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Journal articles on the topic 'Directe democratie'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 4 March 2023

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1

van Dijk, Hanna, and Hilde Coffé. "Meer of minder directe democratie? - De houding van de burgers tegenover verschillende politieke besluitvormingsprocessen." Mens en maatschappij 86, no. 2 (2011): 203–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/mem2011.2.dijk.

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2

Sánchez Ferriz, Remedio. "Reflexiones sobre una eventual reforma constitucional de los institutos de democracia directa y semidirecta // Reflections on a possible constitutional reform of institutes of direct and semi-direct democracy." Revista de Derecho Político 1, no. 100 (2017): 513. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/rdp.100.2017.20708.

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Resumen:Pese a la teórica vinculación de la participación directa a la idea de democracia, la constituyente española fue extraordinariamente prudente en la regulación de los institutos de democracia semidirecta por temor de la izquierda a la repetición de las negativas experiencias históricas en el uso del referéndum; su decidida opción por la democracia representativa quedo fuera de toda duda en los debates parlamentarios. Por ello el texto de 1978 es extraordinariamente sobrio en la aceptación tanto de la iniciativa popular como del referéndum. Y no lo ha sido menos la práctica durante 40 añ

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3

Barreyro, María Emilia. "‘Direct democratic institutions’: direct and democratic?" Jurisprudence 10, no. 3 (2019): 313–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/20403313.2019.1565723.

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Pearse, Harry. "Refurbishing Democracy: More Direct, More Deliberative, and Younger." Perspectives on Public Management and Governance 5, no. 1 (2021): 11–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ppmgov/gvab029.

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Abstract What would it mean to (better) integrate children into democratic life? This essay attempts to dispel some potential reservations and explore the grounds for including children in deliberative and/or electoral processes. Across the world, public satisfaction with democracy is at historic lows, with young people particularly dissatisfied, both in absolute terms and relative to older cohorts at the same age. The situation is not terminal; the overall number of democracies has declined slightly over the past two decades, but the world’s most established democracies have stayed largely in

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Yap, O. Fiona. "How political trust matters in emergent democracies: evidence from East and Southeast Asia." Journal of Public Policy 39, no. 2 (2018): 295–328. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x1800003x.

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AbstractHow does political trust affect the competing pressures of policy versus political performance in emergent democracies? Studies suggest that political trust buffers against these pressures, but empirical evidence is lacking in regard to if or how, given the focus in the literature on mature democracies where democratic institutions and practices are unlikely to be upended by either policy or political underperformance. However, in emergent democracies where the risks of democratic reversal loom large, the distinction is highly relevant. This article investigates how political trust mat

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Goldsmith, Arthur A. "Making the World Safe for Partial Democracy? Questioning the Premises of Democracy Promotion." International Security 33, no. 2 (2008): 120–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec.2008.33.2.120.

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Democracy promotion is a favored strategy to advance the cause of world peace, especially in the Greater Middle East, but undifferentiated democracy promotion has two faulty premises. First, all progress toward the establishment of democratic regimes does not necessarily make the global community safer. Second, regime change is not something external actors have the capacity to direct along desired pathways. The first assumption fails to consider the well-documented security problems caused by partial democracies. The second assumption overstates the ability of powerful outsiders to induce tra

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Rohrschneider, Robert. "Report from the Laboratory: The Influence of Institutions on Political Elites' Democratic Values in Germany." American Political Science Review 88, no. 4 (1994): 927–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2082717.

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The unification of Germany revives several questions about the future of Germany's democracy. Given the socialist-authoritarian background, how supportive are East Germany's elites of liberal democratic rights? Has the socialist-democratic experience instilled into elites a social egalitarian conception of democracies? In what ways, if at all, do elites support direct democracy procedures? I examine political elites' conceptions of democracies in the united Germany in 1991, using a survey of 168 parliamentarians from the united parliament in Berlin. I find that the socialist and parliamentary

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Kirchgässner, Gebhard. "Wirtschaftliche Auswirkungen der direkten Demokratie." Perspektiven der Wirtschaftspolitik 1, no. 2 (2000): 161–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2516.00010.

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Abstract First the transmission of information in direct and representative democracies is investigated. Because there is more supply and demand of information, citizens are better informed in direct democracies than in purely representative systems. Then, a survey is given about empirical studies of the economic consequences of direct democracy which show that these consequences are mostly positive. Finally we discuss some of the arguments which are often raised in Germany against the introduction of direct democratic rights on the federal level, especially the reference to `bad experiences'

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Cunha, Paulo Ferreira da. "Law and democracy: ideology, crisis and prospective views." Boletim de Ciências Económicas 57, no. 1 (2014): 1301–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/0870-4260_57-1_36.

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10

Kern, Anna. "The Effect of Direct Democratic Participation on Citizens’ Political Attitudes in Switzerland: The Difference between Availability and Use." Politics and Governance 5, no. 2 (2017): 16–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v5i2.820.

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According to advocates of direct democracy, it is important to involve citizens more directly in political decision-making processes in order to create a democratic linkage between citizens and the political system. Indeed, some studies have demonstrated that citizens who live in direct democracies have higher levels of trust in political institutions and a higher sense of political efficacy. However, not all empirical evidence confirms this relationship. In a recent article on Switzerland, it was shown that, while the availability of direct democratic rights enhances trust in political instit

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Graham, Benjamin A. T., Erik Gartzke, and Christopher J. Fariss. "The Bar Fight Theory of International Conflict: Regime Type, Coalition Size, and Victory." Political Science Research and Methods 5, no. 4 (2015): 613–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2015.52.

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Studies of regime type and war show that democracies tend to win the wars they fight, but questions remain about why this is the case. A simple, if underappreciated, explanation for democratic success is that democracies fight alongside larger and more powerful coalitions. Coalition partners bring additional material capabilities and may also provide intangible benefits to the war effort, such as increased legitimacy or confidence. Democracies may also find it less costly to join coalitions, as democratic war aims may be easier to apportion among the victors without diluting the spoils. Evalua

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12

Kim, Nam Kyu, and Alex M. Kroeger. "Conquering and coercing: Nonviolent anti-regime protests and the pathways to democracy." Journal of Peace Research 56, no. 5 (2019): 650–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343319830267.

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Recent research finds an association between nonviolent protests and democratic transitions. However, existing scholarship either does not specify the pathways through which nonviolent protests bring about democratization or conduct systematic empirical analyses demonstrating that the specified pathways are operative. This article proposes four pathways through which nonviolent anti-regime protests encourage democratic transitions, emphasizing their ability to directly conquer or indirectly coerce such transitions. Most simply, they can conquer democratic reforms by directly overthrowing autho

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Blagojević, Anita, and Ana Sesvečan. "Ustavnopravni okvir referenduma u Republici Hrvatskoj." Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta u Splitu 56, no. 4 (2019): 835–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.31141/zrpfs.2019.56.134.835.

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The paper analyses the bacis characteristics of the fundamental and the most applicable form of direct democracy – referendum, and the basic characteristics of the existing constitutional framework of referendum in the Republic of Croatia. According to the Constitution of the Republic of Croatia there is one case of a mandatory referendum (entering into alliances with other states or of dissolution thereof), and in other cases referendum is facultative. Having in mind the previous practice of referendum in Croatia, the special emphasis in the paper is on the special form of referendum which is

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Díaz Revorio, Francisco Javier. "Democracia, representación y participación ciudadana, a la búsqueda de un equilibrio que la Constitución no logró // Democracy, Representation and Citizen Participation, in search of a balance that 1978 Constitution did not achieve." Revista de Derecho Político 1, no. 101 (2018): 239. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/rdp.101.2018.21961.

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Resumen:A la hora de regular el modelo de democracia y los mecanismos de participaciónciudadana, la Constitución de 1978 fue conformista y prudente. Estableció un modelo de democracia representativa basado en la posibilidad de elegir representantes cada cuatro años, pero sin especiales fórmulas de control y exigencias de responsabilidad política hacia ellos. Por lo demás, estableció una regulación restrictiva de los instrumentos de democracia directa y semidirecta, en especial del referéndum y de la iniciativa legislativa popular.Cuatro décadas después, las exigencias ciudadanas se han intensi

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Albuquerque, Newton De Menezes, and Guilherme Dourado Aragão Sá Araújo. "A democracia contemporânea e a crítica aos limites entre público e privado: por uma nova teoria da cidadania / The contemporary democracy and the critics of the limits between public and private: for a new theory of citizenship." Revista Brasileira de Direito 13, no. 3 (2017): 607. http://dx.doi.org/10.18256/2238-0604.2017.v13i3.1175.

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Resumo: Sob a óptica do problema da legitimidade das decisões democráticas, este trabalho expõe a necessidade de reversão da tendência publicista em prol de maior reconhecimento do poder deliberativo voluntário individual ou comunitário. Demonstrou-se o surgimento da democracia direta na Grécia antiga e as implicações modernas que levaram ao desenvolvimento das formas representativas, bem como seus problemas inerentes. Utilizando-se de pesquisa bibliográfica, o ensaio expõe que os mecanismos de verificação da legitimidade democrática não se mostraram suficientes para garantir a verdadeira demo

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Teixeira, Rodrigo Valente Giublin, and Elias Bruno Ferronato. "OS REEQUILÍBRIOS ENTRE ESTADO DE DIREITO, DEMOCRACIA E CAPITALISMO." Revista Thesis Juris 4, no. 2 (2015): 321–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5585/rtj.v4i2.247.

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17

de la Garza, Rodolfo O., and Muserref Yetim. "The Impact of Ethnicity and Socialization on Definitions of Democracy: The Case of Mexican Americans and Mexicans." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 19, no. 1 (2003): 81–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2003.19.1.81.

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This paper argues that Mexican American views of democracy differ significantly from those of Mexicans because of their exposure to the political institutions and culture of the United States. Our results vindicate Diamond's claim that there is no better way of developing the values, skills, and commitments of democratic citizenship than through direct experience with democracy (Diamond 1999). Equally significant is that the study demonstrates that ethnic ties do not determine political attitudes. That is, despite a shared historical background and contemporary cultural commonalities, Mexican

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18

Blokker, Paul. "The Constitutional Premises of Subnational Self-Government in New Democracies." Corvinus Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 3, no. 1 (2012): 35–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.14267/cjssp.2012.01.02.

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The paper discusses the significance and role of subnational democracy in the context of new European democracies in flux. In a context of fragile democratic traditions, the displacement of national sovereignty, and increasing civic adverseness to national politics, local forms of representative and direct democracy might – in advantageous circumstances – help to re-attach citizens to the democratic process. What is more, enhanced civic input into local and regional policy-making may enhance local capacities and strengthen forms of local cooperation. Subnational democracy might therefore work

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19

Coleman, Stephen. "Dysfunctional democracy vs. direct representation." Journal of Applied Journalism & Media Studies 9, no. 2 (2020): 215–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ajms_00023_1.

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The challenge democratic politics face at the moment is not how to preserve its pristine stability from radical disturbance, but how to salvage its most fundamental norms from the prevalent drift towards authoritarianism, populism and xenophobia. If there is to be an effective salvage operation, democracies must be open to radical reconfiguration ‐ perhaps even re-invention. To realize this opportunity, however, entails confronting the fundamental mismatch that exists between governmental logic and the increasingly embedded practices of socially networked citizens. This entails drawing upon th

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20

MUÑOZ LAZO, DANIEL ESTEBAN. "DEMOCRACIA DIRECTA, Y DEMOCRACIA REPRESENTATIVA, UN HÍBRIDO QUE GENERA DESESTABILIDAD POLÍTICA EN EL PERÚ." SCIENTIARVM 1, no. 1 (2015): 11–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.26696/sci.epg.0164.

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ABSTRACT: This research aims to establish how the Peruvian Constitution of 1993, established a hybrid regarding the instruments of representative democracy, and the instruments of direct democracy, generating that this coexistence presents political instability, since both institutions respond to a different reality. , while one appears as a result of the citizen vote that allows full participation in the exercise of our civic right, and is reflected in the election of a democratic authority that will make decisions regarding the political governmental matter of the Peruvian State, in the Anot

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21

Carter, David B., and Randall W. Stone. "Democracy and Multilateralism: The Case of Vote Buying in the UN General Assembly." International Organization 69, no. 1 (2014): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818314000186.

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AbstractDemocracies are more supportive of US positions on important votes in the UN General Assembly than of nondemocracies. Is this because democracies share common perspectives, or does this pattern reflect coercion? Since 1985, US law has stipulated that the US State Department identify important votes and that aid disbursements reflect voting decisions. To unravel these alternative explanations, we introduce a strategic statistical model that allows us to estimate voting preferences, vulnerability to influence, and credibility of linkage, which are theoretical quantities of interest that

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22

Martino, Antonio A. "Crisis de la democracia representativa: alternativas participativas o democracia directa con medios electrónicos = Crisis of representative democracy: participatory alternatives or direct democracy with electronic media." EUNOMÍA. Revista en Cultura de la Legalidad, no. 14 (March 19, 2018): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/eunomia.2018.4153.

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Resumen: El artículo analiza la actual crisis de la democracia representativa criticando la tesis según la cual aquel país que instauraba una democracia y mantenía mínimos índices de solidez económica y social aseguraba su mantenimiento. A tal fin, inicia la explicación de la crisis de la democracia tout court y, después, va analizando las alternativas que se ofrecen a la democracia representativa. Así, aborda directamente la democracia directa para mostrar alguno de sus elementos más relevantes, sobre todo con medios electrónicos, y muestra posteriormente su reforzamiento.Palabras clave: Demo

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Krzywoszyński, Przemysław. "ROLA REFERENDUMW TRANSFORMACJACH USTROJOWYCH." Zeszyty Prawnicze 11, no. 3 (2016): 181. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2011.11.3.10.

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THE ROLE OF A REFERENDUM IN CONSTITUTIONAL TRANSFORMATIONS Summary The aim of this paper is a summary of discussion on the use of a nationwide referendum, which was held in the 80’s and 90’s of the 20th century and the current criticism of the institution. The nationwide referendum was the basic form of direct democracy and constituted an accurate reflection of social will towards the end of the 20th century. Nowadays because of surprising results of referendums in the Western democracies and its controversial usage in non-democratic countries the opinions on post-democratic era emerge. The in

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Geißel, Brigitte, Anna Krämling, and Lars Paulus. "It Depends…Different Direct Democratic Instruments and Equality in Europe from 1990 to 2015." Politics and Governance 7, no. 2 (2019): 365–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v7i2.1881.

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Despite the popularity of direct democracy in recent decades, research on the actual output effects of popular decision-making is rare. This is especially true with regard to equality, where there are at least three major research gaps: 1) a lack of cross-national analyses; 2) insufficient investigation of the differential effects of different direct democratic instruments on equality; and 3) a failure to distinguish between different aspects of equality, i.e., socioeconomic, legal and political equality. This article takes a first step to tackle these shortcomings by looking at all national r

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Galindo Lara, Claudia. "Democracia directa o representación." Caleidoscopio - Revista Semestral de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades 9, no. 18 (2005): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.33064/18crscsh344.

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Hannah Arendt es una autora que ha trabajado ampliamente los grandes temas que ocupan a la política. En este trabajo se aborda su conceptualización sobre la participación política y su inclinación hacia las formas consejistas como las vías más nítidas en donde se pueden apreciar las cualidades de la política: el diálogo, la pluralidad y la construcción de acuerdos mediante el predominio de la palabra. Arendt hace un recorrido en una doble dimensión: histórica y desde la teoría política. Da un seguimiento a los grandes momentos de la historia en los cuales ha funcionado la vía consejista (la co

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Kurunmäki, Jussi. "Democracy both young and old: Finland, Sweden and the interwar crisis of democracy." Journal of Modern European History 17, no. 4 (2019): 486–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1611894419880461.

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It is often pointed out in the literature of democratisation and the breakdown of democracy that old democracies have been able to stand against the threat of totalitarian and extremist political doctrines better than young ones. This observation has usually been based on the existence of solid political institutions, certain class structures, and the legitimacy of a political system. The focus of this article is on the rhetorical role that the division between ‘old’ and ‘young’ or ‘new’ democracies played during the interwar crisis of democracy. By focusing on the cases of Finland and Sweden,

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Ghatak, Sambuddha, Aaron Gold, and Brandon C. Prins. "External threat and the limits of democratic pacifism." Conflict Management and Peace Science 34, no. 2 (2016): 141–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894216650429.

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Scholars widely recognize that democratic dyads are associated with lower hazards of armed conflict and more efficient conflict resolution. Many attempts have been made to challenge the notion of democratic pacifism, but perhaps the most significant is the argument that the Democratic Peace is epiphenomenal to territorial issues, specifically the external threats that they pose. The presence of an external threat might be the mechanism by which democratic dyads, owing to audience costs and resolve, fail to decide contentious issues non-violently. This study seeks to answer the question: “Under

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Brenkman, John. "Contours of Dread." American Literary History 35, no. 1 (2023): 452–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/alh/ajac245.

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Abstract Hannah Arendt’s and Isaiah Berlin’s incomprehension of one another resulted in one of the great missed dialogues in political theory. Arendt’s civic-democratic values find freedom in participation on a par with others in the political realm. Berlin’s liberal-democratic commitments define freedom as the space where individuals are unconstrained by the state or others. Modern democracy introduces the social-democratic commitment to the state’s ability to reduce inequality and provide for the public good. The strife, varyingly creative or destructive, among the liberal-, civic-, and soci

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Camacho, Henrique. "MANEIRAS DE COMPREENDER A DEMOCRACIA EM UM ESTADO DEMOCRÁTICO DE DIREITO." Revista Eletrônica da Faculdade de Direito de Franca 9, no. 2 (2014): 91–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.21207/1983.4225.258.

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Souto Galván, Clara. "De la democracia representativa a la democracia directa." Revista Jurídica Piélagus 12, no. 1 (2013): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.25054/16576799.655.

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La democracia representativa parecía un buen sistema de acción política y legislativa, mediante sufragio universal, los ciudadanos de nacionalidad española y mayores de 18 años, eligen libremente a los representantes, para que decidan por el pueblo, para que aprueben leyes y “velen” por el interés político, social y cultural. Pero el problema principal planteado es si pueden convertirse, a corto o medio plazo, o no en auténticas alternativas a la democracia representativa.

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Polvanov, Jaloliddin Ne'matjonovich. "THE IMPORTANCE OF PUBLIC CONTROL IN BUILDING A DEMOCRATIC STATE BASED ON THE RULE OF LAW AND THE FORMATION OF CIVIL SOCIETY AND IN THE MANAGEMENT OF SOCIETY." Oriental Journal of History, Politics and Law 01, no. 01 (2021): 4–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/supsci-ojhpl-01-02.

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This article discusses the formation of views on a democratic state governed by the rule of law and civil society. The article also discusses the state guarantees and support for the protection of non-governmental organizations. In legal democracies, strong governance is largely the responsibility of civil society institutions. At the same time, the direct participation of the public in the implementation of governance will be expanded. A self-governing society is based on strong non-governmental structures.

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Eberhardt, María Laura. "Revocatoria de mandato en América Latina: ¿democracia directa o democracia electoral?" Forum. Revista Departamento de Ciencia Política, no. 16 (July 1, 2019): 117–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.15446/frdcp.n16.76858.

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En este artículo se indaga por el alcance de la revocatoria de mandato como mecanismo de democracia directa. La revocatoria de mandato es un mecanismo de control ciudadano adoptado por varios países latinoamericanos tras la tercera ola de la democratización y en el contexto de una crisis de la representación. Algunas reglamentaciones prevén una campaña para que los partidos y sus líderes informen al votante e influyan políticamente su decisión en el referéndum (mediación electoral). Otras, dejan al ciudadano en completa libertad para elaborar su propia opinión (autogobierno). Para lograr este

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Wuttke, Alexander, Konstantin Gavras, and Harald Schoen. "Leader of the free world or pioneer in democracy’s decline? Examining the democratic deconsolidation hypothesis on the mass level in East and West Germany." Research & Politics 7, no. 1 (2020): 205316801990082. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168019900822.

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A stable democratic society is unthinkable if its citizens oppose the principles of self-governance. Yet, recent studies suggest that citizens of consolidated democracies increasingly turn their backs on this system of government. Nonetheless, the evidence is mixed and mainly focuses on attitudes toward democracy as a generic concept, while less is known about mass support for the liberal variant of democracy. This study contributes to this debate by 1) analyzing citizen attitudes toward core elements of liberal democracy in addition to direct measures of democratic support and 2) separating a

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Cortés, Juvenal J. "Arrested Development." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 33, no. 3 (2017): 394–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2017.33.3.394.

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On March 2014, Mexico adopted laws outlining the use of direct democracy. Direct democracy promised to give citizens greater control of government by reducing the gap between citizens and government. However, the first four referendums were not proposed by citizens but one each by the four major parties. Using process tracing, I examine the congressional debate of direct democracy and demonstrate that its design and rules leave little room for citizens to use the process but allow large organizations, like parties, ample room to use it. The lesson is that direct democracy should not be studied

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LEEMANN, LUCAS, and FABIO WASSERFALLEN. "The Democratic Effect of Direct Democracy." American Political Science Review 110, no. 4 (2016): 750–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055416000307.

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A key requirement of democratic governance is that policy outcomes and the majority preference of the electorate are congruent. Many studies argue that the more direct democratic a system is, the more often voters get what they want, but the empirical evidence is mixed. This analysis explores the democratic effect of initiatives and referendums theoretically and empirically. The prediction of the formal model is that “bad” representation (i.e., a large preference deviation between the electorate and the political elite) is good for the democratic effect of direct democracy. An empirical invest

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Karimi, Sirvan. "Public Administration and Democracy: The Virtue and Limit of Participatory Democracy as a Democratic Innovation." Technium Social Sciences Journal 15 (January 9, 2021): 493–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v15i1.2230.

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The expansion of public bureaucracy has been one of the most significant developments that has marked societies, particularly Western liberal democratic societies. Growing political apathy, citizen disgruntlement and the ensuing decline in electoral participation reflects the political nature of governance failures. Public bureaucracy, which has historically been saddled with derogatory and pejorative connotations, has encountered fierce assaults from multiple fronts. Out of these sharp criticisms of public bureaucracy that have emanated from both sides of the ideological spectrum, attempts ha

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Glenn, John K. "Contentious Politics and Democratization: Comparing the Impact of Social Movements on the Fall of Communism in Eastern Europe." Political Studies 51, no. 1 (2003): 103–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00415.

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In this paper, I identify and analyze the interaction between two processes – mobilization and bargaining – by which democratic challengers can transform political institutions, bringing together insights from the literatures on social movements, which tends to analyze movement emergence, and democratization, which tends to analyze the design of democratic institutions. I compare the impact of social movements in the fall of communism in Eastern Europe, cases that offer a valuable opportunity to extend the literature on contentious politics beyond its origins in the study of Western parliament

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Matos, Teresa Cristina Coelho. "CONTROLE DEMOCRÁTICO DE POLÍTICAS PÚBLICAS E LUTA ANTICORRUPÇÃO: a experiência da Força Tarefa Popular." Revista Políticas Públicas 18, no. 2 (2015): 385. http://dx.doi.org/10.18764/2178-2865.v18n2p385-397.

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Este artigo decorre da pesquisa de doutorado em Políticas Públicas, em curso, pela Universidade Federal do Piauí (UFPI). Traz uma abordagem sobre o controle da corrupção no setor público, através de mecanismos de democracia direta, no contexto da sociedade brasileira, que tem a democracia representativa vulnerável à corrupção, como forma de organização e funcionamentodo Estado. A experiência do uso de mecanismos de democracia direta no controle da corrupção será ilustrada pela ação da ForçaTarefa Popular (FTP), um movimento de articulação da sociedade civil que, desde 2002, desenvolve um traba

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Feitosa, Maria Luiza Pereira Mayer, and Alessandra Danielle Santos Hilário. "Right to the city: the relationship between the right of and the right to development at the crossroads between urban sustainability and economic democracy." Boletim de Ciências Económicas 57, no. 2 (2014): 1385–432. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/0870-4260_57-2_3.

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García Rada, Francisco. "Democracia directa: un análisis comparado." Ius et Praxis, no. 25 (1995): 64–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.26439/iusetpraxis1995.n025.3540.

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De Carvalho, Vinicius Mariano, and José Guillermo García Chourio. "Democracia directa en America Latina." Diálogos Latinoamericanos 12, no. 18 (2011): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/dl.v12i18.113430.

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Roa, Luiz Arturo Ramirez. "CONSULTA POPULAR-ACTVISMO EN LOS PROCESOS CONSTITUCIONALES." Revista Direitos Sociais e Políticas Públicas (UNIFAFIBE) 7, no. 2 (2019): 595. http://dx.doi.org/10.25245/rdspp.v7i2.543.

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La consulta popular, al igual que los plebiscitos y los referéndums, es un mecanismo de “democracia directa” que permite a los ciudadanos decidir, mediante un sufragio directo y universal, sobre temas legislativos o de política pública específica. La democracia directa no está libre de controversia: si bien muchas democracias consolidadas cuentan con estos mecanismos (en muchos países europeos las reformas constitucionales deben ser sometidas a consulta popular, por ejemplo), también es cierto que más de un líder autoritario ha recurrido a ellos para intentar legitimar y prolongar su mandato.

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Roy, Martin. "Democracy and the Political Economy of Multilateral Commitments on Trade in Services." Journal of World Trade 45, Issue 6 (2011): 1157–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2011041.

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Research on the relationship between democracy and trade has so far neglected multilateral negotiations and more generally the content of trade agreements, in particular the market access bindings undertaken by countries. This article finds that more democratic countries undertake greater market access commitments under the multilateral General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS). I argue that non-democratic regimes take fewer commitments, because these reduce their discretion in granting rents to ensure the support of small groups. In contrast, for democratic regimes, commitments that lock-

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Trueblood, Leah. "Are Referendums Directly Democratic?" Oxford Journal of Legal Studies 40, no. 3 (2020): 425–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ojls/gqaa020.

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Abstract Referendums are regularly defined as being directly democratic. Indeed, the term ‘direct democracy’ is often used synonymously with referendums. The label ‘direct democracy’ is used to make two different types of claims about referendums: (i) descriptive claims about what referendums are; and (ii) normative claims about how their use is justified. This article challenges the treatment of referendums as devices of direct democracy both in theory and in practice. I argue instead that referendums should be theoretically and practically understood as processes that provide direction to re

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González de la Garza, Luis Miguel. "La crisis de la democracia representativa. Nuevas relaciones políticas entre democracia, populismo virtual, poderes privados y tecnocracia en la era de la propaganda electoral cognitiva virtual, el microtargeting y el Big Data // The crisis of representation: the new political relations between democracy, populism, private powers and technocracy in the era of the information society." Revista de Derecho Político 1, no. 103 (2018): 257. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/rdp.103.2018.23203.

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Resumen:El trabajo que presentamos trata de contemplar como la erosión del sistema representativo de partidos políticos ha deteriorado gravemente la confianza de los ciudadanos en su efectividad y responsabilidad, hasta el extremo de que nuevos movimientos sociales y políticos propugnen retornar a modelos de democracia directa. Defendemos aquí que ello no es posible, ni deseable precisamente en un momento en el que los nuevos medios técnicos hacen más posible que nunca la aparición de populismos articulados sobre bases tecnológicas que son de una extraordinario peligro para las democracias del

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Astudillo Jiménez, Alejandro. "Direct Investment Flows, Democratic Strengthening and Political Situation: The Case of Chile." México y la Cuenca del Pacífico 6, no. 18 (2017): 37–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.32870/mycp.v6i18.555.

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Kitschelt, Herbert. "Linkages between Citizens and Politicians in Democratic Polities." Comparative Political Studies 33, no. 6-7 (2000): 845–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001041400003300607.

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Research on democratic party competition in the formal spatial tradition of Downs and the comparative-historical tradition of Lipset and Rokkan assumes that linkages of accountability and responsiveness between voters and political elites work through politicians’ programmatic appeals and policy achievements. This ignores, however, alternative voter-elite linkages through the personal charisma of political leaders and, more important, selective material incentives in networks of direct exchange (clientelism). In light of the diversity of linkage mechanisms appearing in new democracies and chan

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Jouanjan, Olivier. "Demokratska vladavina prava." Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta u Splitu 56, no. 1 (2019): 87–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.31141/zrpfs.2019.56.131.87.

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In Europe, democracy has a bright future. Not one democratic mechanism, however direct, cannot guarantee direct democracy. Therefore, the theory of populism by theoretician Carl Schmitt is analyzed « thoughts on Schmitt against Schmitt : Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde“. Furthermore, the democratic myth is discussed and its ideology. The state of rule of law of modern democracy and the two faces of modern democracy are analyzed. The need to participate in civil society in administrative control is stressed. The relation of the tension between democracy and rule of law is observed. The need to consi

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Kriesi, Hanspeter. "How citizens decide in direct-democratic votes." Portugese Journal of Social Sciences 3, no. 1 (2004): 3–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/pjss.3.1.3/0.

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BOHNET, IRIS, and BRUNO S. FREY. "Direct-Democratic Rules: The Role of Discussion." Kyklos 47, no. 3 (1994): 341–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-6435.1994.tb02742.x.

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