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Journal articles on the topic 'Diplomatist'

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1

Bridges, Peter. "EUGENE SCHUYLER, THE ONLY DIPLOMATIST." Diplomacy and Statecraft 16, no. 1 (March 9, 2005): 13–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592290590916112.

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Otte, T. G. "'Alien Diplomatist': Antisemitism and Anti-Germanism in the Diplomatic Career of Sir Francis Oppenheimer." History 89, no. 294 (April 2004): 233–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-229x.2004.00299.x.

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3

Reynolds, David. "Eden the Diplomatist, 1931–56: Suezide of a Statesman?" History 74, no. 240 (January 1989): 64–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-229x.1989.tb01479.x.

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4

Kennedy, Michael. "“A Number One Diplomatist”: Josephine McNeill, Ireland’s Minister to the Netherlands, 1950–55." Diplomatica 2, no. 1 (May 18, 2020): 135–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25891774-00201011.

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5

Troy, Jodok. "‘The Pope’s own hand outstretched’: Holy See diplomacy as a hybrid mode of diplomatic agency." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 20, no. 3 (May 18, 2018): 521–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148118772247.

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The unconventional nature of Holy See diplomats rests in the composite character of their ecclesiastical role as the Pope’s representatives and their legal diplomatic status and commencement to ordinary diplomatic practice. Holy See diplomacy is a form of conduct created by a set of mixed secular and religious standards in which agents are guided by practices. I locate this argument within a classical English School and a conventional understanding of practice, diplomacy, and agency while incorporating understandings of the diplomat as a stranger. The article situates a Holy See diplomat’s mode of agency as a hybrid one by nature, located at the intersections of political and religious modes of agency and substantial and relational conceptions of international politics. I probe this conceptual framework of hybrid agency by analysing episodes involving papal diplomats in turmoil-ridden historical episodes, and correspondence with informed agents.
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6

DREPHAL, MAXIMILIAN. "Corps diplomatique:The body, British diplomacy, and independent Afghanistan, 1922–47." Modern Asian Studies 51, no. 4 (July 2017): 956–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x16000111.

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AbstractThis article studies diplomatic history in its physical dimensions. Its point of departure is the interpretation of the term ‘corps diplomatique’ in a literal sense. The article introduces the concept of the diplomatic body as a diplomat's body and as a body with diplomatic functions and meanings. Based on material relating to the British Legation in Kabul from 1922 until 1947, the body's ubiquity in international relations is revealed through the themes of space, language, and medicine. The article first looks at the impact of Kabul's spatial conditions and the physical reactions it excited in British diplomats. It then considers the bodies of Afghanistan's ruling elite as objects of British attention, whose appearance was documented in diplomatic records. Descriptions of these bodies in diplomatic language expressed intimacy and consensus as well as estrangement in British–Afghan relations. In addition to the metaphorical use of the diplomatic body, the provision of healthcare through the Legation's medical unit addressed the needs of British and Afghan bodies alike. It was also employed to further diplomatic ends by extending colonial medicine to the Afghan population. The study of the Legation's physical practices ultimately reveals the diplomatic mission's colonial origins and character.
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Collier, W. O. "The Villa of Cardinal Alessandro Albani, Hon.F.S.A." Antiquaries Journal 67, no. 2 (September 1987): 338–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581500025440.

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Cardinal Alessandro Albani was probably the most renowned collector of antiquities in eighteenth century Italy. His Roman villa, planned to display them, was built at various dates here discussed in the light of Albani's antedecents, upbringing and career as diplomatist, antiquary and amateur architect. The stylistic origins of the villa are considered together with its influence on later architects, notably Percier and Fontaine and the brothers Adam. Excerpts are given from the course of visits to Roman sites by the cicerone James Byres which illustrate the climate of informed opinion on architecture in late eighteenth-century Rome, where the works of the Cardinal's painter Mengs and librarian Winckelmann were receiving wide acclaim.
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Kimla, Piotr. "George F. Kennan a „sprawa polska” u schyłku II wojny światowej." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 39, no. 2 (September 8, 2017): 95–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.39.2.6.

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GEORGE F. KENNAN AND THE “POLISH CAUSE” AT THE END OF WORLD WAR IIThe article aims at explaining why the famous American diplomatist and intriguing political thinker George F. Kennan already in 1944 considered “the Polish cause” as the “all alost cause” and did not believe in the possibility of restitution of Poland as an independent country after World War II. According to Kennan, this was determined primarily by the Russo-German Nonaggression Pact signed in August 1939. Strictly speaking, by the crimes committed on the Polish population by the Soviet police authorities in 1939–1941. Another important factor was the general expansionist nature of the Soviet regime. Even the Warsaw uprising filled with the unprecedented heroism could not change anything in Stalin’s policy towards Poland.
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Gunawarman, Irsyad Prabowo, Wisnu Aryo Dewanto, and Suhariwanto Suhariwanto. "Kekebalan Diplomatik dalam Transaksi Komersial." KELUWIH: Jurnal Sosial dan Humaniora 1, no. 2 (October 28, 2020): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.24123/soshum.v1i2.3333.

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Abstract—Diplomatic immunity and privilege which is arranged in the Vienna Convention 1961 is very important in ensuring the enactment of diplomatic functions in doing the mission. The abuse of immunity and privilege owned by the diplomatic representative often happens. Diplomatic representative abuse their rights in the form of mild violation to heavy crime. There have been cases on the abuse of diplomatic immunity in commercial transaction related to the civil jurisdiction immunity of the country the diplomat assigned in. The landlord in the country who rent their property to the diplomatic representative have become the victim in the abuse of diplomatic immunity. There was a diplomatic representative who refused to pay the rent because of diplomatic immunity reason and eventually managed to escape from the obligation to pay for the commercial transaction due to the protection of the immunity and privilege Keywords: abuse, diplomatic immunity, commercial transaction Abstrak—Kekebalan dan keistimewaan diplomatik yang diatur di dalam Konvensi Wina 1961 merupakan hal yang sangat penting untuk menjamin pelaksanaan fungsi diplomat dalam menjalankan misinya. Penyalahgunaan kekebalan dan keistimewaan yang dimiliki perwakilan diplomatik masih sering terjadi. Perwakilan diplomatik menyalahgunakannya dalam bentuk pelanggaran ringan hingga kejahatan yang berat. Dalam perkembangannya, telah terjadi kasus penyalahgunaan kekebalan diplomatik dalam transaksi komersial yang berkaitan dengan kekebalan yurisdiksi sipil negara penerima. Para tuan tanah dari negara penerima yang menyewakan propertinya kepada perwakilan diplomatik menjadi korban dalam penyalahgunaan kekebalan diplomatik. Ada perwakilan diplomatik yang menolak membayar biaya sewa dengan alasan kekebalan diplomatik yang pada akhirnya lolos dari kewajibannya untuk membayar transaksi komersial karena berlindung pada kekebalan dan keistimewaan yang dimilikinya Kata kunci: penyalahgunaan, kekebalan diplomatik, transaksi komersial
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10

Barder, Brian. "Diplomacy, Ethics and the National Interest: What Are Diplomats For?" Hague Journal of Diplomacy 5, no. 3 (2010): 289–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187119110x511653.

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AbstractDrawing on the writer’s experience as a former British diplomat who served in Cold War Poland and elsewhere, this article explores rival concepts of the diplomat’s functions: the traditional UK Foreign Office emphasis on competitively and exclusively promoting the national interest; versus alternatively concentrating on the internationalist, ethical obligations that should govern diplomatic (and other) behaviour. Interference in the host country’s internal affairs is formally prohibited, but the question of whether diplomats’ contacts with, and implied moral support for, democratic dissident movements that are opposed to their undemocratic governments amount to unacceptable intervention raises difficult practical, political and ethical questions. An example of differing possible responses to a development aid proposal illustrates the dilemma. Differing views of diplomatic priorities and objectives, embedded in contrasting cultures at the UK Foreign Office and Department for International Development respectively, need to be sensitively resolved, mainly in the latter’s favour.
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Sherman, Dayid. "Relapse Into Bondage 1918-1947: the Political Memoirs of Alexandre Cretzianu, Free Romania's Last World Diplomatist Chapter 4." Southeastern Europe 15, no. 1 (1988): 99–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633388x00076.

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Zainol, Siti Zulfa Palem, and Izziah Suryani Mat Resad@Arshad. "PENGARUH HUBUNGAN DIPLOMATIK TURKI DAN JEPUN TERHADAP PERKEMBANGAN ISLAM DI JEPUN[THE INFLUENCE OF DIPLOMATIC RELATIONSHIP OF TURKEY AND JAPAN ON ISLAMIC DEVELOPMENT IN JAPAN]." Journal of Nusantara Studies (JONUS) 2, no. 2 (December 31, 2017): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.24200/jonus.vol2iss2pp139-154.

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This paper reviews the development of diplomatic relation between the Turkish and Japanese governments in the 19th and 20th centuries. In the 19th century, the diplomatic relation involved the Turkish Ottoman Empire and the kingdom of Emperor Meiji. In the 20th century, it involved the Republic Turkey government and the Japanese government. In addition, this article explores the various factors and efforts made by the two governments to contribute to the establishment of diplomatic relation between Turkey and Japan. This qualitative research used secondary resources collected from books, articles and theses. The findings reveal that diplomatic relation between Ottoman and Japanese governments had many positive impacts on the development of Islam in Japan. The fall of the Ottoman Empire did not stop this diplomatic relation. In 1924, the Turkish Republic continued diplomatic ties with Japan until 1945 but the diplomatic ties ceased as a result of the Second World War. This paper concludes that the diplomatic relation between the two governments has influenced the development of Islam in Japan through the formation of Islamic community, the construction of mosques and the translation of the Qur'an.Keywords: Diplomatic relationship, Turkey, Japan, Islamic community, Islamic developmentCite as: Palem Zainol, S.Z., & Mat Resad@Arshad, I.S. (2017). Pengaruh hubungan diplomatik Turki dan Jepun terhadap perkembangan Islam di Jepun [The influence of diplomatic relationship of Turkey and Japan on Islamic development in Japan]. Journal of Nusantara Studies, 2(2), 139-154. AbstrakKertas kerja ini menerangkan pengaruh hubungan diplomatik antara kerajaan Turki dan kerajaan Jepun pada abad ke-19 dan ke-20. Permulaan hubungan diplomatik antara kerajaan Turki dan kerajaan Jepun berlaku melalui dua era pemerintahan. Era pertama adalah empayar Uthmaniyyah dan empayar Maharaja Meiji pada abad ke-19 dan era kedua adalah kerajaan Republik Turki dan kerajaan Jepun pada abad ke-20. Di samping itu, artikel ini menerokai kepelbagaian faktor dan usaha yang dibuat oleh kedua-dua kerajaan untuk menyumbang kepada permbentukan hubungan diplomatik antara kerajaan Turki dan Jepun. Kajian kualitatif ini menggunakan sumber sekunder yang dikumpul daripada buku-buku, artikel-artikel dan tesis-tesis. Hasil kajian ini mendedahkan bahawa perkembangan hubungan empayar Uthmaniyyah dan kerajaan Jepun mempunyai banyak kesan positif terhadap perkembangan Islam di Jepun. Kejatuhan empayar Uthmaniyyah tidak menghentikan hubungan diplomatik ini. Pada tahun 1924, kemunculan kerajaan Republik Turki tetap meneruskan hubungan diplomatik dengan Jepun sehingga tahun 1945 tetapi hubungan diplomatik ini terhenti akibat Perang Dunia Kedua. Dapatlah disimpulkan bahawa pengaruh hubungan diplomatik antara kedua-dua kerajaan telah membawa kepada perkembangan Islam di Jepun melalui pembentukan organisasi masyarakat Islam, pembinaan masjid dan terjemahan al-Qur'an.Kata Kunci: Hubungan diplomatik, Turki, Jepun, masyarakat Islam, pembangunan Islam
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13

Raitt, Jill. "Beza, Guide for the Faithful Life." Scottish Journal of Theology 39, no. 1 (February 1986): 83–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930600044677.

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To date, work on Theodore Beza has dealt with his life, his theology, his biblical works, some aspects of his political activity and treatises, and his contribution to literature. Beza as a pastor, as a shepherd of souls concerned for their growth in Christ, has not yet received attention. But it is through such a study that Beza's character becomes known to us. Beza was not merely a skilled diplomatist, an excellent poet, and a devoted professor of the Genevan Academy. As a theologian he defended Calvin's doctrine, developing it as he thought necessary in response to attack or because of a profound insight into the nature of word and sacrament. But at the root of these activities was Beza's own life of faith nourished by Scripture and the Lord's Supper and shared with his flock and his students through a drama, commentaries and sermons, two manuals of prayer, and letters of spiritual advice or consolation.
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Komath, Ashwath. "‘Localitis’ in State Diplomacy: A Study on Cultural Immersion and its Effects on the Indian Foreign Service." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 77, no. 1 (March 2021): 78–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928421994934.

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Literature in Diplomatic Studies often reference a phenomenon where diplomats sent for too long to another country develop an affinity for their assigned country, sometimes to the detriment of their home country. This has profound implications when we examine diplomatic agents as personalities in their own right and their ability to perform as state agents. This article investigates the basis of such a claim by examining the Indian diplomatic corps as a case study to verify its validity and enlist the factors that influence this phenomenon. This article relies on interviews given by former diplomats of the Indian Foreign Service to highlight the structures that influence behaviour of diplomatic agents and the implications it may have on training for future diplomats and preparing them for the evolution of diplomacy in the technological age.
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15

Kuschnitzki, Judit. "Navigating Discretion: A Diplomatic Practice in Moments of Socio-political Rupture." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 14, no. 4 (November 15, 2019): 331–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-14401074.

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Summary In the wake of the 2011 uprisings, Tunisian, Egyptian and Yemeni diplomats faced unprecedented questions regarding their professional conduct. The foreign policy institutions of all three countries witnessed new forms of political agency, with diplomats beginning to question, debate and (re)define routine practices and norms. Combining diplomatic theory with the multidisciplinary literature on state bureaucracies, this article analyses the various strategies that diplomats developed during a time marked by radical politicisation, strong emotion and new opportunities. On a conceptual level, it emphasises the concept of ‘diplomatic discretion’, which remains under-theorised in diplomacy research today, but is crucial to the study of diplomatic practice. Empirically, this article draws on ethnographic data regarding diplomats’ lived experiences, treating their narratives surrounding the 2011 events as a starting point of analysis.
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16

Pariente, David. "Diplomatic immunity and the Mental Health Act 1983." Psychiatric Bulletin 15, no. 4 (April 1991): 207–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.15.4.207.

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The UK, in common with all other countries party to the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, affords foreign diplomats a special status in law. Under the Diplomatic Privileges Act (1964) (DPA), accredited diplomats are accorded inviolability and cannot be detained compulsorily under any Act of Parliament, including the Mental Health Act 1983 (MHA).
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17

Ebben, Maurits. "Het Staatse ambassadegebouw in de zeventiende eeuw. Het logement van Hendrick van Reede van Renswoude in Madrid, 1656-1669." Virtus | Journal of Nobility Studies 25 (December 31, 2018): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/5c07c43ed1e6e.

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Even though Dutch historians have been investigating seventeenth-century material culture with regard to lifestyle and home furnishing extensively since the early 1980s, no such research has been done on the material world of the United Provinces’ diplomats abroad. This article seeks to provide insights into the main material cultural aspects of the seventeenth-century Dutch embassy: the building’s exterior, lay-out, and furnishing. A detailed inventory of Baron Hendrick van Reede van Renswoude’s movables, the first ambassador of the Lords States General to the Spanish court (1656-1669), is the main source for a detailed case study on the accommodations of the Dutch ambassador. His residence in Madrid, its indoor and outdoor spaces were equipped with the customary attributes of an early modern European diplomat. Although less lavish, opulent and refined than the French or Spanish, the Dutch diplomat’s material cultural world fitted in with the general diplomatic culture, which was increasingly influenced by the ethos of the nobility across Europe in the seventeenth century. At the same time, local conditions and lifestyle conventions shaped the ambassadorial building’s exterior and interior. The fact that Dutch diplomats, like almost all European diplomats,took residence in rented furnished local houses, undermined the implicit separateness of the embassy as a distinctly national space that reflected a typical lifestyle, a political or religious message.
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Dubrovina, O. V. "USSR IN REPORTS OF ITALIAN DIPLOMATS (1924-1941)." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 3(48) (June 28, 2016): 75–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-3-48-75-87.

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In this article the reports of Italian diplomatic officials who worked in the USSR between the two World Wars will be analyzed. On the basis of the unpublished sources, an attempt to explain Mussolini's decision to enter the war against the USSR in 1941 will be carried out. As a historical source, the diplomatic reports present, on one hand, rich material about different aspects of soviet life as seen by foreigners and presented by them with thorough details. On the other hand, the subjective character of the diplomatic information foresees a critical approach towards the judgements and opinions of Italian diplomats. However, despite the limitation of their sources from where the Italian diplomats obtained the information, we have to underline the importance of the diplomatic reports and to consider the diplomatic channel as one of the multiple factors in the determining process of the international fascist policy. The attention is focused on two aspects of soviet reality: public sentiment and the national mentality of Russian people. The goal of the article is to examine the mechanism that led to the diplomats' conclusions about the soviet power instability and about its imminent collapse in the case of foreign invasion.
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Udovič, Boštjan. "Memoirism Hype." Acta Neophilologica 53, no. 1-2 (November 26, 2020): 153–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/an.53.1-2.153-166.

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Literary theory puts memoirs on the intersection between literary and semi-literary genres, which makes them specific by definition. But when we talk about memoirs of diplomats, they are even more specific, as they are often the only source describing events that took place in diplomatic intercourse. This article analyses the significance of writing memoirs as seen by diplomats through interviews with ten Slovenian diplomats. The interviewees agree that memoirs need to be written, not only to shed light on events that took place in diplomacy, but also because they can be important literary works and contribute to the spread of diplomatic terminology.
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Kuznetsov, A. I. "The Prototypes of MGIMO: from the History of Specialized Diplomatic Education in Russia." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 1(34) (February 28, 2014): 64–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-1-34-64-71.

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The article considers the history of establishing and developing specialized education of diplomats in the pre-revolutionary Russia that was perfected along with the professionalization and growth of the diplomatic service, while the country's international contacts expanded and grew more complicated. The author points out that specialized offices for foreign affairs and permanent diplomatic missions brought about the necessity of training personnel, which meant, in particular, developing specific skills and abilities. Perfecting the training of diplomats implied the growing role of higher education for the personnel in the diplomatic service and making entrance examinations to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs more and more difficult, which meant that the applicants had to possess specific knowledge in history, economics, law, regional studies, etc. The article analyzes the role of universities, lyceums and the Oriental Institute at the Asian Department of the 70 Ministry of Foreign Affairs in professional training of diplomats. The author gives a detailed analysis of the evolution of approaches of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Empire towards raising the standards of training diplomats, the role of the educational qualification and entrance examinations to the diplomatic service. It finally led the Ministry to the idea of creating a specialized education centre.
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Philliou, Christine. "Mischief in the Old Regime: Provincial Dragomans and Social Change at the Turn of the Nineteenth Century." New Perspectives on Turkey 25 (2001): 103–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600003629.

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This worthy man combined in his single person the various characters of diplomatist, husbandman, merchant, manufacturer, and master of a privateer. To be more explicit-he was drogueman to the French consul at Chios; in town he kept a silkloom at work; in the country he had a plantation of agrumi (citrus); he exported his stuffs and fruits to the principal sea-ports of the Archipelago, and, in the first Russian war, he employed all his spare money in fitting out a small vessel to cruise against the enemy-for so he chose to consider the Russians, in spite of all their amicable professions towards the Greeks. As a loyal subject of the Porte, and an old servant of the French government, he felt no sort of wish to be delivered from the yoke of the Turks; and he looked upon those barbarians of the north, who cared no more for the Patriarch of Constantinople than for the Pope of Rome, as little better than rank heretics, not worthy of being treated even like his silkworms, which he got every year carefully exorcised before their spinning time. (Hope, 1819, vol. 1:2)
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Sharp, Paul. "Who Needs Diplomats? The Problems of Diplomatic Representation." International Journal 52, no. 4 (1997): 609. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40203245.

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23

Spector, Sherman David. "Relapse Into Bondage 1918-1947: the Political Memoirs of Alexandre Cretzianu, Free Romania's Last World Diplomatist Chapter 2 Titulescu's Policy Without Titulescu." Southeastern Europe 12, no. 1 (1985): 103–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633385x00024.

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Spector, Sherman David. "Relapse Into Bondage 1918-1947: the Political Memoirs of Alexandre Cretzianu, Free Romania's Last World Diplomatist Chapter 7 the Franco-British Guarantees." Southeastern Europe 16, no. 1 (1989): 58–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633389x00057.

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Hermawan, Cecep, and Hasan Sidik. "Momentum Diplomasi Maritim Indonesia: Rencana Aksi Nasional Penanganan Sampah Plastik di Laut 2019-2024." Padjadjaran Journal of International Relations 1, no. 1 (June 17, 2019): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.24198/padjir.v1i1.21590.

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The purpose of this article are explaining the National Action Plan against Marine Plastic Debris 2018-2025 as the diplomatic momentum for Indonesia to to succeed in its maritime diplomacy. Researchers used the theory of maritime diplomacy proposed by Christian le Miere. In analyzing existing maritime diplomacy, researchers used the momentum diplomatic theory from G.R. Berridge in researching diplomatic strategies used in transforming national policies into diplomatic strategies. In this study, researchers used qualitative research with discourse analysis as the technique for data analysis to analyze the establishment of existing momentum. From this study, it’s found that the National Action Plan Against Marine Plastic Debtis is Indonesia’s Diplomatic Momentum. Proven by the elevation of the issues, as well supported by Indonesia’s leadership in ASEAN, East Asia Summit, and Our Ocean Conference, as well as the establishment of Indonesia Oceans Multi-Donor Trust Fund showing the success of National Action Plan as Indonesia’s Maritime Diplomacy Momentum. Tujuan dari artikel ini adalah untuk menjelaskan bagaimana Rencana Aksi Nasional Penanganan Sampah Plastik di Laut 2018-2025 dapat menjadi sebuah momentum diplomatik bagi Indonesia dalam mewujudkan visi diplomasi maritimnya. Peneliti menggunakan teori Diplomasi Maritim yang dikemukakan Christian le Miere. Dalam menganalisis diplomasi maritim yang ada, peneliti menggunakan teori momentum diplomatik dari G.R. Berridge untuk menganalisis proses perubahan kebijakan nasional menjadi strategi diplomasi. Dalam artikel ini, penulis menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan teknik analisis data berupa analisis wacana untuk menganalisis pembentukan momentum yang ada. Artikel ini menemukan bahwa Rencana Aksi Nasional Penanganan Sampah Plastik di Laut 2018-2025 merupakan momentum diplomatik Indonesia. Hal ini ditunjukkan dengan peningkatan urgensi dari isu sampah plastik, dan didukung dengan posisi kepemimpinan Indonesia di tingkat ASEAN, East Asia Summit dan Our Ocean Conference, serta terbentuknya Indonesia-Oceans Multi-Donor Trust Fund menunjukkan keberhasilan penggunaan Rencana Aksi sebagai momentum diplomatik dari diplomasi maritim Indonesia.
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Bhattarai, Madan Kumar. "Recent Trends in Nepal’s Foreign Policy, and Role and Functions of Our Diplomats: A Personal Viewpoint." Journal of APF Command and Staff College 1, no. 1 (December 14, 2018): 76–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/japfcsc.v1i1.26726.

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In today’s world, diplomacy is considered as a basic principle in guiding the states. Since the historical era, the meaningful pursuit of diplomacy has been through the in-depth knowledge on the national determinants that signifies national goal and objectives. Actually, the foreign policy does not exist in vacuity, so the course of action to achieve the national goals of any state is only possible through diplomats having vibrant character. In Nepal, due to political instability, slow deployment process and selection of non-diplomatic persons has created diplomatic isolation. This paper identifies the modern Nepali trends in selection of competent diplomats due to the cause of political saps. This is the genuine concern to be corrected by the authority in order to enhance the essence to deploy an ideal diplomat who offers in-depth knowledge and idea about the modern diplomacy. Only, those efforts are represented through diplomats who are the image of the state. This research paper is based on descriptive study applying secondary sources of literatures as regards to modern diplomacy, international relations and foreign policy in context of Nepal and these components are analyzed to provide a clear picture of recent trends of Nepali foreign policy and functional skills of diplomats in diplomatic mission.
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Hampton, Timothy. "Literary Diplomacy: the Margins of Representation." Diplomatica 1, no. 1 (April 10, 2019): 26–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25891774-00101005.

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Diplomats as consumers and producers of literary texts have a long history. More recent, however, is a literary understanding of dress, ceremony, gifts, and other trappings of the diplomatic profession as essential components of representation – of power, of the state, and of diplomats themselves.
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Spector, Sherman David. "Relapse Into Bondage 1918-1947: the Political Memoirs of Alexandre Cretzianu, Free Romania's Last World Diplomatist Chapter 3 the Last Throes of Peace." Southeastern Europe 12, no. 1 (1985): 243–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633385x00222.

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Селезнева and Tatyana Selezneva. "WEB-diplomacy in the era of blogosphere: socio-linguistic approach to discourse." Modern Communication Studies 2, no. 4 (August 20, 2013): 54–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/820.

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The article deals with the problem of the discourse of French diplomatic officials’ Internet blogs as a new type of diplomatic institutional discourse. Because of the fact that the language of diplomacy becomes more public, diplomats explore new modes of communication, in particular social networking websites and blogs.
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Noor Muhammad, Salmah Jan. "Leadership of Malacca Sultanate Rulers In Establishing Diplomatic Relations." Malay Literature 30, no. 2 (December 1, 2017): 181–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.37052/ml.30(2)no1.

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Leadership is the ability of a government in shaping the people’s mind to achieve goals that have been planned together in order to strengthen its administration especially in establishing diplomatic relations with other countries. Without the mobilization of intellectual and physical cooperation from these two groups, it is impossible for a government to succeed in its diplomatic missions. Therefore, this article will discuss the leadership of the Malay sultanate in establishing diplomatic relations through data analysis of the events described in historiographic manuscripts such as Sulalat al- Salatin , Al-Tarikh Salasilah Negeri Kedah , Hikayat Merong Mahawangsa and Tuhfat al-Nafis . In addition, this article also describes the effectiveness of this leadership in response to the diplomatic relations that had been initiated by and accepted from other governments. The result of the study will show that a variety of methods or approaches were used by the rulers of the Malay sultanate in advancing the government’s reputation from the economic, social and physical aspects. Keywords: leadership, leaders/rulers, Malay sultanate, diplomatic, historiography Abstrak Kepemimpinan merupakan upaya pemerintah dalam usaha membentuk jiwa dan minda rakyat untuk bersama-sama merealisasikan matlamat yang telah direncanakan bagi memantapkan tadbir urus kerajaan, khususnya, dalam usaha menjalinkan hubungan diplomatik dengan kerajaan lain. Tanpa penggemblengan daya fikir dan fizikal daripada dua golongan ini, adalah mustahil untuk sesebuah kerajaan itu berjaya dalam misi diplomatiknya. Oleh itu, makalah ini akan membincangkan kepemimpinan pemerintah kesultanan Melayu dalam hubungan diplomatik dengan menggunakan kaedah analisis data terhadap peristiwa yang terdapat dalam naskhah historiografi seperti Sulalat al- Salatin , Al-Tarikh Salasilah Negeri Kedah , Hikayat Merong Mahawangsa dan Tuhfat al-Nafis . Selain itu, tulisan ini juga menghuraikan keberkesanan kepemimpinan tersebut terhadap hubungan diplomatik yang ditawarkan dan diterima daripada kerajaan luar. Dapatan menunjukkan bahawa terdapat pelbagai kaedah kepemimpinan yang digunakan oleh pemerintah kesultanan Melayu untuk melonjakkan nama kerajaan yang diperintah dari aspek ekonomi, sosial dan fizikal. Kata kunci: kepemimpinan, pemerintah, kesultanan Melayu, diplomatik, historiografi
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31

Wiseman, Geoffrey. "Diplomatic practices at the United Nations." Cooperation and Conflict 50, no. 3 (April 13, 2015): 316–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836715574916.

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This article considers the importance of informal, practice-based change as opposed to formal change at the UN. I first evaluate UN reform, showing that diplomacy and institutional change within the UN system are better understood as having evolved less from major, formal reform of the UN Charter (‘the Charter’) than from minor changes in routine practices. I then examine what practice theory and diplomatic studies can learn from each other in terms of how each views the role of leading individuals, illustrating specific practice-based change in relation to the Secretary-General’s role. Next, I show how the appointment process for a new Secretary-General has evolved through informal practice, after which I advance an argument that UN diplomatic practices should be considered not only within the narrow context of a formal diplomatic corps of member state diplomats but also as part of an informal, wider diplomatic community of diplomats and non-state actors. Practice theory helps students of diplomacy think more abstractly and systematically about mundane diplomatic practices. Students of diplomacy can help guide practice theory toward empirical diplomatic activities that are often internalized and taken for granted. I conclude that a dialog between the two fields will promote a better understanding of diplomacy as undervalued practices.
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Timofeev, A. Y. "Diplomacy by Russia, Diplomacy by Serbian. The First Soviet’s Representatives in Belgrad, and the First Yugoslav’s representatives in Moscow." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 2(5) (April 28, 2009): 17–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2009-2-5-17-30.

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USSR and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia didn’t have any diplomatic relations till 1940 from the moment of their creation after the First World War. Belgrade has to change its anticommunist policy only after the fall of France and in 1940 the diplomatic relations were established. Comparing of Russian and Yugoslav diplomats’ biographies and diplomatic activities is an adequate way to understand a role of subjective factor and mutual stereotypes in the further contacts between Moscow and Belgrade.
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Kakovkina, Olga M. "Diplomatic Activity of the People’s Republic of Bulgaria in Ukraine on the basis of the Central State Archives of Public Organizations of Ukraine (TsDAGO)." Universum Historiae et Archeologiae 1, no. 1-2 (December 26, 2019): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/2611809.

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The article deals with the diplomatic activities of the People's Republic of Bulgaria (PRB) in the Soviet Ukraine on the basis of materials from the Central State Archive of Public Organizations of Ukraine (TsDAGO). These are documents of the secret part of the general department of the foundation of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine. The chronological scope of the study was from 1944 to 1989, from the establishment of diplomatic relations between the USSR and Bulgaria after the 1944 Bulgarian coup d’etat until the democratization of the Bulgarian state and society began. The development of Bulgarian-Soviet diplomatic relations, their activity and peculiarities were condi tioned by the subordinate status of Bulgaria, the formation of Moscow’s directive diplomacy, and the high intensity of economic and other ties. Particular attention in them belonged to Ukraine, which became the field of activity of Bulgarian diplomats. Before the opening of the consulates, the coordination of diplomatic activities in Ukraine was conducted from the embassy in Moscow. In 1965, the first Consulate General of Bulgaria was opened in Odessa; in 1971 – in Kiev, which had features – the Consulate General in Odessa was focused on economic issues, the Consulate General in Kiev – the problems of political and international importance. The author shows that the documents of the archive reveal the functional aspects of consulates, as well as their composition, characteristics of Bulgarian diplomats, everyday life, problems of stay and work. The documents include the personalities of some of the general consuls like S. Ralev, N. Minkov, K. Evtimov, I. Radonov. An important feature of the diplomatic activity of the Bulgarian diplomatic missions was their complete control of the Party centers of the USSR and the People’s Republic of Bulgaria. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine in these conditions was the executor of the tasks of the Central Committee of the Communist Party, the Central Committee of the CPSU, the translator of their position, the informer, while performing traditional functions within the framework of international diplomatic law. The most meaningful for the characteristics of the Soviet/Ukrainian-Bulgarian relations are the conversations with the consuls of Bulgaria, which testify to the dependent position of the country. At the same time, the Bulgarian diplomats were trustees who reported on relations in the consular corps of Kiev, the political views of diplomats, especially criticism of the USSR. The author comes to the conclusion that the diplomatic missions of the People’s Republic of Bulgaria in Ukraine were part of a fairly well-established system of Soviet-Bulgarian relations in general, the study of which continues.
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Goverdovskaya, Tatyana, and Mikhail Perepelitsyn. "Reforming the Institute of Diplomatic Immunity." Legal Concept, no. 3 (October 2019): 130–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/lc.jvolsu.2019.3.19.

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Introduction: the paper carries out a legal analysis of the existing diplomatic immunities and privileges in international law. Currently the principle of immunity of a diplomat has serious problems in practical application. Despite the fact that the inviolability of diplomatic mission and diplomatic personnel is recognized and generally respected by all states, attacks, killings and terrorist acts against diplomats are not uncommon in modern international realities. These incidents define the issue and purpose of the study: to find ways of reforming the existing norms in international law governing the principle of inviolability of diplomatic personnel and their missions. The following methods of scientific knowledge were chosen as the methodological framework for the study: systematicity, analysis, historicism and modeling. Results: the cited facts of the violation of diplomatic immunity in the Caspian states prove the general tendency to ignore the basic principles and norms of diplomatic law, or irresponsible attitude towards it. Ensuring the security of all diplomatic missions and their personnel is a high-priority task for states to protect the inviolability of such institutions and individuals. Conclusions: the study identified the problems related to the failure of a host state to comply with the obligation to provide security measures for the mission and its personnel, which makes it necessary to put proposals on amending the existing international legal norms governing diplomatic immunities and privileges. It is necessary for the authorities of the host state to have access to the premises of the diplomatic mission in order to prevent diplomats from abusing their immunities. In turn, the accrediting state could be able to use its own law enforcement officers to protect its missions and their personnel.
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35

MORENTE, FRANCISCO. "On Hostile Soil: Spanish Republican Diplomats in Berlin at the Onset of the Spanish Civil War." Contemporary European History 26, no. 1 (November 17, 2016): 49–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777316000503.

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German intervention in the Spanish Civil War was decisive for its development and result. Traditionally scholars have focused their attention on the support given by the Third Reich to the military rebels; however, they have widely neglected the study of the relationship between Germany and the Spanish Republic during the first four months of the war, when both countries maintained diplomatic relations. This paper aims at exploring a crucial aspect of that historical period, namely the circumstances of the Spanish diplomats in Berlin during those first four months, and the strategies that the German and the Spanish governments carried out in the harsh diplomatic battle that they ended up fighting. The author explains the difficult working conditions of the Spanish diplomats who were loyal to the Republic and stayed in Berlin in July 1936, when most of their colleagues deserted. Finally, he explores how the German Foreign Affairs Department, in collaboration with the Gestapo, managed to restrain the Spanish Republic diplomatic action in Germany.
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36

Cornut, Jérémie. "To be a diplomat abroad: Diplomatic practice at embassies." Cooperation and Conflict 50, no. 3 (April 13, 2015): 385–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836715574912.

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This article shows that the simultaneous management of three different social roles – knowledge producer, representative of a government, and bureaucrat – defines the everyday work and practice of contemporary diplomats posted at embassies. This argument rests on an analysis of information gathering in Western embassies before, during and after the eighteen days of the revolt that ousted Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak in 2011. I first identify various practices influencing diplomatic knowledge and prompting the production of particular interpretations of the revolt in Egypt. I then analyze how actors manage multiple positions and dispositions within overlapping social fields. This point illustrates what practice theorists mean when they assert that agents are always speaking from a position. Overall, the article unravels what being a diplomat posted abroad actually consists of in practice, complementing existing studies on the diplomatic mode of knowledge production. I provide insights on the interactions between diplomats and non-state actors and show that diplomats’ social skills and analytic competence constantly require and support each other.
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37

Rey, Marie-Pierre. "Diplomatie et diplomates soviétiques à l’heure du dégel, 1953-1964." Cahiers du monde russe 44, no. 44/2-3 (April 1, 2003): 309–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/monderusse.140.

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Rey, Marie-Pierre. "Diplomatie et diplomates soviétiques à l’ère du dégel 1953-1964." Cahiers du monde russe 44, no. 44/2-3 (April 1, 2003): 309–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/monderusse.8611.

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39

Labutina, Tatyana. "Great Britain and Russia on the Way to Restoring Diplomatic Relations (1720–1731)." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2021): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640016152-5.

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The article deals with the process of restoring diplomatic relations between Great Britain and Russia in the first third of the 18th century. England was the first country with which Russia established diplomatic relations 465 years ago. During this time, the countries have passed a difficult and thorny path of interaction. Often there were open military conflicts between them, and sometimes it simply came to the severance of diplomatic relations. One of these events occurred in the reign of Peter I on 14 December in 1720 year. Although diplomatic relations were interrupted, trade between the states continued to develop. The trade volume was reduced due to political tensions, which caused significant damage to the economy of England. In this regard, the British began to take active steps to establish diplomatic relations. The analysis of the correspondence between two British diplomats, T. Ward and C. Rondeau, and the Secretary of State of Great Britain, first undertaken in historical science, the author concludes that it was England that initiated the restoration of diplomatic relations, primarily to strengthen the position of the English merchants in Russia. The analysis of the ambassadors' dispatches gives valuable insights as to the strategy and tactics of the British Foreign Office in relation to Russia during the reign of Anna Ioannovna, as well as the motives that guided the diplomats involved in the preparatory process of establishing relations between the countries. The correspondence of the diplomats provides an opportunity to get acquainted with both their official and “secret” intelligence activities, which allows the author identify the true intentions of British diplomacy: to comprehensively study a potential rival which the British imagined Russia to be. It is also of great interest to learn more about how their mission went, what impressions they got from their visit to our country, what assessments they made about the top officials in the administration of the Russian Empire, as well as about the Russian people in general.
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40

Duquet, Sanderijn. "Bound or Unbridled? A Legal Perspective on the Diplomatic Functions of European Union Delegations." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 13, no. 1 (September 15, 2018): 21–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-13010030.

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Summary When serving abroad, diplomats must abide by both the diplomatic functions detailed in the 1961 Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations and the Convention’s general obligations. This applies, too, to the European Union’s missions (Union delegations), which execute diplomatic functions for the eu in third countries. These diplomatic activities are more severely constrained than for individual member states by the limits set by eu law in terms of the horizontal and vertical division of competences. This article demonstrates how Union delegations fulfil nearly all traditional diplomatic tasks outlined in the Vienna Convention, while going beyond the traditional conception of diplomatic functions in terms of human rights protection, the execution of administrative programmes, and the management of coordination/cooperation modes with eu member state missions on the ground. Ultimately, the article argues that Union delegations are able to meet the demands of modern diplomatic interchange and may have inadvertently altered diplomatic functions altogether.
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41

Bicchi, Federica. "The European Cooperation in the Southern Mediterranean: The Multilateralization of Bilateral Relations?" Hague Journal of Diplomacy 13, no. 1 (September 15, 2018): 117–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-13010036.

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Summary This article focuses on institutionalized forms of diplomatic cooperation among European Union (eu) members in southern Mediterranean capitals. It argues that European diplomatic cooperation represents a thin form of multilateralization of member states’ bilateral relations with southern Mediterranean countries. By analysing diplomatic presence on the ground, it shows that the European Union delegations in the area are not only big, but also politically strong, and they interact with a large number of national diplomats. The article examines how eu delegations in the southern Mediterranean represent a diplomatic ‘site’, in which diplomacy occurs in the shape of information-gathering, representation and negotiation, including among eu member states. This does not amount to a single European diplomatic system, however, as coordination remains thin to date and the agenda-setting mechanisms for eu delegations’ work and for European diplomatic cooperation have not (yet?) been fully developed.
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van Trigt, Paul. "Introduction." Diplomatica 1, no. 2 (December 6, 2019): 145–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25891774-00102001.

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This introduction to a special issue about the United Nations’ observances (days, weeks, years, decades) explores how scholarly engagement with UN observances may provide fresh perspectives on diplomatic history. The introduction discusses the origins of these observances and the limited historiographical attention they have received. It argues that observances need to be conceptualized and historicized as “diplomatic scripts.” This approach helps to understand how the UN has functioned as a diplomatic platform and how the UN, especially since the 1970s, has been used by a broad range of diplomats in different locations and with different agendas. It highlights the diversity of diplomatic activity beyond the state-to-state model and uncovers actors and processes that have stood in the shadow of well-known diplomatic events and developments. The last part of the introduction provides a short overview of this special issue.
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43

De Borchgrave, Christian. "Diplomates et diplomatie sous Ie duc de Bourgogne Jean sans Peur." Publications du Centre Européen d'Etudes Bourguignonnes 32 (January 1992): 31–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.pceeb.2.302254.

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44

Lee, Donna, and David Hudson. "The old and new significance of political economy in diplomacy." Review of International Studies 30, no. 3 (July 2004): 343–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210504006102.

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In a growing number of countries diplomatic systems are being overhauled so that the commercial activities of diplomatic services have been centralised, the commercial activities of diplomats have been extended, and business interests have been formally integrated within diplomatic systems. These changes result directly from the tendency of governments to reorganise, and in many cases merge, their trade and foreign ministries, as well as the strategy of building formal business–government links within diplomatic institutions. While none of these features is unfamiliar to previous diplomatic systems, what is exceptional is the relative neglect of the commercial aspects of diplomacy within diplomatic studies. This lack of attention to the commercial and business elements of diplomacy in traditional theories of diplomacy means that we find ourselves trying to analyse contemporary changes to diplomatic organisation and practice without a suitable conceptual and analytical framework. Highlighting the significance of a political economy approach to diplomacy, and also engaging with orthodox approaches to diplomacy, this article begins to develop some analytical and conceptual tools to better identify, explain and understand changes in diplomatic systems as well as the increased influence of private interests in diplomatic practice now under way.
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Archetti, Cristina. "The Impact of New Media on Diplomatic Practice: An Evolutionary Model of Change." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 7, no. 2 (2012): 181–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187119112x625538.

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Summary Based on a range of interviews with foreign diplomats in London, this article explains the considerable variation in the way that communication technologies both affect diplomatic practices and are appropriated by diplomats to pursue the respective countries’ information-gathering and public outreach objectives. The study shows that London, as an information environment, is experienced differently by each of the diplomats and embassy actors. The analysis elaborates a model of the ‘communication behaviour’ of foreign diplomats, based on an evolutionary analogy: foreign diplomats in the context of the British capital, within their respective embassy organizations, can each be compared to the members of a species that is attempting to survive in a natural environment. The nuances highlighted by the explanatory model challenge the largely homogeneous and generalized nature of current debates about media and diplomacy, as well as public diplomacy.
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46

Rogers, Corinne. "Diplomatics of born digital documents – considering documentary form in a digital environment." Records Management Journal 25, no. 1 (March 16, 2015): 6–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/rmj-03-2014-0021.

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Purpose – This paper aims to explore a new model of “record” that maps traditional attributes of a record onto a technical decomposition of digital records. It compares the core characteristics necessary to call a digital object a “record” in terms of diplomatics or “evidence” in terms of digital forensics. It then isolates three layers of abstraction: the conceptual, the logical and the physical. By identifying the essential elements of a record at each layer of abstraction, a diplomatics of digital records can be proposed. Design/methodology/approach – Digital diplomatics, a research outcome of the International Research on Permanent Authentic Records in Electronic Systems (InterPARES) project, gives archivists a methodology for analyzing the identity and integrity of digital records in electronic systems and thereby assessing their authenticity (Duranti and Preston, 2008; Duranti, 2005) and tracing their provenance. Findings – Digital records consist of user-generated data (content), system-generated metadata identifying source and location, application-generated metadata managing the look and performance of the record (e.g., native file format), application-generated metadata describing the data (e.g., file system metadata OS), and user-generated metadata describing the data. Digital diplomatics, based on a foundation of traditional diplomatic principles, can help identify digital records through their metadata and determine what metadata needs to be captured, managed and preserved. Originality/value – The value and originality of this paper is in the application of diplomatic principles to a deconstructed, technical view of digital records through functional metadata for assessing the identity and authenticity of digital records.
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Nikolova-Marković, Aleksandra, and Vesna Baltezarević. "The abuse of diplomatic immunity and privileges as a modern security-diplomatic challenge." Megatrend revija 17, no. 4 (2020): 7–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/megrev2004007n.

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In this scientific paper is made an analysis of the abuse of diplomatic immunities and privileges as a modern security-diplomatic challenge that needs to be overcome. The method of analysis, the historical method and the inductive-deductive method are used. It was concluded that the abuse of diplomatic immunities and privileges is a problem that dates back a long time and since the distant 1980s, there have been initiatives to change the Vienna Conventions related with the abuse of diplomatic immunities and privileges. Unfortunately, such serious changes have not taken place and therefore this security risk is still present in the practice of countries around the world and there are more and more examples of the practice where diplomats serve individual interests driven by socio-destructive or political intentions instead of institutional and state goals. Thereby, there is a violation of the principles of diplomatic work and the spread of the danger regarding the secure future of the citizens and institutions in the recipient countries.
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48

Pan, Weimei. "Diplomatics in China." Records Management Journal 25, no. 1 (March 16, 2015): 121–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/rmj-03-2014-0018.

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Purpose – This paper aims to explore if there is an analogous discipline in China to diplomatics. Design/methodology/approach – A comparison method is used for the exploration. Five Chinese disciplines are chosen for the comparison, which are Wenxian xue, Bianwei xue, Dangan jianbian xue, Wenshu xue and Gu wenshu xue. The diplomatics, as discussed in this paper, is modern diplomatics, as exemplified in the work of Dr Luciana Duranti. Findings – It was found that while there is no such Chinese discipline identical to diplomatics, its knowledge is distributed among several Chinese disciplines. This indicates the common concern and efforts in the West and East and the potential for the further development of diplomatics as a global discipline. Research limitations/implications – The disciplines this paper has examined are what this author is aware of that share certain similarities with diplomatics and the discussion is based on this author’s understanding; thus, it is possible that there are disciplines that this author did not know or the understanding is insufficient to reveal all the connections between diplomatics and these disciplines. Further research from other perspectives might be needed. Originality/value – To the author’s best knowledge, this is the first paper in English comparing Chinese diplomatic disciplines with diplomatics. It has also shed some light on the development of several Chinese disciplines.
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49

Kiddle, Amelia M. "In Mexico’s Defense." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 31, no. 1 (2015): 22–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2015.31.1.22.

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This article examines Mexican diplomacy in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and argues that a transnational code of honor rooted in the practice of dueling governed diplomats’ behavior. It demonstrates that, in spite of domestic reforms that exalted the incorporation of the masses and the empowerment of women in revolutionary Mexico, diplomats continued to participate in the diplomatic culture of dueling—both actual and journalistic—that feminized the nation and perpetuated patriarchy within the diplomatic corps. Este artículo examina la diplomacia mexicana a fines del siglo XIX y principios del siglo XX y en el que se argumenta que un código transnacional de honor enraizado en la práctica de duelo gobernó el comportamiento de los diplomáticos. Demuestra que, además de las reformas domésticas que exaltaron la incorporación de las masas y el empoderamiento de las mujeres en México revolucionario, los diplomáticos siguieron participando en la cultura diplomática del duelo—tanto real como periodístico—que feminizó la nación y perpetuó el patriarcado dentro del cuerpo diplomático.
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50

Tam, Lisa, and Soojin Kim. "Nationalism and international disputes in China." Journal of Asian Pacific Communication 27, no. 2 (November 20, 2017): 246–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/japc.27.2.06tam.

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Abstract For decades, the territorial dispute between China and Japan over the sovereignty of the Senkaku Islands has caused diplomatic deteriorations in Sino-Japanese relations. When there is extensive media coverage on news about the dispute, nationalist sentiments in both two countries would be triggered and could be expressed through detrimental behaviors towards transnational corporations (hereinafter TNCs). While TNCs play a significant political function as corporate diplomats for their home countries, they are subject to the risk of crises when their home countries are involved in political and economic conflicts with the foreign countries in which they have operations. Against this backdrop, this paper seeks to examine the roles of TNCs with reference to three cases of nationalism-induced crises in China. It proposes relational principles based on which TNCs could implement strategies to mitigate the damage from nationalism-induced crises and contribute to their home countries’ diplomatic goals as corporate diplomats.
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