Academic literature on the topic 'Discorsi politici'

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Journal articles on the topic "Discorsi politici"

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Pellegrino, Vincenza. "Conflitti ambientali e nuovi soggetti politici. Le rivolte "eco-epidemiologiche"." SOCIETÀ DEGLI INDIVIDUI (LA), no. 42 (January 2012): 81–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/las2011-042007.

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Questo saggio ha come oggetto di riflessione i conflitti ambientali, i nuovi soggetti politici che ne sono protagonisti e le visioni collettive che paiono centrarsi in maniera inedita sulla cattiva gestione delle risorse locali e sui conseguenti rischi per la salute pubblica. Nuovi soggetti politici appunto (comitati, associazioni, movimenti) che operano l'articolazione fra discorsi scientifici (dati sull'inquinamento, previsioni ecc.) e discorsi politici (orientamenti valoriali e dibattiti sulle decisioni da prendere per il futuro). A partire da alcuni casi di studio (la questione dei rifiuti in Campania, quella degli inceneritori in Emilia Romagna) l'articolo conduce una breve analisi sulle forme argomentative adottate da questi gruppi, sulle modalitÀ di intendere il rapporto con le istituzioni democratiche e con la scienza (con amministratori e\o con esperti), sui processi interni di leadership e sull'idea di ‘rivolta' da condurre.
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Zugravu, Nelu. "Traiano e gli Antonini nei discorsi politici di Temistio." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Historia 63, no. 1 (December 20, 2018): 131–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbhist.2018.1.07.

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Storrs, C. "Alberto Radicati, conte di Passerano e Cocconato: Discorsi morali, istorici e politici." English Historical Review CXXV, no. 513 (March 24, 2010): 450–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceq010.

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Macaluso, Marilena. "La costruzione simbolica del conflitto generazionale nei discorsi politici di Renzi e Grillo." WELFARE E ERGONOMIA, no. 1 (January 2018): 105–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/we2017-001007.

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Locatelli, Carla. "Confini di genere e generi di confini: genealogie postmoderne." EDUCAZIONE SENTIMENTALE, no. 18 (September 2012): 21–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/eds2012-018004.

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Alla luce delle molteplici valenze che il termine "genere" ha assunto storicamente, si rivisitano qui i suoi limiti semantici, non solo in relazione a dicotomie tradizionali (sesso/genere; maschile/femminile), ma anche a grappoli di concetti prodotti in diverse discipline e prassi che ne hanno appropriato valenze specifiche, funzionali a diverse "volontŕ di sapere". Prassi emancipatorie ed epistemologie decostruttive producono discorsi con finalitŕ radicalmente diverse: la realizzazione di progetti politici e/o la decostruzione della rappresentazione di genere. Il saggio cerca di delineare la co-esistenza di teorizzazioni e pratiche nella realtŕ contemporanea e gli effetti che producono nel pensare identitŕ e sessualitŕ.
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Pombeni, Paolo, and Giuliana Nobili Schiera. "Alcide de Gasperi: 1881–1954–a political life in a troubled century." Modern Italy 14, no. 4 (November 2009): 379–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940903237409.

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Alcide De Gasperi's political life spanned the first half of the twentieth century. It went from his education in a small local environment, but within the multinational setting of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, to his period of enforced, yet intellectually very productive, public silence during the period of Fascist Italy, and then to his period in the limelight during the years of postwar reconstruction, the re-establishment of democracy and the construction of European unity. A group of scholars has documented the evolution of an outstanding leader by publishing a critical edition of De Gasperi's Scritti e discorsi politici, a collection of writings and speeches from the outset of his career until the end of his life. This article illustrates the research that has been carried out so far; the criteria behind the collection and editing of sources on De Gasperi; and the chronological periods and thematic issues around which the whole body of De Gasperi's political writings have been collated.
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Föcking, Marc. "Dante pfeifen." Deutsches Dante-Jahrbuch 94, no. 1 (September 23, 2019): 37–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/dante-2019-0003.

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Riassunto Due testi dell’immediato contesto della congiura dei Pazzi del 1478 dimostrano che la popolarità della Commedia, testimoniata da Franco Sacchetti e Leonardo Bruni, potrebbe essere stata strumentalizzata nella Firenze del Quattrocento, nel momento in cui si trattava di discreditare gli oppositori politici in una situazioni di crisi. Il Coniurationis commentarium di Angelo Poliziano e la poesia in terzine »Questo è il tradimento della morte di Giuliano« utilizzano entrambi il tema del traditore degli ultimi due canti dell’Inferno. Entrambi i testi presentano così i Pazzi come i nuovi Bruto, Cassio e Giuda e fanno uso del ›Dante popolare‹ per convincere il popolo fiorentino della legittimità del potere mediceo. La raffinatezza del Commentarium di Poliziano, in contrasto con la poesia in terzine più popolare, sta però nella combinazione di due discorsi sui traditori che si intensificano a vicenda, quello della Commedia e quello del De Coniuratione Catilinae di Sallustio, attraverso il quale egli non solo combina la condanna metafisico-dantesca con un verdetto di stampo intramondano ed umanistico, ma può anche mettere in scena l’unità indissolubile del popolo e dell’élite fiorentina contro i cospiratori e i loro sostenitori.
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Chebankova, Elena. "Ideas, Ideology & Intellectuals in Search of Russia's Political Future." Daedalus 146, no. 2 (April 2017): 76–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00436.

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The intellectual discourse of any state can function within two broad paradigms: consensual and pluralistic. In the first case, political elites, intellectuals, and the public agree on the base parameters of what constitutes “the good life” and argue about the methods of application. In the second case, participants hold radically different, incommensurable views, which coexist in society. This essay argues that the Western political system broadly rests on the politics of liberal consensus, formed throughout the period of capitalist modernization. But Russia's history took a different turn, following a path of alternative modernization. This engendered the politics of paradigmatic pluralism, in which a number of radically different politico-intellectual frameworks struggle for the dominant discourse. This essay examines these paradigms and argues that, due to the nature and substance of these models, fundamental change of Russia's dominant discourse, along with its main politico-institutional parameters, is unlikely.
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Koryushkin, A. I. "The phenomenon of identity crisis of American political science in its discourse and historiography." Belgorod State University Scientific bulletin. Series: History. Political science 46, no. 4 (December 30, 2019): 754–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.18413/2075-4458-2019-46-4-754-765.

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The paper’s analysis is aimed at the phenomenon of identity crisis in contemporary political science being revealed by the author at the different stages of historical development of American political science, in its discourse and historiography. Interpretation of the history of political science as a search for its identity suggested here makes it possible to trace historical metamorphoses of politico-scientific identity crisis through the prism of the notions of scientific soundness and political relevance of the science of politics. Incomplete or inadequate embodiment of such necessary requirements of political science repeatedly caused the identity crises of American political science in the course of its historical development. Historical analysis of ontological-epistemological, methodological and politico-institutional factors of emergence of the identity crises in American political science presented here might be significant for comprehending problems and crisis phenomena in contemporary political science as a whole.
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Obeng, Samuel Gyasi. "Language and Politics: Indirectness in Political Discourse." Discourse & Society 8, no. 1 (January 1997): 49–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957926597008001004.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Discorsi politici"

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Venier, Giada. "I tecnicismi collaterali nei discorsi politici: strategie di gestione nell'interpretazione simultanea." Master's thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2020. http://amslaurea.unibo.it/20404/.

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I tecnicismi collaterali (TC) sono espressioni tipiche dei linguaggi specialistici che vengono preferite ad altre per la loro connotazione tecnica. Al contrario dei termini veri e propri, i TC non sono necessari ai fini del rigore scientifico e possono essere sostituiti da alternative della lingua comune, ma contribuiscono a rendere il registro più formale. In questa tesi si approfondisce questo fenomeno linguistico nel linguaggio politico e, per la prima volta, nell'ambito dell’interpretazione simultanea. L’obiettivo dello studio è infatti quello di osservare le strategie di gestione più frequentemente adottate dagli interpreti professionisti durante l’interpretazione verso l’inglese di discorsi politici italiani che contengono diverse tipologie di TC. Nella prima parte dell'elaborato si illustrano i concetti teorici fondamentali relativi ai TC, al linguaggio politico e all'interpretazione simultanea. Nella seconda parte si presenta una prima analisi, condotta su due raccolte di testi, al fine di verificare l’esistenza e l’utilizzo dei TC nel linguaggio politico sia italiano che inglese. Questo passaggio è necessario per la vera analisi effettuata su un corpus parallelo di interpretazione composto da 10 discorsi politici in italiano con le rispettive rese in inglese. L’analisi delle rispettive rese (o non rese) dei TC in inglese ha permesso di determinare le strategie più frequentemente adottate dagli interpreti, tra cui il mantenimento, l'approssimazione, l'espansione e l'omissione. Alla discussione dei risultati segue infine una riflessione sui molteplici spunti offerti da questo lavoro per ulteriori ricerche sui TC, per esempio nell'ambito dell’interpretazione simultanea e consecutiva. I risultati futuri potrebbero inoltre essere utili nella didattica dell’interpretazione, al fine di sensibilizzare i futuri interpreti all'importanza di conoscere e saper utilizzare i TC.
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De, Marco Domenico. "La (de)costruzione sociale dello straniero tra discorsi politici, norme giuridiche e politiche locali per l'immigrazione. Una ricerca comparativa tra Roma e Barcellona." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/306000.

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La presente tesi di dottorato approfondisce l’immigrazione e, precisamente, le politiche delle amministrazioni locali per l’accoglienza e l’integrazione sociale degli stranieri. La ricerca non affronta un argomento nuovo ma, visto il gran numero di cittadini stranieri comunitari ed extracomunitari che raggiungono ogni anno l’Italia e la Spagna, le politiche per l’integrazione sociale degli immigrati (immigrants politics) hanno acquistato un significato sociale e culturale che le ha trasformate in un tema di speciale rilevanza e interesse dal punto di vista sociologico, politologico e giuridico. Nello specifico, la ricerca si concentra sulle politiche implementate nelle città di Roma e Barcellona, con il fine di comprendere le analogie e le differenze che soggiacciono al modello di politica locale specifico di ognuna di esse. I primi capitoli della tesi sono il frutto di un ampio lavoro di ricerca bibliografica orientata a ricostruire i principali approcci teorici che nell’ambito delle scienze sociali studiano lo straniero e l’immigrazione, tanto nella sua articolazione quanto nel suo impatto con la società di accoglienza. Nel primo capitolo è presentato il dibattito sulla figura dello straniero e i contributi degli autori che all’interno delle scienze sociali, hanno contribuito alla definizione dello straniero come categoria sociologica. In questa parte della ricerca lo sforzo è stato quello di collegare le riflessioni dei classici della sociologia come G. Simmel, N. Elias e W. Sombart, a quelle di autori più recenti quali Z. Bauman, A. Touraine, con lo scopo di far “dialogare” tra loro autori di differenti epoche storiche. Nel secondo capitolo è esaminata la letteratura sui discorsi politici sull’immigrazione e si approfondisce il ruolo dei mezzi di comunicazione nella diffusione di un’immagine dell’immigrazione come problema sociale e nazionale. Nello specifico, sono ricostruiti i processi che hanno contribuito a diffondere una rappresentazione dell’immigrazione legata alla criminalità e all’irregolarità degli stranieri. In questa parte del lavoro si approfondisce l’origine del discorso securitario al cui interno l’immigrazione è rappresentata come problema collegato alla sicurezza. La seconda parte della ricerca si concentra sugli aspetti interpretativi del fenomeno migratorio attraverso la ricostruzione di due casi nazionali: l’Italia e la Spagna. A questo proposito, il terzo capitolo è dedicato all’analisi delle leggi sull’immigrazione, italiane e spagnole, e alla ricostruzione delle tappe della loro evoluzione, un percorso che ha complessificato la gestione dell’immigrazione e stabilito un sistema di governance multilevel, dove le istituzioni locali e le associazioni del Terzo Settore diventano “partner” della Pubblica Amministrazione nella prestazione di servizi alle persone immigrate. In seguito, è presentata la raccolta e l’analisi del materiale empirico, attraverso una metodologia di analisi qualitativa. Nello specifico, si presenta uno studio comparativo delle politiche locali per gli immigrati delle città di Roma e Barcellona. In entrambe le città sono state realizzate interviste-semistrutturate con testimoni privilegiati appartenenti al settore pubblico e al Terzo Settore (in totale 50), operanti a livello regionale, comunale e territoriale, con il fine di individuare le peculiarità delle politiche locali per gli immigrati (reti di attori, relazioni, programmi di intervento, risorse, ecc.) implementate in ognuno dei due casi di studio. Nel capitolo quinto sono esposti i dati raccolti con le interviste, mentre i risultati dell’analisi comparativa sono presentati nel capitolo finale, mostrando analogie e differenze tra i due modelli i immigrants policy osservati nel caso di Roma e in quello di Barcellona.
La presente tesis doctoral se centra en la inmigración, precisamente, en las políticas de las administraciones locales relacionadas a la acogida y a la integración social de los ciudadanos extranjeros. La investigación no se enfrenta a un problema nuevo en sí, sin embargo dado el gran número de ciudadanos comunitarios y no comunitarios que cada año llegan a Italia y España, las políticas locales para la integración social de las personas recién llegadas han adquirido un significado social y cultural que las convierte en un tema de especial relevancia e interés desde el punto de vista sociológico, polito1ógico y jurídico. Concretamente, el estudio se centra en las políticas implementadas en las ciudades de Roma y Barcelona, con el fin de comprender las similitudes y las diferencias que subyacen detrás del modelo de política local específico de cada una de ellas. Los primeros capítulos de la tesis son el fruto de un amplio trabajo de investigación bibliográfica con el fin de reconstruir los principales enfoques teóricos que en el ámbito de las ciencias sociales estudian el extranjero y la inmigración, tanto en su articulación cuanto en su impacto en la sociedad receptora. En el primer capitula se presenta el debate sobre la figura del extranjero, así como las contribuciones de los autores que, dentro de las ciencias sociales, han contribuido a la definición del extranjero coma una categoría sociológica. Esta parte de la investigación consiste en conectar la reflexión y los aportes de los clásicos de la sociología como Simmel, Elias y Sombart a las de autores más recientes como Bauman y Touraine, en el intento de hacer "dialogar" a los autores de diferentes épocas históricas. En el segundo capitula se examina la literatura sobre los discursos políticos en torno a la inmigración profundizando el papel de los medios de comunicación en la difusión de una imagen de la inmigración como problema social. En concreto, se han reconstruido los procesos que han contribuido a la propagación de una representación de la inmigración relacionada a la criminalidad y a la irregularidad de los extranjeros. En esta parte del trabajo, se ha profundizado en el origen del discurso securitario en el que la inmigración está representada coma problema social enlazado a la seguridad. La segunda parte del trabajo de tesis se concentra en la cuestión interpretativa del fenómeno migratorio mediante la reconstrucción de dos casos nacionales: Italia y España. A este propósito, se ha dedicado el tercer capitula al análisis de las leyes de extranjería, italiana y española, hallando las etapas de un recorrido que ha vuelto más compleja la gestión de la inmigración y ha establecido un sistema de gobernanza multinivel en la que las instituciones locales y las entidades del Tercer Sector Social se convierten en "aliados" de las administraciones públicas en la prestación de servicios a las personas inmigradas. Posteriormente, se ha recopilado y analizado el material empírico a través de metodologías de análisis cualitativas. En concreto, se lleva a cabo un estudio comparativo entre las políticas locales para los inmigrantes de la ciudad de Roma y las de la ciudad de Barcelona. En ambas ciudades se han realizado entrevistas semiestructuradas con actores clave tanto públicos, cuanto del Tercer Sector Social (en total 50), operativas tanto a nivel autonómico como municipal y territorial, con el objetivo de reconstruir las peculiaridades de las políticas locales para los inmigrantes (redes de actores, recursos, relaciones, programas de intervención). En el capítulo siguiente se exponen los datos recopilados con las entrevistas, mientras que los resultados del análisis comparativo se muestran en el capítulo de conclusiones, destacando similitudes y diferencias entre los dos modelos de política inmigratoria observados.
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Micciché, Cristian Maria Rosario. "La metafora in interpretazione simultanea dal tedesco all'italiano: il caso degli interpreti in formazione." Master's thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2017. http://amslaurea.unibo.it/12757/.

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Metaphors have always been an object of study. In the past many have shown interest towards this topic, at the beginning poets, philosophers, literature critics and later on also linguists and psychologists. However, it was at the end of the seventies, thanks to Howard Pollios study, that metaphors became an object of study for psychologists and linguists. As a student at the interpreting masters degree in Forlì, it was immediately clear that metaphors represented a major difficulty in interpreting. University lecturers have always tried to teach students to “kill the metaphor”. This shows that all metaphors are different from one another, yet there is one thing that all metaphors share, that is, the obstacle that they represent for simultaneous interpreting. The first chapter of this dissertation is divided in two parts. The first one we will highlight the metaphors theory and will describe what approaches have been employed when dealing with this topic. The second part describes what simultaneous interpreting is. The second chapter deals with the political language and with the use of metaphors in this sector. The third and fourth chapter describe the experiment carried out to see how trainee conference interpreters deal with metaphors. Furthermore, chapter four will illustrate, what parameters have been chosen for the analysis of the interpreters’ outputs and it contains a categorisation of all metaphors found in the source text. Chapter five will be divided in two parts, the first one, summarizes the interpreters’ outputs and evaluates their quality with reference to the selected quality criteria. The second one, focuses on the outputs of the metaphors found in the source text and analyzes what translation techniques have been adopted. Having two different groups of interpreters, belonging to two different academic years, it will be interesting to analyze if, as far as the quality of the interpreters’ outputs is concerned, substantial differences exist.
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Tapsell, Peter Grant. "Politics and political discourse in the British monarchies, 1681-5." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.439045.

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Jansson, Daniel. "Peasant Political Thought : Politics, Discourse, and Identity in the Age of Liberty." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-225745.

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Jhappan, Carol R. (Carol Radha). "The language of empowerment : symbolic politics and Indian political discourse in Canada." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/30656.

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The question of how subordinated groups in democratic states set about shifting their political relationship with their encompassing societies has received little attention among political scientists in Canada. Groups which lack significant political, legal, and economic resources, and which are stigmatized by an inferior status (reinforced by law and policy) do not enjoy the level playing field predicted by pluralist interest group theory. Yet they are sometimes able to overcome these obstacles and to renegotiate their political and legal status. The question is how some groups are able to do this, and what strategies are available to or obligatory for groups wishing to initiate political bargaining. According to the theory of symbolic politics developed here, disadvantaged minorities seeking political benefits from the state will typically conduct politics at the symbolic level. That is, they tend to invoke a range of political symbols and myths: first, to build in-group solidarity by presenting an analysis of a common past and present, as well as a vision of the future society, and thereby legitimate their political aspirations. In the first stage of minority politicization, such groups must: (a) build a sense of community of interests and goals which can be said to represent the reference group as a whole; (b) reverse the stigmatic identity ascribed to them by the dominant society; and (c) find ways of competing with the dominant society, not on the latter's terms, but on alternative ideological grounds. In the second stage of politicization, minorities must: (a) create appropriate demands; (b) learn to use the mechanisms, methods and institutions of the mainstream political process; and (c) eventually routinize conflict by negotiating stable norms to guide on-going relations with government. Subordinated groups do not normally seek purely material benefits. They usually seek symbolic benefits in the form of rights, and a redefined status within society. Thus, much of their politicking is conducted in public, and is largely devoted to capturing public sympathy which can be used as a resource against government. The political myths and symbols employed are characteristically emotive and imprecise. Political goals are presented in symbolic terms, and are advanced at the level of principle rather than substance. When applied to the case of Native Indian politics in the Canadian context, the evidence confirms the accuracy of these hypotheses. Indians have pursued the symbolic strategies predicted by the model: the essence of their political aspirations has been captured in the symbols of aboriginal title/aboriginal rights, land claims, and ultimately, self-government; at the macro level, they have sought predominantly symbolic benefits, as represented by legislative and constitutional recognition of certain rights and privileges; and they have attempted to win public support to use as a bargaining chip vis-a-vis government. However, they have not been entirely successful in their use of the symbolic strategies outlined, and the evidence suggests that they have reached a public opinion impasse. Despite their efforts, public opinion on native and native issues has remained remarkably stable over the last twenty years, so that further effort in this area is likely to bring diminishing returns. In the end, symbolic politics, while necessary for subordinated groups in their fledgling stages of politicization, must eventually give way to more conventional political methodologies as groups become institutionalized in the mainstream political process.
Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Greenup, Jeremy Jay. "Identity as Politics, Politics as Identity: An Anthropological Examination of the Political Discourse on Same-Sex Marriage." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2006. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/anthro_theses/10.

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Marriage has come to be center-stage in a semiotic and ideological “culture war.” The issue of same-sex marriage has emerged as a defining political argument shaping the manner by which the contemporary gay rights movement positions itself. In Georgia’s 2004 election, a constitutional amendment was proposed defining marriage as legal unions between only biological men and women. In response, campaigns were organized by both supporters and opponents to same-sex marriage. This thesis examines the politics of spectacle at play through which both sides of this argument positioned themselves. This thesis employs anthropological theory, queer theory and public sphere literature to illuminate the campaign against same-sex marriage as one of not only the denial of citizenship rights, but of identity recognition. The methods of theatricality employed by both sides of this debate are examined alongside the manners by which they represented themselves as legitimate voices in the fight over “marriage.”
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Greenup, Jeremy Jay. "Identity as politics, politics as identity a anthropological examination of the political discourse on same-sex marriage /." unrestricted, 2005. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-11282005-141753/.

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Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2005.
Title from title screen. Emanuela Guano, committee chair; Kathryn A. Kozaitis, Susan McCombie, Cassandra White, committee members. Electronic text (96 p. : photos) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed June 11, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 92-96).
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Janura, Lukáš. "Německá zahraniční politika a politický realismus." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-15481.

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The thesis deals with one of the international relations theories - realism. It examines the presence of realism in discussions about the German foreign policy on the ground of the parliament of Germany. Key concepts of realism and liberalism are defined in the introduction. The aim is to evaluate the presence of the realistic rhethoric used by particular political parties. The situation is described on three cases of the German foreign policy - discussions about China, Georgia and Turkey. The thesis is based on stenographic protocols of parliamentary debates covering the proper period.
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Woldegeorgis, Eden Fitsum. "Politics Gone Wired : Computer Mediated Discourse Analysis of Facebook, Political Discussions in Ethiopia." Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-49451.

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Books on the topic "Discorsi politici"

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Gasperi, Alcide De. Scritti e discorsi politici. Bologna: Il mulino, 2006.

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Angela, Carella, ed. Scritti e discorsi politici: 1943-1947. Napoli: Bibliopolis, 1993.

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Parole al potere: Discorsi politici italiani. Milano: Biblioteca universale Rizzoli, 2011.

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1883-1945, Mussolini Benito, Craxi Bettino, and Fedel Giorgio 1950-, eds. Tre discorsi politici: Frammenti di etica della responsabilità. Soveria Mannelli: Rubbettino, 2008.

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Cecovini, Manlio. Dare e avere per Trieste: Scritti e discorsi politici. Udine: Del Bianco, 1991.

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Franco, Bojardi, ed. Stanislao Ceschi: L'Elogio della pazienza : scritti e discorsi politici. Soveria Mannelli: Rubbettino, 2011.

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Piero, Calamandrei. Costituzione e leggi di Antigone: Scritti e discorsi politici. Milano: Sansoni, 2004.

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Ceschi, Stanislao. Stanislao Ceschi: L'Elogio della pazienza : scritti e discorsi politici. Soveria Mannelli: Rubbettino, 2011.

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Antonio, Carioti, ed. In difesa dell'Italia liberale: Scritti e discorsi politici (1910-1925). Firenze: Liberal libri, 2001.

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Gasperi, Alcide De. Le battaglie del Partito popolare: Raccolta di scritti e discorsi politici dal 1919 al 1926. Roma: Edizioni di storia e letteratura, 1992.

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Book chapters on the topic "Discorsi politici"

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Musolff, Andreas. "Chapter 2. Political metaphor and bodies politic." In Perspectives in Politics and Discourse, 23–42. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dapsac.36.05mus.

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Wilson, John. "Political Discourse." In The Handbook of Discourse Analysis, 775–94. Hoboken, NJ, USA: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781118584194.ch36.

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Lorenzo-Dus, Nuria. "Conflict Talk and Politics." In Television Discourse, 121–38. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-11717-5_10.

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Lorenzo-Dus, Nuria. "Persuasion, Politics and Television." In Television Discourse, 149–63. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-11717-5_12.

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van Dijk, Teun A. "Political Discourse and Political Cognition." In Discourse and Power, 155–84. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-07299-3_7.

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Hansen, Allan Dreyer, and Eva Sørensen. "Polity as Politics: Studying the Shaping and Effects of Discursive Polities." In Discourse Theory in European Politics, 93–116. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230523364_4.

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Simmons, K. Merinda. "Politics of privacy." In Islam and Postcolonial Discourse, 197–212. New York: Routledge, 2017.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315589923-13.

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Simons, Jon. "Mediated Construction of the People: Laclau’s Political Theory and Media Politics." In Discourse Theory and Critical Media Politics, 201–21. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230343511_9.

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Simpson, Paul, Andrea Mayr, and Simon Statham. "Analysing Political Discourse." In Language and Power, 160–63. Second edition. | Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon; New York,: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429468896-34.

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Latif, Emad Abdul. "Arabic political discourse." In The Routledge Handbook of Arabic Linguistics, 518–30. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2017.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315147062-30.

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Conference papers on the topic "Discorsi politici"

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Huguet Cabot, Pere-Lluís, Verna Dankers, David Abadi, Agneta Fischer, and Ekaterina Shutova. "The Pragmatics behind Politics: Modelling Metaphor, Framing and Emotion in Political Discourse." In Findings of the Association for Computational Linguistics: EMNLP 2020. Stroudsburg, PA, USA: Association for Computational Linguistics, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18653/v1/2020.findings-emnlp.402.

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Kelly, John, and David Stark. "Decoding political discourse networks." In the 2006 national conference. New York, New York, USA: ACM Press, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/1146598.1146630.

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Petiy, Natalia. "LINGUISTIC INFLUENCE IN POLITICAL DISCOURSE." In IMPATTO DELL'INNOVAZIONE SULLA SCIENZA: ASPETTI FONDAMENTALI E APPLICATI. European Scientific Platform, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.36074/26.06.2020.v2.31.

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Garimella, Kiran, Gianmarco De Francisci Morales, Aristides Gionis, and Michael Mathioudakis. "Political Discourse on Social Media." In the 2018 World Wide Web Conference. New York, New York, USA: ACM Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3178876.3186139.

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Semenec, Aleksandra Ivanovna. "Gender stereotypes and political discourse." In X International students' applied research conference, chair Natalya Vladimirovna Royba. TSNS Interaktiv Plus, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.21661/r-111809.

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Kochneva, Iuliia. "Political Discourse In Cinematic Discourse (Based On ‘Shrek-3’)." In III PMMIS 2019 (Post mass media in the modern informational society) "Journalistic text in a new technological environment: achievements and problems". Cognitive-Crcs, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2019.08.02.82.

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Zaytzeva, E. L. "Phobias Implementation Through Political Media Discourse." In RPTSS 2017 International Conference on Research Paradigms Transformation in Social Sciences. Cognitive-Crcs, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2018.02.7.

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Kasimova, Diana I. "APPELLATIVE FUNCTION WITHIN THE POLITICAL DISCOURSE." In FUNCTIONAL ASPECTS OF INTERCULTURAL COMMUNICATION. TRANSLATION AND INTERPRETING ISSUES. Peoples' Friendship University of Russia, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2712-7974-2019-6-639-649.

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Xu, Lin. "Metaphor in Action in Political Discourse." In 2015 International Conference on Economics, Social Science, Arts, Education and Management Engineering. Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/essaeme-15.2015.88.

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Supriadi, Lukman, and Aceng Ruhendi Syaifullah. "Disclosing Metaphorical Analysis in Political Discourse." In Tenth International Conference on Applied Linguistics and First International Conference on Language, Literature and Culture. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0007165002290232.

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Reports on the topic "Discorsi politici"

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Hendricks, Kasey. Data for Alabama Taxation and Changing Discourse from Reconstruction to Redemption. University of Tennessee, Knoxville Libraries, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7290/wdyvftwo4u.

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At their most basic level taxes carry, in the words of Schumpeter ([1918] 1991), “the thunder of history” (p. 101). They say something about the ever-changing structures of social, economic, and political life. Taxes offer a blueprint, in both symbolic and concrete terms, for uncovering the most fundamental arrangements in society – stratification included. The historical retellings captured within these data highlight the politics of taxation in Alabama from 1856 to 1901, including conflicts over whom money is expended upon as well as struggles over who carries their fair share of the tax burden. The selected timeline overlaps with the formation of five of six constitutions adopted in the State of Alabama, including 1861, 1865, 1868, 1875, and 1901. Having these years as the focal point makes for an especially meaningful case study, given how much these constitutional formations made the state a site for much political debate. These data contain 5,121 pages of periodicals from newspapers throughout the state, including: Alabama Sentinel, Alabama State Intelligencer, Alabama State Journal, Athens Herald, Daily Alabama Journal, Daily Confederation, Elyton Herald, Mobile Daily Tribune, Mobile Tribune, Mobile Weekly Tribune, Morning Herald, Nationalist, New Era, Observer, Tuscaloosa Observer, Tuskegee News, Universalist Herald, and Wilcox News and Pacificator. The contemporary relevance of these historical debates manifests in Alabama’s current constitution which was adopted in 1901. This constitution departs from well-established conventions of treating the document as a legal framework that specifies a general role of governance but is firm enough to protect the civil rights and liberties of the population. Instead, it stands more as a legislative document, or procedural straightjacket, that preempts through statutory material what regulatory action is possible by the state. These barriers included a refusal to establish a state board of education and enact a tax structure for local education in addition to debt and tax limitations that constrained government capacity more broadly. Prohibitive features like these are among the reasons that, by 2020, the 1901 Constitution has been amended nearly 1,000 times since its adoption. However, similar procedural barriers have been duplicated across the U.S. since (e.g., California’s Proposition 13 of 1978). Reference: Schumpeter, Joseph. [1918] 1991. “The Crisis of the Tax State.” Pp. 99-140 in The Economics and Sociology of Capitalism, edited by Richard Swedberg. Princeton University Press.
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Javed, Umair, Aiza Hussain, and Hassan Aziz. Demanding Power: Contentious Politics and Electricity in Pakistan. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), June 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ids.2021.047.

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This paper explores Pakistan’s electricity supply crisis that lasted from 2007 to 2015, and the ensuing contention that shaped public discourse and political events in the country. During this period, which witnessed electricity outages of up to 14 hours per day, 456 incidents of contention took place, with just under 20 per cent escalating into some form of violence. Electricity became the number one political issue in the country and was integral in shaping the outcomes of the 2013 General Election. Following the election, public authorities undertook extensive investment to expand capacity and ensure consistency in supply while evading questions about affordability and sustainability. On the surface, this appears to be a case of extensive protest working towards shaping state responsiveness. And it is true that the state now sees supply as a non-negotiable aspect in the social contract with citizens. However, a range of factors contributed to the chronology and the selective, generation-focused nature of this response. On the other hand, citizen inclusion and participation in decision-making, and issues of affordability and sustainability, which impact vulnerable and disempowered groups the most, remain absent from the political and policy conversation around energy. This suggests that while protests were useful in generating a short-term response, their long-term legacy in empowerment related outcomes is less visible.
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Melnyk, Olesia. MEDIA DISCOURSE AROUND THE FIGURE OF ORIANA FALLACHI AND HER JOURNALISM DURING 2017–2020. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11114.

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The article analyzes the media discourse around the figure of Oriana Fallachi and her journalistic work during 2017-2020. The actual media image of the figure of Fallachi is highlighted, examples of positive and negative statements are given. It is substantiated why her journalism should be researched in various ways, taking into account other aspects of her work that are not related to Islamophobia. The subject of the study is critical texts in modern foreign media dedicated to the author’s work. The objective of the study is to outline the media discourse around the figure of Oriana Fallaci and her journalism during 2017-2020. The methodology. The following methods have been used in the process of scientific research: historical, comparative, systems analysis, content synthesis, and others. The main results. In total, we have analyzed eight materials in foreign publications, published over the past 3 years, as well as the two most famous biographies of Oriana Fallaci. Some of the most recent reviewed texts have been published in the last few months, reflecting the interest in the author’s journalism, her writing, and reporting. Therefore, we see the need for further tracking and analysis of this body of texts. Conclusions. Critics of Fallaci express polar views that are not all negative. Authors re­commend quite cautiously her texts for reading, emphasizing their positive aspects. Both Fallaci’s biographies are also not entirely complementary: some aspects of her work are glorified, others are condemned. We managed to find general tendencies in the criticism of Oriana Fallaci’s journalism. These include accusations of xenophobia and Islamophobia, uncompromisingness, lack of political correctness, and moral value. The authors emphasize, at the same time, the openness and directness that bribe the reader, patriotism and honesty, strength of spirit and firmness of position. Significance of the research. The analysis of the latest criticism reveals what kind of media image Fallachi’s figure has today, and gives the possibility to research it for demonization and one-sided coverage. This is important not only for thorough research of the author’s work but also for understanding how the modern world perceives journalism, which is contrary to the generally accepted principles of political correctness, journalistic ethics, and humanity.
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Aruguete, Natalia, Ernesto Calvo, Carlos Scartascini, and Tiago Ventura. Trustful Voters, Trustworthy Politicians: A Survey Experiment on the Influence of Social Media in Politics. Inter-American Development Bank, July 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0003389.

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Recent increases in political polarization in social media raise questions about the relationship between negative online messages and the decline in political trust around the world. To evaluate this claim causally, we implement a variant of the well-known trust game in a survey experiment with 4,800 respondents in Brazil and Mexico. Our design allows to test the effect of social media on trust and trustworthiness. Survey respondents alternate as agents (politicians) and principals (voters). Players can cast votes, trust others with their votes, and cast entrusted votes. The players rewards are contingent on their preferred “candidate” winning the election. We measure the extent to which voters place their trust in others and are themselves trustworthy, that is, willing to honor requests that may not benefit them. Treated respondents are exposed to messages from in-group or out-group politicians, and with positive or negative tone. Results provide robust support for a negative effect of uncivil partisan discourse on trust behavior and null results on trustworthiness. The negative effect on trust is considerably greater among randomly treated respondents who engage with social media messages. These results show that engaging with messages on social media can have a deleterious effect on trust, even when those messages are not relevant to the task at hand or not representative of the actions of the individuals involved in the game.
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Melnyk, Andriy. «INTELLECTUAL DARK WEB» AND PECULIARITIES OF PUBLIC DEBATE IN THE UNITED STATES. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11113.

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The article focuses on the «Intellectual Dark Web», an informal group of scholars, publicists, and activists who openly opposed the identity politics, political correctness, and the dominance of leftist ideas in American intellectual life. The author examines the reasons for the emergence of this group, names the main representatives and finds that the existence of «dark intellectuals» is the evidence of important problems in US public discourse. The term «Intellectual Dark Web» was coined by businessman Eric Weinstein to describe those who openly opposed restrictions on freedom of speech by the state or certain groups on the grounds of avoiding discrimination and hate speech. Extensive discussion of the phenomenon of «dark intellectuals» began after the publication of Barry Weiss’s article «Meet the renegades from the «Intellectual Dark Web» in The New York Times in 2018. The author writes of «dark intellectuals» as an informal group of «rebellious thinkers, academic apostates, and media personalities» who felt isolated from traditional channels of communication and therefore built their own alternative platforms to discuss awkward topics that were often taboo in the mainstream media. One of the most prominent members of this group, Canadian clinical psychologist Jordan Peterson, publicly opposed the C-16 Act in September 2016, which the Canadian government aimed to implement initiatives that would prevent discrimination against transgender people. Peterson called it a direct interference with the right to freedom of speech and the introduction of state censorship. Other members of the group had a similar experience that their views were not accepted in the scientific or media sphere. The existence of the «Intellectual Dark Web» indicates the problem of political polarization and the reduction of the ability to find a compromise in the American intellectual sphere and in American society as a whole.
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Hellström, Anders. How anti-immigration views were articulated in Sweden during and after 2015. Malmö University, Malmö Institute for Studies of Migration, Diversity and Welfare (MIM), 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.24834/isbn.9789178771936.

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The development towards the mainstreaming of extremism in European countries in the areas of immigration and integration has taken place both in policy and in discourse. The harsh policy measures that were implemented after the 2015 refugee crisis have led to a discursive shift; what is normal to say and do in the areas of immigration and integration has changed. Anti-immigration claims are today not merely articulated in the fringes of the political spectrum but more widely accepted and also, at least partly, officially sanctioned. This study investigates the anti-immigration claims, seen as (populist) appeals to the people that centre around a particular mythology of the people and that are, as such, deeply ingrained in national identity construction. The two dimensions of the populist divide are of relevance here: The horizontal dimension refers to articulated differences between "the people", who belong here, and the "non-people" (the other), who do not. The vertical dimension refers to articulated differences between the common people and the established elites. Empirically, the analysis shows how anti-immigration views embedded in processes of national myth making during and after 2015 were articulated in the socially conservative online newspaper Samtiden from 2016 to 2019. The results indicate that far-right populist discourse conveys a nostalgia for a golden age and a cohesive and homogenous collective identity, combining ideals of cultural conformism and socioeconomic fairness.
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Crispin, Darla. Artistic Research as a Process of Unfolding. Norges Musikkhøgskole, August 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.22501/nmh-ar.503395.

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As artistic research work in various disciplines and national contexts continues to develop, the diversity of approaches to the field becomes ever more apparent. This is to be welcomed, because it keeps alive ideas of plurality and complexity at a particular time in history when the gross oversimplifications and obfuscations of political discourses are compromising the nature of language itself, leading to what several commentators have already called ‘a post-truth’ world. In this brutal environment where ‘information’ is uncoupled from reality and validated only by how loudly and often it is voiced, the artist researcher has a responsibility that goes beyond the confines of our discipline to articulate the truth-content of his or her artistic practice. To do this, they must embrace daring and risk-taking, finding ways of communicating that flow against the current norms. In artistic research, the empathic communication of information and experience – and not merely the ‘verbally empathic’ – is a sign of research transferability, a marker for research content. But this, in some circles, is still a heretical point of view. Research, in its more traditional manifestations mistrusts empathy and individually-incarnated human experience; the researcher, although a sentient being in the world, is expected to behave dispassionately in their professional discourse, and with a distrust for insights that come primarily from instinct. For the construction of empathic systems in which to study and research, our structures still need to change. So, we need to work toward a new world (one that is still not our idea), a world that is symptomatic of what we might like artistic research to be. Risk is one of the elements that helps us to make the conceptual twist that turns subjective, reflexive experience into transpersonal, empathic communication and/or scientifically-viable modes of exchange. It gives us something to work with in engaging with debates because it means that something is at stake. To propose a space where such risks may be taken, I shall revisit Gillian Rose’s metaphor of ‘the fold’ that I analysed in the first Symposium presented by the Arne Nordheim Centre for Artistic Research (NordART) at the Norwegian Academy of Music in November 2015. I shall deepen the exploration of the process of ‘unfolding’, elaborating on my belief in its appropriateness for artistic research work; I shall further suggest that Rose’s metaphor provides a way to bridge some of the gaps of understanding that have already developed between those undertaking artistic research and those working in the more established music disciplines.
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