents acteurs, en relation avec les normes juridiques régissant la société internationale, s'accompagnent d'une réflexion sur les processus de décision et les facteurs qui en ont influencé la forme et le contenuThis research is dedicated to the study of diplomatic activity. Liberally in a broad sense which accompanied the unfolding of the Afghanistan war from 1979 to 1992. The first part analyses initially how was the Russian military intervention and diplomatic strategy are linked, while the second evokes the diplomatic reactions from the states most concerned by these events for geographic ideology, or strategic reasons : the United States, the Pakistan, the Iran. The description and analyses of the diplomatic politics of these different participants, a relation with the legal norms which govern the international society, is accompanied with a reflection on the decision process and the factors which influenced its form and content
37
El, Qour Tahar. "La diplomatie économique au Maroc." Paris, EHESS, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007EHES0068.
Full textAbstract:
L'action diplomatique a toujours été marquée par son statut très particulier. Elle a ainsi un effet évident sur les relations internationales et intercommunautaires. Cependant, le travail diplomatique ne se limite plus au discours politique visant à mettre fin aux affrontements militaires, il dépend plus de facteurs économiques dans un souci de concilier les intérêts et d'éviter les guerres économiques. La thèse se veut une lecture critique des plus importants acteurs de la diplomatie économique marocaine que nous avons classés selon leur importance en : acteurs officiels (l'institution royale, le gouvernement et le parlement), les nouveaux canaux de la diplomatie économique marocaine (Le conseil national du commerce extérieur, le centre marocain de la promotion des exportations, les groupes locaux et les lobbies). De ce fait les réalisations demeurent modestes et négligeables par rapport à d'autres pays dans la même situation que le Maroc. Afin de vérifier ces résultats, nous avons effectué une lecture dans les relations économiques marocaines en identifiant de nombreux points forts et de dysfonctionnements dans les choix du partenariat stratégique avec plusieurs pays. Il s'avère ainsi que la politique du libre-échange n'a pas toujours été utile pour l'économie marocaine parce qu'elle a eu des effets néfastes ou collatéraux sur de nombreux secteurs productifs et sur les relations économiques du Maroc avec d'autres pays. Parmi les plus importantes conclusions auxquelles nous avons abouties, il y a lieu de signaler la nécessité d'une mise à niveau managériale de l'économie marocaineThe diplomatic action has always been marked by its particular status. Consequently it has an obvious effect on the international and intercommunity relations. However, the diplomatic work is not only limited to the political discourse aiming at putting an end to military confrontations, but it also depends on economic factors to reconcile interests and to avoid economic wars. The present work presents a critical reading of the most important actors of the Moroccan economic diplomacy classified according to their degree of importance : official actors (the royal institution, the government and the parliament), the new channels of the Morocco economic diplomacy (the national counsel of external trade, the Morocco centre of exportation promotion, Local communes and pressure groups). Needless to say that the results of this study can be effective it they are complemented by other studies which have to dismantle the role of the actors in the Moroccan economic diplomatic work taking in to consideration planification, strategies and indicators of measurement, evaluation and results effectiveness
38
Mavoungou, Jean-François. "La Diplomatie congolaise : 1960 - 1986." Paris 1, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990PA010257.
Full textAbstract:
Ce travail fixe le schéma de l'organisation et du fonctionnement, mesure l'influence de chacun des instruments qui participent où gèrent les relations extérieures du Congo, d'une part, explique les enjeux du Congo sur la scène internationale, évalue leur mise en œuvre dans ses rapports avec l'extérieur et éclaire les principales difficultés de celle-ci, d'autre part. Certains acteurs, de par la nature et l'importance de leurs prérogatives, participent, plus que d'autres, aux relations extérieures du Congo ; il en résulte que ceux-là sont plus influents que ceux-ci, et qu'au sein de l'ensemble, il existe, entre les acteurs, une hiérarchie de poids dans les relations extérieures de l'état. L'action diplomatique est un mélange original d'impuissance, d'adresse, de ruse, de dogmatisme et parfois de simple bon sens, les objectifs poursuivis par le Congo et les principes d'actions n'ont jamais reçu une application effective et adéquate. Un renouvellement des modalités de fonctionnement et d'organisation des instruments, d'une part, et une volonté politique, mettant en œuvre les stratégies, notamment au niveau des rapports bilatéraux, en fonction de leur utilité et primauté du point de vue des populations, d'autre part, rendraient, nulle doute, la diplomatie congolaise efficace, rentable et fiableThis work gives an outline of the organization and functionning of congolese diplomacy. It assesses the respective influences of each of the instruments which make up the congo's foreign affairs, explains the country's stakes on the international scene evaluating their implementation in foreign affairs, and highlights the main diplomatic difficulties. Certain actors, according to their nature and importance, participate more than others in the foreign affairs of the congo. Consequently, some of these elements are more influential than others, and on the whole a hierarchy exists between them in the foreign affairs of the stae. The diplomatic action is therefore a curious mixture of powerlessness, shrewdness, tactics, dogmatism ans soletimes just pure common sense. Viewed globally, the objectives and therefore the principles of action followed by the congo have never seen an adequate and effective application. A renewal of the modes of functionning and organization of the instruments and a political will implementing strategies (for instance with population in bilateral affairs, according to their usefulness and primacy) would certainly render congolese diplomacy more efficient, reliable and profitable
39
Riziki, Mohamed Abdelaziz. "Sociologie de la diplomatie marocaine." Paris 1, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA010264.
Full textAbstract:
Dans le cadre de cette étude, nous dressons un portrait sociologique de la diplomatie marocaine, et ce, sur la base de la biographie de 278 personnalités marocaines: ministres des Affaires étrangères et de la Coopération, ministres délégués aux Affaires étrangères, secrétaires d'État aux Affaires étrangères, ambassadeurs, marocains dirigeant une organisation internationale ou régionale, quelques personnalités ayant une influence réelle sur l'appareil diplomatique marocain. Nous nous intéressons en particulier aux origines sociales et familiales des diplomates marocains, à leurs origines géographiques, à leurs études (nature et de lieu de formation), à leur capital culturel, aux langues qu'ils sont en mesure de pratiquer, à leurs relations éventuelles avec le Maghzen ou Makhzen, l'appareil d'État au Maroc, à leurs affiliations ou non à des mouvements politiques (formations partisanes et organisations de défense des droits humains) et à des clubs et autres associations, du Maroc et de l'étranger. Le traitement statistique que nous avons effectué permet de constater que presque tous les diplomates marocains, au lendemain de l'indépendance (1956), étaient d'origine urbaine, surtout de la ville de Fès. Cette prédominance de Fès sur la diplomatie marocaine a été atténuée, mais n'a pas disparu pour autant. D'autres enseignements sont à tirer de ce traitement statistique: importance des solidarités familiales et tribales, prépondérance des lauréats de l'enseignement supérieur français et de l'École nationale d'Administration publique de Rabat, primat des filières «Science politique» et «Administration publique», faveurs accordées par le Palais royal à des diplomates parachutés issus de la bourgeoisie et de l'aristocratie, mais aussi aux membres des partis politiques favorables au régime politique en place, les fameux « partis cocottes-minute», etc. . . De manière générale, le pouvoir royal est considérable en matière de nomination des diplomates. Cela est particulièrement visible dans le choix et la nomination des diplomates n'appartenant pas à la carrière. Sur le plan méthodologique, nous avons opté pour la prosopographie, une démarche qui s'efforce d'identifier les personnalités afin de mieux les «situer» en tant qu'acteurs de la vie sociale, politique et diplomatique du Maroc, en nous intéressant particulièrement à leur personne, à leurs origines et relations sociales.
40
Dyson, Tomas. "English diplomatic agents 1603-1688." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a78dc4d0-5ac4-47fc-95b5-a0e73d2a35e6.
Full textAbstract:
The general historiography of Stuart diplomacy has, by and large, argued that those who were tasked with carrying out foreign policy were ineffective, amateurish and, in some cases, incompetent. This harsh view is in need of reassessment in the light of a number of incidents, which suggest that much effective foreign policy and general diplomatic work was carried out by lower-ranking diplomats, who were titled agents. These agents have attracted little historical comment or study. This thesis sets out to redress this by considering the agents employed from 1603 to 1688, when the title disappeared due to rank inflation, duties transferred to consuls, and other factors. The texts of the period on the perfect ambassador leave clear omissions in descriptions of diplomatic work, which therefore suggests a role for another type of diplomat, the agent. The initial chapter looks at background and education and offers a portrait of an average agent as typically a well-educated member of the lower gentry. The terms under which agents served are compared with other professional groups of comparable social rank and those in other government positions. Agents’ work in information gathering, including where and from what sources they obtained material and how it was transmitted, is investigated. The existence of an efficient international network is uncovered. Agents’ role in negotiations, unconstrained by protocol, allowed them a greater degree of freedom than ambassadors. This and the element of deniability are key to understanding their importance to Stuart diplomacy. The task of protecting merchants’ rights is demonstrated by a case study in France which shows all the usual stages involved in resolving a dispute. Involvement in buying naval supplies and cultural transfer are also discussed in chapters concerned with agents’ practical activities. Finally, the careers pursued after their agencies are outlined, showing how some, such as Cottington, used their skills and knowledge to their advantage. Having demonstrated the differences amongst, and the utility of, agents it is possible to suggest that some of the criticism of Stuart diplomacy comes from a misunderstanding of the use of both agents and ambassadors, and how, when and why each could be employed for a specific task.
41
Shi, Xinxiang. "Diplomatic immunities ratione materiae under the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations : towards a coherent interpretation." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/33152.
Full textAbstract:
Rules of diplomatic immunity, which nowadays are enshrined in the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, play an important role in interstate diplomacy because they ensure the efficient performance of diplomatic functions. This thesis investigates a particular form of diplomatic immunity - diplomatic immunity ratione materiae. Unlike diplomatic immunity ratione personae, which pertains to the personal status of a diplomatic agent, diplomatic immunity ratione materiae depends in essence on the official nature of a particular act In practice, however, the determination of diplomatic immunity ratione materiae may meet with many conceptual and practical difficulties. For one, it is not always easy to distinguish the official acts of a diplomatic agent, who represents the sending State in the receiving State, from his or her private acts. In case of disagreement between the two States, questions may also arise as to who has the authority to make a final determination. The Vienna Convention does not offer much guidance on these issues; on the contrary, the Convention complicates them by employing, without adequate explanation, distinct formulas for different kinds of diplomatic immunity ratione materiae. This thesis examines these formulas in detail. On a general level, it is submitted that diplomatic immunity ratione materiae for certain types of activity constitutes not only a procedural bar to court proceedings but also a substantive exemption of individual responsibility. More specifically, it is argued that each formula must be understood in the light of the rationale behind immunity, the type of immunity concerned, and the specific functions or duties performed. In case of controversy, weight should be given to the opinion of the sending State, although the authority to make a decision lies ultimately with the court of the receiving State.
42
Oliveira, Ana Paula Conceição. "Diplomatas negros (as): Ação afirmativa no Instituto Rio Branco e trajetórias de diplomatas (ex) bolsistas." http://www.posafro.ufba.br/_ARQ/dissertacao_APCOliveira.pdf, 2011. http://www.posafro.ufba.br/_ARQ/dissertacao_APCOliveira.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
151f.Submitted by Suelen Reis (suelen_suzane@hotmail.com) on 2013-02-20T16:43:03Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Ana.pdf: 2921720 bytes, checksum: 3916258d3986869aa152b78b39907d3d (MD5)
Approved for entry into archive by Fatima Cleômenis Botelho Maria (botelho@ufba.br) on 2013-02-21T13:17:29Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Ana.pdf: 2921720 bytes, checksum: 3916258d3986869aa152b78b39907d3d (MD5)
Made available in DSpace on 2013-02-21T13:17:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ana.pdf: 2921720 bytes, checksum: 3916258d3986869aa152b78b39907d3d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011
O Programa de Ação Afirmativa do Instituto Rio Branco Bolsa Prêmio de Vocação para a Diplomacia surge da constatação de que o Ministério das Relações Exteriores não refletia em seus quadros diplomáticos a diversidade étnico-racial do Brasil. Fruto da III Conferência Mundial contra o Racismo, Discriminação Racial, Xenofobia e Intolerância Correlata, realizada em Durban – África do Sul – durante o governo de Fernando Henrique Cardoso, o programa completou oito anos em 2010 e até então, não haviam sido publicados resultados que versassem sobre esta iniciativa de política afirmativa ainda pouco difundida e conhecida pela sociedade brasileira. Esta pesquisa conta com as trajetórias e avaliações de diplomatas ex-bolsistas e depoimentos de dirigentes do programa para refletir sobre quais os resultados obtidos com esta ação afirmativa dentro deste período que vai de 2002 a 2010.
Salvador
43
Mahai-Batel, Asma. "La diplomatie humanitaire et le droit international humanitaire : de l'empirisme à une diplomatie de catalyse ?" Thesis, Université Côte d'Azur (ComUE), 2019. http://theses.univ-cotedazur.fr/2019AZUR0036.
Full textAbstract:
La notion de diplomatie humanitaire, objet d’études théoriques encore peu nombreuses, comporte des périmètres fluctuants, selon qu’on la limite à des négociations accompagnant l’action humanitaire ou que l’on y intègre la diplomatie relative au droit international humanitaire et ses différentes fonctions portées par de multiples acteurs. L’étude des rapports entre la diplomatie humanitaire et le droit international humanitaire (DIH) révèle sa grande plasticité à travers le temps, tant dans le domaine de l’évolution de ses objets -d’abord concentrée sur le développement des sources du DIH, puis sur l’amélioration de la mise en œuvre de ce droit- que de ses acteurs -initiée par des acteurs privés, tel Henry Dunant et les premières sociétés de secours, menée par les Etats, avant d’être à nouveau déterminée largement par une société civile organisée dans le cadre de puissantes ONG-.Ces fluctuations, mises en évidence dès l’Antiquité, concernent la diplomatie relative aux sources matérielles et formelles du DIH, qui a, dans une première approche empirique, révélé et affirmé les valeurs du DIH. La structuration progressive d’un réseau de parties prenantes des négociations conventionnelles a ensuite permis l’affirmation de méthodes propres à ce champ de la diplomatie, qui s’est écarté très tôt de celui de la diplomatie classique. Confrontée aux défis contemporains du DIH et à la transformation de la conflictualité, la diplomatie humanitaire est désormais caractérisée par l’apparition de nouvelles formes de négociations, émancipées des techniques basées sur la confidentialité, où les prérogatives de l’Etat reculent face à la montée en puissance des ONG. La prolifération des acteurs, mais également la flexibilité des méthodes et objets de négociations révèlent l’enrichissement d’une diplomatie créatrice du DIH par une diplomatie opérationnelle, constitutive d’une « diplomatie de catalyse », susceptible de permettre des adaptations des normes de ce corpusThe concept of humanitarian diplomacy, which is still the subject of few theoretical studies, has fluctuating boundaries, depending on whether it is limited to negotiations accompanying humanitarian action or whether it includes diplomacy relating to international humanitarian law and its various functions carried out by multiple actors. The study of the relationship between humanitarian diplomacy and international humanitarian law (IHL) reveals its great plasticity over time, both in the field of the evolution of its objects - first focused on the development of IHL sources, then on improving the implementation of this law - and in its actors - initiated by private actors, such as Henry Dunant and the first relief societies, led by States, before being largely determined once again by a civil society organized through powerful NGOs -.These fluctuations, highlighted since antiquity, concern diplomacy relating to the material and formal sources of IHL, which has, in a first empirical approach, revealed and affirmed the values of IHL. The gradual structuring of a network of stakeholders in conventional negotiations then made it possible to affirm methods specific to this field of diplomacy, which very early on deviated from that of conventional diplomacy. Faced with the contemporary challenges of IHL and the transformation of conflict, humanitarian diplomacy is now characterized by the emergence of new forms of negotiation, emancipated from techniques based on confidentiality, where the prerogatives of the State recede in the face of the rise in power of NGOs. The proliferation of actors, but also the flexibility of methods and subjects of negotiation reveal the enrichment of a creative diplomacy of IHL by an operational diplomacy, constituting a "catalyst diplomacy", likely to allow adaptations of the norms of this corpus
44
Brückner, Leslie. "A. F. Loève-Veimars (1799-1854) traducteur et diplomate : étude sur un médiateur culturel." Paris 8, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA083358.
Full text
45
Ekman, Alice. "The shaping of national diplomatic practices : contemporary Chinese diplomacy as a case study." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013IEPP0016.
Full textAbstract:
Alors que la Chine est parvenue à établir des relations diplomatiques avec la quasi-totalité des Etats du monde, et que son Ministère des affaires étrangères s’est professionnalisé au fil de l’ouverture du pays, la pratique de la diplomatie chinoise comporte encore de nombreuses spécificités, qui dans certains cas influent sur le résultat des rencontres multilatérales. Quelles sont ces spécificités? Comment expliquer leur persistance dans un contexte d’ouverture et de professionnalisation? Sont-elles uniquement le fruit de l’héritage communiste? La thèse rejette partiellement l’approche culturaliste, puisqu’elle montre que les facteurs historiques, politiques et sociologiques peuvent jouer un rôle prépondérant dans la formation des pratiques diplomatiques nationales. Cependant, elle ne la rejette pas totalement : l'analyse croisée d'entretiens avec des diplomates chinois et non-chinois souligne l’influence du legs culturel (comparaison des diplomaties chinoises et taïwanaises, partageant un socle culturel commun mais formées dans des contextes politiques radicalement différents), mais aussi l’existence de divergences radicales d’approches entre corps diplomatiques vis-à-vis de la notion même de culture. Dans ce contexte, le jeu stratégique sur les « différences culturelles » est fréquent entre diplomaties, et une forme de particularisme culturel est promue par de nombreux pays émergents, dont la Chine, dans l’assertion de leur position. Ce jeu s’oppose au processus existant d’harmonisation des pratiques diplomatiques au niveau international et continuera probablement à exister compte-tenu de sa fonction stratégiqueWhereas China successfully established official diplomatic relations with most states, and whilst its Ministry of Foreign Affairs has gone through a professionalisation process since the era of reform and opening up, particularities still remain within China’s diplomatic practices, which in some cases impact international encounters. What are these particularities? How can one explain their prevalence in a context of accelerated professionalisation? Are they only a direct result of the heavy Communist legacy? Based on cross-analysis of interviews conducted between 2008 and 2012 with Chinese and non-Chinese diplomats, the thesis partly dismisses the culturalist approach, as it shows that historical, political and sociological factors play an equally significant role in the shaping of China’s diplomatic practices. However, fully rejecting this approach would contradict the findings on the influence of the cultural legacy on China’s diplomacy, based on a detailed comparative analysis of two diplomacies that share a common cultural legacy but that have developed in a very different political context (comparison between diplomatic practices of the PRC and Taiwan), and most of all based on the fieldwork observations on the divergences of approach towards the notion of culture between and within diplomatic corps. Strategic play on ‘cultural’ differences does exist in foreign policy, and a form of cultural particularism is promoted by many emerging countries, including China, in asserting their new position. This can be seen as a counterforce to the globalisation of diplomatic practices, and is unlikely to disappear, considering its strategic function
46
Lima, Rodolfo de Camargo. "Burocratas, burocracia e política: o Ministério das Relações Exteriores, um perfil." Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-16042015-192608/.
Full textAbstract:
O presente trabalho desenha um perfil do Ministério das Relações Exteriores a partir da compreensão de seus burocratas durante, principalmente, porém não exclusivamente, as gestões de FHC e Lula. Para tanto se analisam 1466 currículos de diplomatas que entraram na carreira desde 1961 até 2009 (com atualização em 2010), tendo em vista os elementos de ingresso e promoção (inscrições, aprovados, idade de entrada e progressão profissional) e as características do corpo burocrático como origem geográfica (nascimento), gênero, raça e formação educacional (graduação e pós-graduação). O estudo busca entender os câmbios da formação e composição dos atores que operam a diplomacia nacional com base nas continuidades e mudanças políticas e burocráticas do Ministério e do Estado brasileiro com especial atenção ao período democrático recente.This work draws a profile of the Brazilian Department of State through its bureaucrats emphasizing mainly, but not exclusively, FHC and Lulas administration. By analyzing 1466 diplomats curriculum of those who entered in the career between 1961 and 2009 (updated in 2010), it aims initial elements (inscription, approbation, age of entrance and professional progression) and characteristics of the bureaucratic personnel such as geographic origins, gender, race and education (under graduation and graduation). The study seeks to understand the formation and composition of the actors that operates the national diplomacy grounded into the political and bureaucratic continuities and changes in the Department of State and the Brazilian State itself, focusing specially in the recent democratic period.
47
Unkovskaya, Maria V. "Anglo-Russian diplomatic relations 1580-1696." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.332851.
Full text
48
Zhang, Jie M. Arch Massachusetts Institute of Technology. "Diplomatic : letter from the architectural enclave." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/97279.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis: M. Arch., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Architecture, 2015.This electronic version was submitted by the student author. The certified thesis is available in the Institute Archives and Special Collections.
Cataloged from student-submitted PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 147-149).
Seeing Architecture as a political art, this thesis concerns itself with boundaries: those of regimes, of culture, of law, and of social strata. In a silent crisis where sustained inscription of physical and social boundaries evacuate urban space into archipelagos of enclaves, Architecture with only ambiguous claims of public space is rendered both accomplice and victim, impotent against forces of capital and concerns of security. Exposing the absurdities in urban geopolitics and persistent spatial logics of exclusivity is as important as proposing to hack into them. Critical of the innocence of so-called public space and the underlying architectural impasse, the thesis offers an investigative commentary on the state of urban enclaves, while speculating on alternative strategies by designing an embassy, a bounded pseudo-extraterritory and the epitome of an enclave. Through absurd couplings and blatant image-making, a seemingly open US embassy is proposed for Beijing as an imploded fragment of a boundary, its incompleteness buttressed by territories of privilege and its disparate barriers articulated as a mechanism of filtration. Away from popular strategies of conceptual and spatial blurring, the thesis defines an architectural porosity to orchestrate spaces of varying openness, as a nuanced response to both the embassy's double identities and schizophrenic agendas of city building. With an architecture that is diplomatic by function and diplomatic by disposition, one experiments with an agency beyond the single pursuit of public-ness and an escape from the ideological enclave of positivism. Ultimately, the goal is to suggest and develop a methodology of designing with oppositions, irony and latency.
by Jie Zhang.
M. Arch.
49
Bassole, Dibazin Eugene. "Diplomatic ambiguity in interpreter-mediated communication." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/65534.
Full textAbstract:
English
When we observe the interpreters in their booths battling with ambiguity in order to find the accurate meaning of an ambiguous utterance, we inevitably come to the realization of the daunting impact of ambiguities on the latter. Ambiguity in general and diplomatic ambiguity in particular, is a thorn in interpreters’ sides. Then, the main question is “what strategies can the interpreter use to cope successfully with diplomatic ambiguity?” How do interpreters manage to find ways of resolving instances of ambiguity when interpreting in a diplomatic setting that requires immediate disambiguation. This mini-dissertation investigates the theme of diplomatic ambiguity in interpreter-mediated communication and comes up with responses to these concerns and queries.
It (this mini-dissertation) primarily focuses on interpreting as an act of communication insofar as interpreting is a professional verbal communication activity. It then looks specifically into ambiguity in diplomatic communication. Diplomatic communication is often riddled with ambiguity; in turn, ambiguity, affects and correlates to meaning. And here lies the problem with diplomatic ambiguity: diplomatic ambiguity prevents a proper understanding or reception of the intended meaning. It therefore poses problems to the interpreter. In view of the above, this mini-dissertation has a practical purpose: to provide the interpreter with a clear sense of problem-solving techniques for the resolution of ambiguity. In this respect, coping tactics and strategies will be proposed as a means of clarifying ambiguities, elucidating obscure passages.French Lorsque l’on assiste au spectacle d’interprètes s’échinant dans leurs cabines à trouver le vrai sens d’une expression ambiguë, l’on se rend bien vite compte des effets redoutables de l’ambiguïté sur ces derniers. La question de l’ambiguïté en général, celle de l’ambiguïté du discours diplomatique en particulier, constitue une écharde dans le flanc de tout interprète. Alors, la question majeure qui se pose est de savoir «à quelles stratégies les interprètes peuvent-ils recourir pour faire face avec succès à l’ambiguïté diplomatique?». Comment les interprètes arrivent-ils à remédier aux problèmes d’ambiguïté diplomatique surgissant au cours de l’interprétation et qui requièrent une désambiguïsation sur le champ ? Ce mémoire traite de la question de l’ambiguïté diplomatique en situation de communication médiée par un interprète et vient en réponse aux interrogations et préoccupations ci-dessus. Ce mémoire aborde en premier chef la question de l’interprétation conçue comme un acte communicationnel dans la mesure où elle se définit comme un exercice de communication orale fait par un professionnel. Ensuite, un accent particulier sera mis sur l’ambigüité dans la communication diplomatique qui en recèle souvent; à son tour, l’ambiguïté entrave l’appréhension du sens [des mots ou concepts] auquel elle étroitement liée. C’est ici donc que se situe toute la problématique de l’ambiguïté diplomatique: l’ambiguïté diplomatique obstrue aussi bien la bonne compréhension que la réception du message à transmettre. Dès lors surgissent des difficultés d’interprétation. Au regard de ce qui précède, ce mémoire se veut pragmatique: susciter au sein des interprètes le réflexe de la recherche de techniques de résolution des problèmes de l’ambiguïté. Pour ce faire, un éventail de tactiques et stratégies susceptibles d’aider à clarifier et élucider les instances d’ambiguïté sera mis à disposition.
Mini Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2018.
African Languages
MA
Unrestricted
50
Bio, Guene Djibril Gnaki Pauline. "Diplomatic translation at embassies in Pretoria." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/65609.
Full textAbstract:
The role played by translation across the globe has been well established. Translation is very important to build bridges between people who do not share the same language, especially in international organisations. This descriptive research explores the need for translation at diplomatic missions such as embassies and high commissions in Pretoria. More specifically, this study describes the way in which translation is dealt with at embassies in Pretoria, the cl ients of diplomatic translation, the different categories of documents translated and the diplomatic missions' general translation needs. In order to reach these objectives, this study uses both primary and secondary data analysis. A critical analysis of a questionnaire completed by representatives of embassies and high commissions shows that there is a real need for translation at embassies in Pretoria, especially with regards to the services provided by sworn translators.Mini Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2018.
African Languages
MA
Unrestricted