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Venier, Giada. "I tecnicismi collaterali nei discorsi politici: strategie di gestione nell'interpretazione simultanea." Master's thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2020. http://amslaurea.unibo.it/20404/.
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I tecnicismi collaterali (TC) sono espressioni tipiche dei linguaggi specialistici che vengono preferite ad altre per la loro connotazione tecnica. Al contrario dei termini veri e propri, i TC non sono necessari ai fini del rigore scientifico e possono essere sostituiti da alternative della lingua comune, ma contribuiscono a rendere il registro più formale. In questa tesi si approfondisce questo fenomeno linguistico nel linguaggio politico e, per la prima volta, nell'ambito dell’interpretazione simultanea. L’obiettivo dello studio è infatti quello di osservare le strategie di gestione più frequentemente adottate dagli interpreti professionisti durante l’interpretazione verso l’inglese di discorsi politici italiani che contengono diverse tipologie di TC. Nella prima parte dell'elaborato si illustrano i concetti teorici fondamentali relativi ai TC, al linguaggio politico e all'interpretazione simultanea. Nella seconda parte si presenta una prima analisi, condotta su due raccolte di testi, al fine di verificare l’esistenza e l’utilizzo dei TC nel linguaggio politico sia italiano che inglese. Questo passaggio è necessario per la vera analisi effettuata su un corpus parallelo di interpretazione composto da 10 discorsi politici in italiano con le rispettive rese in inglese. L’analisi delle rispettive rese (o non rese) dei TC in inglese ha permesso di determinare le strategie più frequentemente adottate dagli interpreti, tra cui il mantenimento, l'approssimazione, l'espansione e l'omissione. Alla discussione dei risultati segue infine una riflessione sui molteplici spunti offerti da questo lavoro per ulteriori ricerche sui TC, per esempio nell'ambito dell’interpretazione simultanea e consecutiva. I risultati futuri potrebbero inoltre essere utili nella didattica dell’interpretazione, al fine di sensibilizzare i futuri interpreti all'importanza di conoscere e saper utilizzare i TC.
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De, Marco Domenico. "La (de)costruzione sociale dello straniero tra discorsi politici, norme giuridiche e politiche locali per l'immigrazione. Una ricerca comparativa tra Roma e Barcellona." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/306000.
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La presente tesi di dottorato approfondisce l’immigrazione e, precisamente, le politiche delle amministrazioni locali per l’accoglienza e l’integrazione sociale degli stranieri. La ricerca non affronta un argomento nuovo ma, visto il gran numero di cittadini stranieri comunitari ed extracomunitari che raggiungono ogni anno l’Italia e la Spagna, le politiche per l’integrazione sociale degli immigrati (immigrants politics) hanno acquistato un significato sociale e culturale che le ha trasformate in un tema di speciale rilevanza e interesse dal punto di vista sociologico, politologico e giuridico. Nello specifico, la ricerca si concentra sulle politiche implementate nelle città di Roma e Barcellona, con il fine di comprendere le analogie e le differenze che soggiacciono al modello di politica locale specifico di ognuna di esse.
I primi capitoli della tesi sono il frutto di un ampio lavoro di ricerca bibliografica orientata a ricostruire i principali approcci teorici che nell’ambito delle scienze sociali studiano lo straniero e l’immigrazione, tanto nella sua articolazione quanto nel suo impatto con la società di accoglienza. Nel primo capitolo è presentato il dibattito sulla figura dello straniero e i contributi degli autori che all’interno delle scienze sociali, hanno contribuito alla definizione dello straniero come categoria sociologica. In questa parte della ricerca lo sforzo è stato quello di collegare le riflessioni dei classici della sociologia come G. Simmel, N. Elias e W. Sombart, a quelle di autori più recenti quali Z. Bauman, A. Touraine, con lo scopo di far “dialogare” tra loro autori di differenti epoche storiche.
Nel secondo capitolo è esaminata la letteratura sui discorsi politici sull’immigrazione e si approfondisce il ruolo dei mezzi di comunicazione nella diffusione di un’immagine dell’immigrazione come problema sociale e nazionale. Nello specifico, sono ricostruiti i processi che hanno contribuito a diffondere una rappresentazione dell’immigrazione legata alla criminalità e all’irregolarità degli stranieri. In questa parte del lavoro si approfondisce l’origine del discorso securitario al cui interno l’immigrazione è rappresentata come problema collegato alla sicurezza.
La seconda parte della ricerca si concentra sugli aspetti interpretativi del fenomeno migratorio attraverso la ricostruzione di due casi nazionali: l’Italia e la Spagna. A questo proposito, il terzo capitolo è dedicato all’analisi delle leggi sull’immigrazione, italiane e spagnole, e alla ricostruzione delle tappe della loro evoluzione, un percorso che ha complessificato la gestione dell’immigrazione e stabilito un sistema di governance multilevel, dove le istituzioni locali e le associazioni del Terzo Settore diventano “partner” della Pubblica Amministrazione nella prestazione di servizi alle persone immigrate.
In seguito, è presentata la raccolta e l’analisi del materiale empirico, attraverso una metodologia di analisi qualitativa. Nello specifico, si presenta uno studio comparativo delle politiche locali per gli immigrati delle città di Roma e Barcellona. In entrambe le città sono state realizzate interviste-semistrutturate con testimoni privilegiati appartenenti al settore pubblico e al Terzo Settore (in totale 50), operanti a livello regionale, comunale e territoriale, con il fine di individuare le peculiarità delle politiche locali per gli immigrati (reti di attori, relazioni, programmi di intervento, risorse, ecc.) implementate in ognuno dei due casi di studio.
Nel capitolo quinto sono esposti i dati raccolti con le interviste, mentre i risultati dell’analisi comparativa sono presentati nel capitolo finale, mostrando analogie e differenze tra i due modelli i immigrants policy osservati nel caso di Roma e in quello di Barcellona.La presente tesis doctoral se centra en la inmigración, precisamente, en las políticas de las administraciones locales relacionadas a la acogida y a la integración social de los ciudadanos extranjeros. La investigación no se enfrenta a un problema nuevo en sí, sin embargo dado el gran número de ciudadanos comunitarios y no comunitarios que cada año llegan a Italia y España, las políticas locales para la integración social de las personas recién llegadas han adquirido un significado social y cultural que las convierte en un tema de especial relevancia e interés desde el punto de vista sociológico, polito1ógico y jurídico. Concretamente, el estudio se centra en las políticas implementadas en las ciudades de Roma y Barcelona, con el fin de comprender las similitudes y las diferencias que subyacen detrás del modelo de política local específico de cada una de ellas. Los primeros capítulos de la tesis son el fruto de un amplio trabajo de investigación bibliográfica con el fin de reconstruir los principales enfoques teóricos que en el ámbito de las ciencias sociales estudian el extranjero y la inmigración, tanto en su articulación cuanto en su impacto en la sociedad receptora. En el primer capitula se presenta el debate sobre la figura del extranjero, así como las contribuciones de los autores que, dentro de las ciencias sociales, han contribuido a la definición del extranjero coma una categoría sociológica. Esta parte de la investigación consiste en conectar la reflexión y los aportes de los clásicos de la sociología como Simmel, Elias y Sombart a las de autores más recientes como Bauman y Touraine, en el intento de hacer "dialogar" a los autores de diferentes épocas históricas. En el segundo capitula se examina la literatura sobre los discursos políticos en torno a la inmigración profundizando el papel de los medios de comunicación en la difusión de una imagen de la inmigración como problema social. En concreto, se han reconstruido los procesos que han contribuido a la propagación de una representación de la inmigración relacionada a la criminalidad y a la irregularidad de los extranjeros. En esta parte del trabajo, se ha profundizado en el origen del discurso securitario en el que la inmigración está representada coma problema social enlazado a la seguridad. La segunda parte del trabajo de tesis se concentra en la cuestión interpretativa del fenómeno migratorio mediante la reconstrucción de dos casos nacionales: Italia y España. A este propósito, se ha dedicado el tercer capitula al análisis de las leyes de extranjería, italiana y española, hallando las etapas de un recorrido que ha vuelto más compleja la gestión de la inmigración y ha establecido un sistema de gobernanza multinivel en la que las instituciones locales y las entidades del Tercer Sector Social se convierten en "aliados" de las administraciones públicas en la prestación de servicios a las personas inmigradas. Posteriormente, se ha recopilado y analizado el material empírico a través de metodologías de análisis cualitativas. En concreto, se lleva a cabo un estudio comparativo entre las políticas locales para los inmigrantes de la ciudad de Roma y las de la ciudad de Barcelona. En ambas ciudades se han realizado entrevistas semiestructuradas con actores clave tanto públicos, cuanto del Tercer Sector Social (en total 50), operativas tanto a nivel autonómico como municipal y territorial, con el objetivo de reconstruir las peculiaridades de las políticas locales para los inmigrantes (redes de actores, recursos, relaciones, programas de intervención). En el capítulo siguiente se exponen los datos recopilados con las entrevistas, mientras que los resultados del análisis comparativo se muestran en el capítulo de conclusiones, destacando similitudes y diferencias entre los dos modelos de política inmigratoria observados.
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Micciché, Cristian Maria Rosario. "La metafora in interpretazione simultanea dal tedesco all'italiano: il caso degli interpreti in formazione." Master's thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2017. http://amslaurea.unibo.it/12757/.
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Metaphors have always been an object of study. In the past many have shown interest towards this topic, at the beginning poets, philosophers, literature critics and later on also linguists and psychologists. However, it was at the end of the seventies, thanks to Howard Pollios study, that metaphors became an object of study for psychologists and linguists. As a student at the interpreting masters degree in Forlì, it was immediately clear that metaphors represented a major difficulty in interpreting. University lecturers have always tried to teach students to “kill the metaphor”. This shows that all metaphors are different from one another, yet there is one thing that all metaphors share, that is, the obstacle that they represent for simultaneous interpreting. The first chapter of this dissertation is divided in two parts. The first one we will highlight the metaphors theory and will describe what approaches have been employed when dealing with this topic. The second part describes what simultaneous interpreting is. The second chapter deals with the political language and with the use of metaphors in this sector. The third and fourth chapter describe the experiment carried out to see how trainee conference interpreters deal with metaphors. Furthermore, chapter four will illustrate, what parameters have been chosen for the analysis of the interpreters’ outputs and it contains a categorisation of all metaphors found in the source text. Chapter five will be divided in two parts, the first one, summarizes the interpreters’ outputs and evaluates their quality with reference to the selected quality criteria. The second one, focuses on the outputs of the metaphors found in the source text and analyzes what translation techniques have been adopted.
Having two different groups of interpreters, belonging to two different academic years, it will be interesting to analyze if, as far as the quality of the interpreters’ outputs is concerned, substantial differences exist.
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Tapsell, Peter Grant. "Politics and political discourse in the British monarchies, 1681-5." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.439045.
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Jansson, Daniel. "Peasant Political Thought : Politics, Discourse, and Identity in the Age of Liberty." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-225745.
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Jhappan, Carol R. (Carol Radha). "The language of empowerment : symbolic politics and Indian political discourse in Canada." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/30656.
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The question of how subordinated groups in democratic states set about shifting their political relationship with their encompassing societies has received little attention among political scientists in Canada. Groups which lack significant political, legal, and economic resources, and which are stigmatized by an inferior status (reinforced by law and policy) do not enjoy the level playing field predicted by pluralist interest group theory. Yet they are sometimes able to overcome these obstacles and to renegotiate their political and legal status. The question is how some groups are able to do this, and what strategies are available to or obligatory for groups wishing to initiate political bargaining.
According to the theory of symbolic politics developed here, disadvantaged minorities seeking political benefits from the state will typically conduct politics at the symbolic level. That is, they tend to invoke a range of political symbols and myths: first, to build in-group solidarity by presenting an analysis of a common past and present, as well as a vision of the future society, and thereby legitimate their political aspirations.
In the first stage of minority politicization, such groups must: (a) build a sense of community of interests and goals which can be said to represent the reference group as a whole; (b) reverse the stigmatic identity ascribed to them by the dominant society; and (c) find ways of competing with the dominant society, not on the latter's terms, but on alternative ideological grounds. In the second stage of politicization, minorities must: (a) create appropriate demands; (b) learn to use the mechanisms, methods and institutions of the mainstream political process; and (c) eventually routinize conflict by negotiating stable norms to guide on-going relations with government.
Subordinated groups do not normally seek purely material benefits. They usually seek symbolic benefits in the form of rights, and a redefined status within society. Thus, much of their politicking is conducted in public, and is largely devoted to capturing public sympathy which can be used as a resource against government. The political myths and symbols employed are characteristically emotive and imprecise. Political goals are presented in symbolic terms, and are advanced at the level of principle rather than substance.
When applied to the case of Native Indian politics in the Canadian context, the evidence confirms the accuracy of these hypotheses. Indians have pursued the symbolic strategies predicted by the model: the essence of their political aspirations has been captured in the symbols of aboriginal title/aboriginal rights, land claims, and ultimately, self-government; at the macro level, they have sought predominantly symbolic benefits, as represented by legislative and constitutional recognition of certain rights and privileges; and they have attempted to win public support to use as a bargaining chip vis-a-vis government. However, they have not been entirely successful in their use of the symbolic strategies outlined, and the evidence suggests that they have reached a public opinion impasse. Despite their efforts, public opinion on native and native issues has remained remarkably stable over the last twenty years, so that further effort in this area is likely to bring diminishing returns. In the end, symbolic politics, while necessary for subordinated groups in their fledgling stages of politicization, must eventually give way to more conventional political methodologies as groups become institutionalized in the mainstream political process.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Greenup, Jeremy Jay. "Identity as Politics, Politics as Identity: An Anthropological Examination of the Political Discourse on Same-Sex Marriage." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2006. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/anthro_theses/10.
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Marriage has come to be center-stage in a semiotic and ideological “culture war.” The issue of same-sex marriage has emerged as a defining political argument shaping the manner by which the contemporary gay rights movement positions itself. In Georgia’s 2004 election, a constitutional amendment was proposed defining marriage as legal unions between only biological men and women. In response, campaigns were organized by both supporters and opponents to same-sex marriage. This thesis examines the politics of spectacle at play through which both sides of this argument positioned themselves. This thesis employs anthropological theory, queer theory and public sphere literature to illuminate the campaign against same-sex marriage as one of not only the denial of citizenship rights, but of identity recognition. The methods of theatricality employed by both sides of this debate are examined alongside the manners by which they represented themselves as legitimate voices in the fight over “marriage.”
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Greenup, Jeremy Jay. "Identity as politics, politics as identity a anthropological examination of the political discourse on same-sex marriage /." unrestricted, 2005. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-11282005-141753/.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2005.Title from title screen. Emanuela Guano, committee chair; Kathryn A. Kozaitis, Susan McCombie, Cassandra White, committee members. Electronic text (96 p. : photos) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed June 11, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 92-96).
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Janura, Lukáš. "Německá zahraniční politika a politický realismus." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-15481.
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The thesis deals with one of the international relations theories - realism. It examines the presence of realism in discussions about the German foreign policy on the ground of the parliament of Germany. Key concepts of realism and liberalism are defined in the introduction. The aim is to evaluate the presence of the realistic rhethoric used by particular political parties. The situation is described on three cases of the German foreign policy - discussions about China, Georgia and Turkey. The thesis is based on stenographic protocols of parliamentary debates covering the proper period.
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Woldegeorgis, Eden Fitsum. "Politics Gone Wired : Computer Mediated Discourse Analysis of Facebook, Political Discussions in Ethiopia." Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-49451.
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Yang, Fan. "A Discourse on discours : Habermas, Foucault and the Political/Legal Discourses in China." Thesis, Cachan, Ecole normale supérieure, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015DENS0016/document.
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Les questions d’adaptabilité de la démocratie occidentale dans le contexte chinois ont toujours été une préoccupation importante. Cette recherche vise à étudier l’adaptabilité de la démocratie délibérative dans le contexte de la chine en termes de perspective normative. Tout d’abord, on s’est concentré sur la Théorie de discussion de droit et démocratie de Habermas, parce que c’est une des théories normatives de délibération démocratique les plus discutées en Chine aujourd’hui. Compte-tenu de la normativité et de l’idéalité de la théorie de Habermas, la théorie du discours des relations de pouvoir de Foucault est introduite pour illustrer la tension entre différentes théories de discours occidentaux. Puis, afin d’enquêter sur les adaptabilités de ces deux théories du discours dans le contexte chinois et d’équilibrer la tension entre les deux, un autre concept normatif, la rationalité confucéenne, est attirée sur des sources culturelles traditionnelles chinoises. En conséquence, trois dimensions de la théorie du discours, ainsi que les relations entre eux, sont présentés. Certaines descriptions empiriques sur les faits de la Chine historique et politique sont également nécessaires d’utilisation pour expliquer, compléter ou interroger ce cadre théorique. Deux perspectives de tension sont toujours critiques dans toute la recherche : la tension entre universalité et particularité et la tension entre les théories normatives et des faits socio-politiques. Grâce à l’approche des études de texte, ainsi que des études de conception et d’études empirique comme suppléments, la recherche est menée comme suit. Le premier chapitre traite de la tension entre la théorie du discours du droit et de la démocratie de Habermas et les faits sociaux. Le chapitre 2 analyse la tension entre la théorie du discours de Habermas et la théorie du discours de Foucault et plaide en faveur de la remise en question des problèmes de tension. Le troisième chapitre tente de rechercher les ressources dans les cultures politiques traditionnelles chinoises et de proposer une autre théorie normative de discours, la théorie du discours de la rationalité confucéenne, pour équilibrer la tension entre les deux précédentes théories normatives de discours. On fait valoir que le type idéal de rationalité confucéenne (un type normatif de rationalité de valeur) peut être utilisé comme un pont de communication entre les deux théories du discours opposées. Le chapitre 4, par des descriptions empiriques sur l’espace publique et les discussions politiques/juridiques dans la société traditionnelles chinoise, explique la théorie normative proposée au chapitre 3 et tente de réexaminer et de redéfinir les notions d’« espace publique » dans le contexte de la Chine traditionnelle. Enfin, le chapitre 5 se concentre sur les descriptions des discussions politiques et juridiques dans l’espace publique des nouveaux médias de la Chine d’aujourd’hui. C’est une réponse empirique pour toutes les études normatives antérieures, et aussi une enquête sur la tension entre les théories normatives et les expériences sociales. Je soutiens que, en raison des différentes structures cognitives et les différents modes de pensée dans les différentes cultures, il devrait y avoir différents paradigmes normatifs de la démocratie du discours dans les différents contextes culturels, et que la normativité et la réalité sont les deux faces d’une même médaille. Les théories normatives du discours sont des guides pour les pratiques de la démocratie délibérative et les pratiques de la démocratie délibératives peuvent vérifier, compléter ou améliorer les théories normatives du discours. Outre la démonstration des dimensions plurielles de théories du discours, une autre intention pratique de cette thèse est de plaider pour une approche de la démocratie délibérative, qui serait à la fois chinoise et moderneThe adaptability issues of Western democracy in the context of China have always been an important academic concern. This research was intended to study the adaptability of deliberative democracy in the Chinese context in terms of a normative perspective. At the beginning, this research focused on Habermas‘s Discourse Theory of Law and Democracy, because it is one of the most discussed normative deliberative democratic theories in China today. Taking into consideration the normativity and ideality of Habermas‘s theory, Foucault‘s discourse theory of power relations is then introduced to illustrate the tensions between different Western discourse theories. In order to investigate the adaptabilities of these two discourse theories in the Chinese context, and to balance the tension between them, another normative concept, namely the Confucian Rationality, is then drawn upon from traditional Chinese cultural sources. Accordingly, these three dimensions of discourse theory, as well as the relations between them, are presented. The employment of some empirical descriptions of certain Chinese historical-political facts is also necessary to explain, to supplement, or to question this theoretic framework. Two tension perspectives are critical throughout the research: the tension between universality and particularity, and the tension between normative theories and social-political facts.Through the approaches of textual studies, aided by conceptual and empirical studies as complements, the research is conducted as following: Chapter 1 discusses the tension between Habermas‘s normative discourse theory of law and democracy and social facts; Chapter 2 analyzes the tension between Habermas‘s discourse theory and Foucault‘s discourse theory of power relations, and proposes to rethink the tension problems. Chapter 3 tries to search for the resources in traditional Chinese political cultures, and to put forward another normative discourse theory- the discourse theory of Confucian rationality- to balance the tension between the foregoing two normative discourse theories. It is argued that an ideal type of Confucian rationality (a kind of normative value rationality) can be used as a bridge between the two opposite discourse theories. Chapter 4 further explains the normative theory that was proposed in Chapter 3, and tries to reexamine and redefine the concepts of ―Public Sphere‖ and ―Deliberative Politics in the context of traditional China through empirical descriptions on the ―Public Sphere‖ and political/legal discussions in traditional Chinese society. Finally,Chapter 5 focuses on the descriptions of the political and legal discussions in China's new media public sphere today. It is an empirical response to all the normative studies mentioned above, and at the same time an investigation on the tensions between the normative theories and the social experiences. We argue that, because of the different cognitive structures and diverse modes of thinking in specific cultures, there should be different normative paradigms of discourse democracy in corresponding cultural contexts. Normativity and reality are the two sides of the same coin. Normative discourse theories serve as the guidance for the practices of deliberative democracy, which can, in its turn, verify, supplement, improve and challenge the normative discourse theories. Apart from demonstrating of the multiple dimensions of discourse theories, another practical intent of this thesis is to promote an approach leading to discourse democracy that would combine elements of both Chinese and modern, consistent with both the fundamental predilections of Chinese civilization, and the practical needs of a modern China
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Jannusch, Amber. "Politics among friends : political persuasion through the lens of sequential inferential paradigm." Diss., University of Iowa, 2014. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/1339.
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The purpose of this research is to investigate actual communication and real world interactions among friends, in order to add to our understanding of political persuasion. Opinions and attitudes are affected by more than deliberate persuasive attempts, and politics are more than just elections and candidate speeches. What people say or do on an everyday basis with friends can be just as - if not more - influential, particularly as a meaning-making endeavor to establish, test, or solidify attitudes. An alternative approach to political communication should address the ongoing interactive nature of meaningmaking and the role of relationships in political persuasion. Thus this study uses discourse analysis through the lens of Sequential Inferential Paradigm to examine a conversation among friends about a political topic, finding that the structure of the conversation and the relationship between the participants are important considerations of influence.
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Anderson, Loriel Sarah Ann. "Reflections of the 'Other': foreign polities in archaic and classical greek political discourse." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.658565.
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Throughout their history interactions with foreigners had a profound influence on the Greek sense of' self and the development of a Panhellenic identity. In many ways, Greek culture developed out of interactions with ' others'. However, Greek ethnicity did not operate as a polarity with strictly defmed categories but was a sliding scale. The endpoints were strongly structuralist understandings of 'Greek' and 'Barbarian', with various intermediary points to accommodate those who did not conform to these precise categories. Greek ethnicity was complex and fluid, meaning different things at different times to different people. The texts examined in this study, Homer's epic poems, Herodotus' Histories, and Ctesias' Persica, all variously display what it meant to be Greek, 'other', and the shades and subtleties inherent in such concepts. Homer's Trojans, although traditionally considered to be similar to the Greeks, exhibit several characteristics of 'others' as typified in fifth-century concepts of the Barbarian, demonstrating that such stereotypes have long roots. Although several contemporary texts emphasise the differences between Greeks and Barbarians, Herodotus provides an extremely sophisticated portrait of ' others' by refraining from relying upon simple stereotypes. While Homer and Herodotus present the shades and subtleties inherent in conceptions of ethnicity and alterity, Ctesias' work functions on the premise of polarity between Greeks and ' others'. Ctesias imagines Persia as a fantastical 'other', the opposite of Greece in almost every way. He plays to the stereotypes, revealing the complexities inherent in notions of ' self and 'other' . This project demonstrates that it is possible to understand contemporary Greek political thought through a backwards reading of Greek texts about 'others' . The authors examined respond to contemporary political concerns, particularly discussions of wealth, access to power, and decision making, in various ways, providing unique insight into the contemporary political thought that influenced each of these authors.
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Mercer, Kobena Paul. "Powellism : race, politics and discourse." Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.268169.
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McLeod, Laura Jane. "Gender politics and security discourse." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2010. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/14993/.
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Since the United Nations Security Council adopted UNSCR 1325 on Women, Peace and Security in October 2000, there have been debates about how to achieve "gender security". This thesis explores competing modes of constructions about "gender security" within feminist and women's NGOs in Serbia, highlighting the ways that personal-political imaginations of Serbia's conflict and post-conflict pasts, presents and futures affect the logics of "gender security". Part one explores the configurations of "gender security" amongst feminist and women's NGOs in Serbia. Post-structural discourse analysis strategies are deployed to investigate the personal-political imaginations of conflict and post-conflict constituting how feminism and security is thought about. Utilising field research conducted in Serbia during 2008 and 2009, the discursive construction of competing modes of thought about gender and/or security amongst activists is revealed, highlighting that the way that conflict and post-conflict is thought about profoundly affects these modes of thought. Part two is an in-depth examination of the performance of UNseR 1325 within two case studies. UNSCR 1325 is taken to be the site of discursive contact between gender and security, and is productive of the articulation and representation of gender security policies and agendas. The first case study centres upon the feminist-pacifist debate, focussing upon Women in Black. UNSCR 1325 is utilised as a political tool to support the advocacy work of Women in Black. In contrast, the second case study explores ways specific discourses of gender security has stimulated political action. An investigation of the broader domestic violence debate in Serbia makes clear how international gender security discourses triggered an increasing concern about small arms and light weapons (SALW) abuse within domestic violence. Subsequently, activists have pushed SALW concerns higher up the domestic violence agenda in Serbia. The variations in how UNSCR 1325 is utilised is a consequence of the particular configuration of gender security, arising from personal-political imaginations of conflict and post-conflict amongst activists.
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COVELLI, VENUSIA. "Il ragionamento controfattuale nel discorso politico e i suoi effetti sulla percezione dei leader." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/415.
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L’obiettivo è indagare l’uso del ragionamento controfattuale nei discorsi degli uomini politici, centrati sulla discussione e la difesa del proprio o altrui operato al governo. Inizialmente, verranno analizzati alcuni discorsi di leader politici, nell’intento di mettere a punto una griglia di codifica dei controfattuali peculiari del discorso politico. Successivamente, verranno indagati gli effetti prodotti dal ragionamento controfattuale sulla percezione dei leader politici.The research aims at studying the use of counterfactual thinking in political discourses centred on the discussion or defence of one’s own or other politicians performance. First, some political discourses will be analysed in order to develop a coding system of counterfactual in the political domain. Second, the effects of counterfactual reasoning on the perception of politicians perception will be investigated.
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Watson, Sally E. "Sinn FeÌin politics and republican ideology : a study of republican discourse and political transition, 1969-2002." Thesis, Lancaster University, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.413795.
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Hehnke, Jennifer Marie 1978. "The politics of racial integration in the Seattle Public Schools: Discourse, policy, and political change, 1954-1991." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/10550.
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xiii, 302 p. : ill. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number.This study examines the role of narrative in racial integration politics in the Seattle Public Schools between 1954 and 1991. In 1978, the Seattle School District in coalition with civic actors implemented a mandatory student assignment desegregation policy, "The Seattle Plan," without a court order. A decade later, another similar coalition of actors came together to shift desegregation policy towards a "controlled choice" method of student movement. In 1991, with the support of the newly elected Democratic mayor, the foundation of desegregation was dismantled. In Seattle, the shifts in desegregation conflicts can be explained as the transposition of certain arrangements of ideas into policy and the concurrent shift in the arrangement produced by new alignments of actors able to find enough common ground to coalesce and make policy. This dissertation explores the complexity of ideas about racial equality and the oftentimes-surprising arrangements actors created. I analyze the way elected, elite, and non-elite actors at the local level talked about, interpreted, and re-interpreted questions of racial segregation, equality, and the role of the public schools and explore the amalgamations of ideas about race and schools that explain the unique development of policy in Seattle with a way to account for change relying on micro-political developments. I examine the discursive arrangements generated within these conflicts, the coalitions built around these ideas, and how the ideas were implemented as policy. I analyze a broad range of archival materials, newspaper accounts, and interviews with actors who were involved in these events.
Committee in charge: Gerald Berk, Chairperson, Political Science; Julie Novkov, Member, Political Science; Joseph Lowndes, Member, Political Science; James Mohr, Outside Member, History
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Bramley, Nicolette Ruth, and Nicolette Bramley@canberra edu au. "Pronouns of politics : the use of pronouns in the construction of 'self' and 'other' in political interviews." The Australian National University. Faculty of Arts, 2001. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20040817.141350.
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Pronouns play a key role in the construction of self and other. They are not merely a way of expressing person, number and gender as is suggested by traditional grammarians nor do they only do referential and deictic work. Rather, they must be thought of in the context of interaction and in terms of the identity work that they accomplish. In this thesis, it is argued that pronouns are used to construct favourable images of themselves, and others.¶ The context of this study is the Australian political media interview. In this study, the pronouns I you we and they are examined individually, then, as they occur in sequence. This investigation reveals that pronouns are used to construct politicians multiple selves and others and that as they occur in sequence, the changing selves of politicians and different others are created. The construction of these multiple selves and others is a version of reality that politicians construct discursively and is not an objective representation of facts.¶ This analysis of pronouns in political interviews also reveals striking and hitherto unresearched uses of pronouns, which can be used to show affiliation or create distance between people where it would not traditionally be expected. Politicians actively exploit the flexibility of pronominal reference to construct the different identities of themselves and other and use them to create different alignments to, and boundaries between, their multiple selves and others. Thus, pronouns are pivotal in the construction of reality a reality that is created and understood in the discourse of the moment.
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Collini, Giacomo. "LE CONFERENZE STAMPA TRA DUE LEADER POLITICI COME GENERE DISCORSIVO Analisi di due casi di studio." Master's thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2017. http://amslaurea.unibo.it/14751/.
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SOMMARIO
Questo elaborato prende in esame le conferenze stampa tra due leader politici internazionali (CSPI) come forma di comunicazione politica che si può descrivere come genere discorsivo, e si pone l’obiettivo di fornire una descrizione più strutturata delle caratteristiche e dei motivi conduttori delle CSPI, in base agli scarsi studi esistenti sulle conferenze stampa politiche. Tale descrizione si può concepire anche come una possibile base per sviluppare uno studio sull’interpretazione simultanea per questi eventi.
Il primo capitolo presenta la comunicazione politica e il suo rapporto con i mezzi di comunicazione come cornice per le conferenze stampa. Il secondo capitolo introduce il concetto di “conferenza stampa” (CS), per poi approfondire il genere di “conferenza stampa politica” e arrivare, in ultima analisi, alle CSPI come sotto-genere. Si presentano qui gli studi teorici che hanno descritto il formato ricorrente delle CSPI e le strategie dei giornalisti e dei leader politici durante le dichiarazioni iniziali e la sequenza di domande e risposte. Il terzo e il quarto capitolo presentano, infine, un’analisi in parallelo di due casi di studio: l’ultima CS tra Matteo Renzi e Barack Obama, e la prima tra Paolo Gentiloni e Theresa May. L’obiettivo era applicare i parametri teorici del secondo capitolo a due casi concreti per rilevare le caratteristiche salienti.
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Tulloch, Scott. "Mapping U.S. Civic Engagement Discourse: A Geo-Critical Rhetorical Wandering." Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2008. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/TullochS2008.pdf.
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Mechar, Kyle William. "The politics of speaking for : theorizing the limits of liberation and equality in gay and lesbian political discourse." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ54374.pdf.
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Thexton, Wayne Stuart. "Discourse and the psychological politics of education." Thesis, Staffordshire University, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.443299.
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Persdotter, Sigrid, and Terese Björlin. "Discourse analysis of the swedish integration politics." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för hälsa och samhälle (HS), 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-25081.
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This essay is a discourse analysis of the integration politics of the different partiesin the Swedish parliament and the non-parliamentary party ‘the SwedishDemocrats’, as it is presented on their respective web pages. The overall purposeis to problematize and shed a light on how the current discourse(s) aboutintegration are constituted. Also of interest is how these construct our knowledgeand experience of the phenomena. We furthermore want to illustrate the socialconsequences of such discourses on the construction and organization of identitiesand groups, and, as a result, the courses of action that becomes available. Ouressay has a methodological and theoretical foundation that is based upondiscourse theory – an approach with a view of the reality as both sociallyconstructed and as communicated by linguistic organisation. Unsurprisingly then,it is our ontological standpoint that it is language that constructs and gives ourreality a meaning, rather than a naturalistic objective and value-free reflection ofthe world. The analysis identifies some general themes that could be viewed uponas the foundation of the integration-discourse. We find that this discourse isorganized around a mythical idea of the Swedish society, which is identified as abroader discourse about the concept of the nation. The ideational process worksthrough the construction of a separation from other nations, and thus an indirectcreation of a group (Swedes) belonging to the own nation and community. As aresult a division is made between those who belong to the society and those whodo not (immigrants). In order to get access to the Swedish society, in other wordsto integrate and escape alienation, the excluded must get an employment. Thevarious discourses differ on reasons behind the failing integration, a finding thatwe discuss and problematize around in the study. The overall conclusion is thatthe discourses is unable to contribute to integration process and insteadconsolidates the divide between immigrants and Swedes.
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McClelland, Roderick William. "White discourse in post-independence Zimbabwean literature." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/18261.
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Literally hundreds of novels were written by white Rhodesians during the U.D.I. era of the 1960s and 1970s. Since Independence, however, not much more than a handful of literary texts have been produced by whites in Zimbabwe. This dissertation, therefore, involves an interrogation of both white discourse and the (reduced) space for white discourse in postcolonial Zimbabwean society. In addition to the displaced moral space, and the removal of the economic and political power base, there has been an appropriation of control over the material means of production of any discourse and white discourse, which has become accustomed to its position of superiority due to its dominance and dominating tendencies, has struggled to come to terms with its new, non-hegemonic 'space'. In an attempt to come to some understanding of the literary silence and marginalisation of white discourse in post-independence Zimbabwe there has to be some understanding of the voice that was formed during the British South Africa Company's administration and which reached a crescendo of authoritarian self-assertion at the declaration of unilateral independence. Vital to this discussion (in Part I) is an uncovering of the myths that were intrinsic to white discourse in the way that they were created as justification for settlement and to propagandise the aggressive defence of that space that was forged in an alien landscape. These myths have not been easily cast aside and, hence, have made it so difficult for white discourse to adapt to post-colonial society. Most Rhodesian novels were extremely partisan and promulgated these myths. Part II, discusses ex post facto novels about the war (from the white perspective) to investigate whether white discourse is recognising the lies that make up so much of its belief system. This investigation of this particular perspective of the war, then, will help to define at what stage white Zimbabweans are at in the development of a national culture. Part III takes this discussion of acculturation and national unity further. Furthermore, through the discussion of a number of novels in this chapter, it is argued that white discourse is struggling to come to terms with its non-hegemonic position and is continuing to attempt to assert its control. The 'space' available to the early settlers' discourse for appropriation, however, has been removed and, in the reduced space available to white discourse, one continued area of possible control is that of conservation.
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Lundh, Daniel. "Contructing the "New Moderates" - a case study in political communication." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för mediestudier, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-80535.
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In this thesis, the“NewModerates” communications strategy used by The Moderate Party and the representation of social practices and social conditions by Alliance for Sweden-coalition in the 2006 and 2010 Swedish election campaigns are analyzed.The campaigns are placed in the context of current research on modern political communication and analyzed through Fairclough´s Critical Discourse Analysis framework.The results indicate that The Moderate Party wanted to encourage voters to reassess their opinion of the party through the “NewModerates”-strategy, by indicating considerable changes in their policies.Official guidelines for which discursive and social practices should be utilized in party communication to achieve these goals were issued.The Moderate Party positioned themselves against The Social Democratic Party, partially by referring to themselves as the “new worker’s party” of Sweden.
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Miqueletti, Fabiana. "Discursividades contemporaneas sobre politica = o discurso sobre a mutação da politica." [s.n.], 2009. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/268878.
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Orientador: Sirio PossentiTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem
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Resumo: O presente trabalho acompanha o tratamento da temática da mutação da política, considerada relevante para a área de Ciência Política, em diversos gêneros textuais do discurso político jornalístico e do discurso político de natureza teórica. Considerando um corpus constituído de enunciados, articulados em torno de uma opinião comum, e enunciada de maneiras diversas, segundo a qual a política está se transformando em outra coisa, ou tomando outras formas, interessamo-nos pela circulação de significantes formalmente heterogêneos (sintagmas nominais e frases sentenciosas) que são um "referente social" (Krieg-Planque, 2003), isto é, condensam neles um conjunto de formulações que remetem às teses filosóficas do declínio e do fim da política. Em termos bakhtinianos, são significantes "habitados" de um discurso, socialmente representado, no campo erudito, como doxa. Estes significantes são, assim, candidatos a "fórmulas", porque apresentam certas características ou propriedades próprias das fórmulas: são formas mais ou menos cristalizadas, autônomas, breves, polêmicas, que resumem um discurso, acionam um arquivo etc. Tendo como fundo teórico a noção de fórmula (Krieg-Planque, 2003, 2009), analisamos o modo como estes significantes saturados de significações circulam em textos do domínio acadêmico que fazem a crítica da visão substancialista da política. Assim, a análise privilegiou as diferentes formas de representação de um discurso outro no discurso. Buscamos compreender o modo como estas formas ocupam a linearidade textual a partir das formulações de Bakhtin ([1929] 1994) e Authier-Revuz (1982, 1998) sobre as formas do discurso relatado, e do conceito de "enunciação aforizante", elaborado por Maingueneau (2006, 2007).
Abstract: This thesis deals with different angles brought to the theme of transformation of politics in the contemporary world, analyzing a relatively wide range of texts from media to theoretical discourse. The selected texts support a common opinion that politics is developing into something else and getting different meanings. Our analysis focus on discourse circulation, more specifically on circulation of terms whose the main role is to comprise a variety of formulations concerning the thesis of "decline" or "end" of politics. In Bakhtin's terms, it means that the heterogeneous discourse of mutation in politics, which is represented as formulation of doxa, it has previously occupied those expressions. One of the purposes of this study is to support the hypothesis that these signifiers constitute linguistic and discursive units, i.e. formulas. Such terms share some of the main general linguistic and discursive characteristics of formula, basically a standard and short form, independent from a text, which summarizes a discourse. The theory of formulas developed by Krieg-Planque (2003, 2009) provides the theoretical background of the study of the nature of formula. In addition to this conceptual discussion of formulas, we also analyze the way these forms are integrated in the surface of journalistic and academic texts that specifically criticize the essentialist view of politics. We examined different linguistic forms based on Bakthin's and Auhtier-Revuz's studies on discourse representation and on the concept of "enunciation aphorisante " formulated by Maingueneau.
Doutorado
Linguistica
Doutor em Linguística
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Dunne, Michele Durocher. "Democracy in contemporary Egyptian political discourse /." Amsterdam : J. Benjamins, 2003. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb392783365.
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Eberemdu, Ch. "Narrativity conflict discourse and Nigeria's ethno-nationalist politics." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.517008.
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Lisle, Debbie. "Worlds apart : politics, discourse and contemporary travel writing." Thesis, Keele University, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.311123.
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Donkor, L. C. S. "Mediating gendered politics : Ghanaian politicians and news discourse." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2016. http://livrepository.liverpool.ac.uk/3003900/.
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Mediating gendered politics: Ghanaian politicians and news discourse Research has shown that there are gendered differences in media coverage of political candidates. Kittilson and Fridkin (2008) have shown that women, irrespective of what countries they live in, tend to be systematically stereotyped. Female candidates receive less coverage and the content of the coverage often focuses on their age, style, appearance and family status (Ross, 2010). Over the past decades, several studies have also shown that because of the media’s agenda-setting role, slanted coverage helps create and maintain barriers to the political aspirations of female electoral candidates (Bystrom & Dimitrova, 2014). This research considers the extent to which these patterns and trends can be found in African contexts where rather less research has been undertaken on this particular set of mediated relations, taking a case study approach by focusing on the coverage of mixed gender election campaigns in Ghana. In particular, this study explores how the news media in Ghana frame women candidates and what women candidates and elected representatives say about their relationships with and portrayal by the media. Coverage of three election campaigns was analysed and generated a series of related, comparative datasets which focused on both national and party election campaigns, which took place between 2008 and 2011. Eighteen women candidates who stood in the 2012 parliamentary elections were also interviewed across all main parties. The methods of data analysis were a synthesis of content, frame, and discourse. The analyses of both data (news stories and interviews) were framed and interrogated from a feminist perspective. Findings from the analysis of 198 news items suggest that viable women were covered more frequently than men in terms of visibility and less viable women trailed; in terms of tone, coverage tended to be generally more negative for some of the women than the men and it increased with the level of authority of the office. Coverage focused on the women’s personal attributes, especially their familial relationships and novelty, and for the men, their professional attributes. Again, the focus of coverage was mainly, gendered and prejudicial against women, especially in terms of their character traits, familial relationship, and professional (expertise) attributes. The interview findings, also, demonstrated that women were covered more negatively in sexualised and familial frames, compared to their male colleagues. Some women themselves seem to also have very negative attitudes towards the media. Largely, these findings corroborate many other studies on women candidates.
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Merati, Simona E. "Russia's Islam: Discourse on Identity, Politics, and Security." FIU Digital Commons, 2015. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1840.
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Despite the long history of Muslims in Russia, most scholarly and political literatures on Russia’s Islam still narrowly interpret Muslim-Slavs relations in an ethnic-religious oppositional framework.
In my work, I examine Russia’s discourse on Islam to argue that, in fact, the role of Islam in post-Soviet Russia is complex. Drawing from direct sources from academic, state, journalistic, and underground circles, often neglected by Western commentators, I identify ideational patterns in conceptualizations of Islam and reconstruct relational networks among authors. To explain complex intertextual relations within specific contexts, I utilize an analytically eclectic method that appropriately combines theories from different paradigms and/or disciplines.
Thanks to my multi-dimensional approach, I show that, contrary to traditional views, Russia’s Muslims participate in processes of post-Soviet Russia’s identity formation. Starting from textual contents, avoiding pre-formed analytical frames, I argue that many Muslims in Russia perceive themselves as part of Russian civilization – even when they challenge the status-quo.
Building on my initial findings, I state that a key element in Russia’s conceptualization of Islam is the definition, elaborated in the 1990s, of traditional Islam as part of Russian civilizational history, as opposed to extremist Islam as extraneous, hostile phenomenon. The differentiation creates an unprecedently safe, if confined, space for Islamic propositions, of which Muslims are taking advantage. Embedded in debates on Russian civilization, conceptualizations of Islam, then, influence Russia’s (geo)political self-perceptions and, consequently, its domestic and international policies.
In particular, Russian so-far neglected Islamic doctrine supports views of Islamic terrorism as a political and not religious phenomenon. Hence, Russia interprets both terrorism and counterterrorism within its own historical tradition, causing its strategy to be at odds with Western views. Less apparently, these divergences affect Russian-U.S. broader relations.
Finally, in revealing the civilizational value of Russia’s Islam, I expose intellectual relations among influential subjects who share the aim to devise a new civilizational model that should combine Slavic and non-Slavic, Orthodox and Islamic, Western, and Asian components. In this old Russian dilemma, the novelty is Muslims’ participation.
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Ke, Lan Terry. "A discourse analysis of the British prime ministerial debate on the basis of appraisal theory." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2014. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/116.
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Analysing ideology through discourse is practiced academically in humanities and other social sciences. It is based upon the hypotheses that through close reading, and systematic analysis, people can figure out the ideologies behind spoken and written texts. People adopt discourse analysis to associate context with the structure of discourse itself. For instance, social positions (e.g. ethnicity, gender or profession) are linked with structural units or linked with strategies of speech or talk that are embedded in their so cial, political and cultural contexts. Depending on their various social positions, lan guage users might be categorised into various groups or communities . They are ex pected to follow a certain set of rules and regulations of their social positions. Based on the Appraisal theory this thesis seeks to discover not only the words people have uttered, but also their implicature which is not easily noted. It also seeks to understand to what extent their words are related to their stance. Firstly, the thesis review what has been achieved on the Appraisal theory. Then the thesis will come to a detailed presentation of the theoretical framework . This leads to the main discussion of this thesis, which is a comprehensive analysis on the basis of the Appraisal theory and have a better under standing of each candidate's propositions.
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Karlsson, Snorri. "Passing on the Torch : Discourse Strategies in the Inaugural Speeches of Jiang, Hu and Xi." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för lingvistik och filologi, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-326609.
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Following the death of Mao Zedong the new Chinese leadership attempted to avoid some of theproblems associated with the concentration of personal political power, and Deng Xiaoping,though still playing a paramount political role, sought to rule through a leadership collective.Starting with Jiang Zemin, it has become a new norm in Chinese politics that the General Secretaryof the Central Committee of the CCP also serves as President of the PRC.This reemergence of (official) leadership concentration around a single person leads to thequestion of how transitions of leadership are presented within Chinese politics, and to what extentthey are indicative of new directions of policy and ideology. An inaugural speech is designed toset the tone for new beginnings when a new officeholder assumes responsibilities. This thesis usesinaugural speeches and speeches given in connection with inaugurations to the two officesmentioned above as research material to address this question. Drawing inspiration from aMaster’s Thesis by Tawfic and Fattah (2015), perspectives from critical discourse analysis areemployed to examine the relationships between language, power and discourse in the speeches.Focus is placed on the use of two discourse strategies: group orientation and group representation.This thesis assesses to what extent Jiang, Hu and Xi differ in their employment of these discoursestrategies, and if differences or similarities can be explained by correlation with changes in policydirection or the sociopolitical background of the speeches.
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Inacio, Elissandro Martins. "O controle espetacular nas capas da revista Veja : uma analise discursiva." [s.n.], 2008. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/270834.
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Orientador: Jonas de Araujo RomualdoDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem
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Resumo: Este trabalho tem como objetivo refletir, a partir de uma perspectiva discursiva, sobre a constituição do acontecimento discursivo relativo à política. Para nosso estudo, desenvolvemos uma análise a partir da noção de acontecimento de Michel Foucault (2002). Visando descrever a constituição do discurso político como controle por meio da formação de saber espetacular, selecionamos algumas capas da revista Veja. Ao descrevermos práticas institucionais da Veja, possibilitamos ao leitor dessa investigação conhecer alguns aspectos do papel dessa revista. Em seguida, caracterizamos a revista como ¿lugar¿ em que a política torna-se visível. No contexto de produção da visibilidade da política, mostramos que a Veja tece uma ¿história¿ do presente para seus leitores. Comparamos o acontecimento discursivo na mídia à noção de acontecimento discursivo trabalhada pelos historiadores. Nesse momento, discutimos a maneira como Foucault (2005) trata a história. Na constituição da história do presente, há relações de poder. Pensando nisso, explicamos a noção de ¿poder¿ para Foucault (1995), pois essa noção é desenvolvida na análise do corpus, possibilitando caracterizar os enunciados da revista como efeito do exercício do poder. No segundo momento da pesquisa, apresentamos uma breve história da Análise do Discurso. Nessa história, destacamos o termo acontecimento. Apontamos algumas diferenças entre a noção de acontecimento discursivo para Pêcheux e a noção de acontecimento discursivo para Foucault. Logo após, tornou-se necessário discutirmos a noção de enunciado para Foucault (2002). Para depois, tratarmos o discurso como controle exercido pela Veja sobre os seus leitores. Por último, analisamos as capas como acontecimento discursivo que emerge numa relação de poder-saber. Dividimos a nossa pesquisa em dois momentos: no primeiro, dedicamo-nos à descrição das práticas institucionais da revista Veja, explicando as noções de visibilidade, história, poder, acontecimento e enunciado; no segundo, ligado ao primeiro, investigamos a noção de controle e, em seguida, analisamos nas capas como esse controle forma saber espetacular. Considerando o acontecimento discursivo constituído por meio do controle espetacular nas capas da Veja, resistimos ao exercício do poder praticado pela revista
Abstract: This project has the objective to reflective about a discursive perception that is coming through discussing politic. For this research, I¿m going to develop a kind of analysis from Michel Foucault studies (2002). The essential propose in this is, to write about the constitutional politic discuss as a way to control the knowledge, I picked up some Veja magazines to prove it. As I write about the lawful ways from Veja, I¿ll make the possibility to the readers, to know some essential aspects from this magazine. After that, I¿ll show that magazine is the right place where and how the politic aspect is going to become visible. In the context about the politic progress aspects, I¿ll write the present history to the readers. I¿ll compare the discursive process in the social means of communication against the discursive process from the historian. At this moment I¿ll discuss the way how Foucault (2005) talks about the history. In the constitution of the present history there¿s a relationship with the power. Thinking about this, I¿ll explain the power notion to Foucault (1995), this kind of notion is developed through an analysis in corpus ¿object¿ creating a way to write in this magazine as a process of the power. In the second time, I¿ll present a short history from discuss analysis. Therefore, I¿ll discuss the perception from Pêcheux¿s position and the perception from Foucault's position too (2002). As soon as, I¿ll discuss how Veja magazine control the readers with it's discursive. At least, I¿ll analysis the cover magazine from Veja as a discursive perception that shows a kind of relationship with the power of knowledge. I have divided this research in two moments: in the first one, I write about the institutional ways from Veja magazine, I¿ll explain the notions of visibility, history, power, perception and statement; In the second part, I¿ll research the notion of control and I¿ll analysis some covers from Veja magazine to compare how its used this way of control. Considering the perception discursive inside the way to control how to know through the Veja magazine, I have resisted that power that it was created from this magazine
Mestrado
Mestre em Linguística
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Ahmed, Hilal. "Politics of monuments and memory in postcolonial North India : A study of Muslim political discourse on Jama Masjid and Babri Masjid." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.479092.
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Polymeneas, Georgios-Alexandros. "Political discourse during the European economic crisis: epistemic stance and legitimizing strategies in Greek political discourse (2010-2012)." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/664234.
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This study presents a multidisciplinary framework for the analysis of evidential meaning in the Greek political discourse during the period of the current European debt crisis, and moving beyond a mere content analysis it sheds light on how political elites position themselves towards the knowledge they communicate, taking also into consideration the several ideological and political aims related with the legitimization of austerity. Our main point is that the construction of evidential meaning is a form of a social act, therefore an approach is developed that enhances the discursive approaches to the Epistemic Stance with a detailed theory of context. Emphasizing the context sensitivity of the expression of evidential meaning, we spell out the various Epistemic Stance types adopted by the political actors across several institutional genres, as well as their legitimizing function, since they enhance the speakers’ evidential standing and authority during the struggle for exercising epistemic control over the audience.
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Ernst, Timothy C. "Toward a grounded normative theory of strategies of political communication used in politics disadvantages in policy debate." Scholarly Commons, 2011. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/768.
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This study examines politics disadvantages used in competitive policy debate. Specifically, this research examines politics disadvantages for their role and relevance in deliberation, an important form of political communication. Deliberation is the means by which citizens can engage in discussions of salient policy issues, and make political judgments about policies.
This study developed a grounded theory about the type of deliberation manifest in politics disadvantages. Pre-constructed politics disadvantages from websites such as PlanetDebate.com, Cross-X.com, as well as from summer policy debate workshops were analyzed to develop a grounded theory. Through the process of coding and theoretical memoing, categories of political communication emerged from the disadvantage shells. The theory indicated that politics disadvantages develop an acontextual, narrowly adversarial view of deliberation. This theory was juxtaposed against already established theories of deliberation to reveal that politics disadvantages show serious deficiencies in the ways in which deliberation is taught to policy debaters.
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Heavner, Brent M. "Over the hills locating the politics in redneck discourse /." Huntington, WV : [Marshall University Libraries], 2006. http://www.marshall.edu/etd/descript.asp?ref=657.
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Jarvis, Lee. "Times of terror : discourse and the politics of temporality." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.521984.
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My thesis provides a deconstructive reading of eight key narratives of temporality that emerged within the first fifteen months of the George W. Bush administration's ongoing `War on Terror'. Through a sustained empirical investigation into over five hundred documents produced by key representatives of the White House, Department of State, Department of Defense, Department of Justice, and Office/Department of Homeland Security, my research offers three contributions to existing knowledge. First, by charting and exploring the administration's framings of temporality, my thesis adds an additional layer of empirical depth and conceptual sophistication to existing critical discussions of this political discourse. Second, by tracing the politicodiscursive implications performed by the eight narratives I explore, my research demonstrates the productivity and power of temporality as a key structural and legitimatory resource within this `war'. And, third, by juxtaposing the three heterogeneous temporal shapes employed by the Bush administration against one another, my thesis provides an interventionary critique of this `war's' ostensibly objective, referential framing.
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Mai, Thuy. "The politics of nationalism in the Vietnamese communist discourse." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1983/dadeb2d2-35e5-4570-914d-50ae7c9cb76d.
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The Vietnamese communists have always defined their revolution in national terms, telling the story of how the communists led the Vietnamese people to rescue and rebuild the nation from the plight of French colonisation and American aggression. This research problematises this national frame. Using post-structuralist discourse theory, it studies the process whereby the nation was imagined and became 'real' in the Vietnamese communist discourse and how this national imagining contributed to the legitimization of the socialist state in Vietnam. It argues that the Vietnamese nation is a discursive construct which legitimises the rule of the communist party and the socialist state in Vietnam. This argument is developed on three central findings. Firstly, the Vietnamese nation was constructed in the communist discourse in the very representation of French colonists, American interventionalists and their sponsored governments as enemies of the nation. Secondly, the nation was able to be imagined to be more real among the mass in the discursive fixing of national independence as the indispensable condition for the survival of the Vietnamese people, which occurred around the 1945 August Revolution. Last, this national imagination enabled the Vietnamese Communist Party (VCP) and its socialist state to legalize its rule in Vietnam. Socialism and the leadership of the VCP are articulated as the indispensable condition to maintain national independence and to ensure that the national construction succeeds in Vietnam. The socialist regime, which includes the VCP and the socialist state, is equated with the nation in the communist discourse. The nation-making project of the Vietnamese communists is essentially a political project. It makes possible the establishment of socialism and allows the VCP to attain a monopolistic rule in Vietnam. It rules out other possibilities in Vietnamese politics, for example the possibility of having a non-communist government. It involves the destruction of enemies outside and inside the national self, whether they are foreign or Vietnamese, and the sacrifice of its own subjects to protect this national self. Moreover, the national identities of the Vietnamese communists and the boundaries of their national project are not objective but politically decided. The Vietnamese communists previously claimed to represent only the working class and made an enemy of other classes within the Vietnamese population. The boundaries of the nation used to be articulated to be close with the limits of the peasantry. This is in stark contrast with the VCP's present claim to represent the whole nation.
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Oliver, Hannah, and Hannah Oliver. "Politics of Climate Action Plans: A Critical Discourse Analysis." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/12424.
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Despite increased knowledge of the causes and consequences of climate change, federal politics has prevented a comprehensive, nationwide effort to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. This inaction at the federal level has prompted local governments to take the lead on reducing greenhouse gas emissions through Climate Action Plans (CAP). This thesis explores the environmental discourses that are at work in the CAP adoption process of three cities that historically vote for democratic candidates and republican candidates, respectively, in federal elections. As a qualitative study, my inquiry evaluates the CAP adoption process through an analysis of public officials' statements, public comments and editorials, and CAP content. John Dryzek's eight environmental discourses are applied to highlight the discourses that are reflected in the data obtained from public officials, the public, and policy outcomes. This examination reveals opportunities of bipartisan agreement and provides insights for governments to move past the politics of climate change.
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Chan, Chi-wang, and 陳志宏. "Huang Shizhong's fictional writings and political discourse." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2005. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B45015387.
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FRIAS, MARCIA VIEIRA. "TELLING STORIES: SELF-PRESENTATION IN POLITICAL DISCOURSE." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2008. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=11709@1.
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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROEste trabalho propõe contribuir para a compreensão da cena política brasileira contemporânea e, para tanto, articula Análise da Narrativa de viés sócio-interacional com discurso político visando oferecer uma visão do lingüista sobre o fenômeno da popularidade do presidente Lula. O corpus da análise são narrativas pessoais encaixadas em seis discursos pronunciados pelo presidente entre abril de 2006 e março de 2007. Baseada de modo flexível no modelo de narrativa laboviano e na noção de história de vida de Linde, e recorrendo ainda às noções de enquadre, conforme Bateson e Goffman, e de alinhamento, de Goffman, a análise dos dados identifica as várias identidades que o presidente Lula constrói naquelas narrativas: de migrante nordestino, de operário, de líder sindical, de pai, de presidente. Ao mostrar como essas identidades são narrativamente construídas, a análise ressalta as qualidades de caráter e nuances de sentido projetadas e indica, em relação aos variados públicos dos discursos do presidente, como esses sentidos e identidades podem promover a obtenção de alinhamentos e funcionar como pré-condição para o atingimento do objetivo básico de persuasão que define o discurso político.
This work is intended as a contribution to the understanding of the contemporary Brazilian political scene: it integrates Socio-interactional Narrative Analysis with political discourse aiming to offer a linguist`s perspective on president Lula`s continued popularity. Personal stories embedded in six speeches delivered by the president between April 2006 and March 2007 form the corpus of this analysis. Freely based on Labov`s narrative model and on Linde´s notion of life story, and also resorting to the notion of frame as per Bateson and Goffman, and to Goffman`s footing, the analysis identifies several self- presentations constructed and displayed by president Lula through those personal stories: Northeastern migrant, blue collar worker, union leader, father and president. By showing how these identities are narratively constructed, the analysis emphasizes projected character traits and singularities of meaning and indicates, in relation to the different audiences of the president´s speeches, how these meanings and identities can obtain alignments and function as a pre-condition for achieving persuasion, the basic objective of political discourse in general.
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Youssef, Heba. "Colonising nationalism : Zionist political discourse 1845-1948." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2012. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/43360/.
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This thesis traces the emergence of the Zionist political movement from the mid nineteenth century until the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948. The thesis explores the impetus behind the mainstream political movement which led to the establishment of the State, throwing light on the kaleidoscope of spiritual and political Zionisms. However, the ultimate focus is on the statist form of Zionist ideology which marginalised other forms of Zionism rendering them historical curiosities devoid of meaningful political impact. I analyse the texts of some prominent Zionist ideologues through the theoretical framework of nationalist, colonial and post-colonial theories forging the concept of colonial nationalism to interpret and analyse Zionism. I limit my work to Zionist political texts and their anchor in the surrounding milieu of European nationalism and colonialism in the 19th century. The chapters deal with different trends within the then emergent movement from spiritual Zionism and the religious justification of political Zionism through liberal and bi-national Zionisms. Each chapter engages with Zionist political thought offering textual analysis and historical contextualisation of the major forms of the movement. I argue that at its inception, Zionism was anchored in European ethno-nationalism and colonialism and a modern and highly contingent interpretation of the Hebrew biblical traditions. As such it is rendered a reactionary and regressive form of ethno-nationalist colonialism that, as an ideology in the contemporary world, it can only survive when it is premised on ideas of cultural supremacy. Thus post-Zionism with its espousal of a multiplicity of narratives and valorisation of minority rights is, rather than forging a new de-territorialized identity, a return to a model of diasporic Jewish identity where a common cultural heritage is disparate from citizenship and nationality.
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Foung, Kin Wai Dennis. "A critical discourse analysis of political speeches." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2008. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/979.
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Kuhn, Christina T. "Public Political Discourse in Roman Asia Minor." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.485459.
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The present thesis provides a historical analysis of public political discourse in the cities of Roman Asia Minor in the period between 30 BC until AD 250. It sheds light on the political, social and cultural contexts in which political speech was embedded (e.g. Roman rule, the power of the urban elite, the Second Sophistic, the philosophical schools) and shows how these contexts shaped and sometimes transfonned the nature, fonn, function, thematic scope and major concerns of political discourse in the imperial period. Starting from a study of the main protagonists and fora of political speech, the thesis examines the possibilities and limitations of political debate in the civic institutions, the function of political discourse as an instrument of exercising control of elite power, the issue of consensus and concord in civic politics, the aims of rhetorical training, the power of persuasion and perfonnance, and the development of an ethics of political communication with parrhesia and moral instruction as its basic features. On the evidence of the literary and epigraphic sources the present study argues that, despite the constraints of Roman rule, there was still a remarkable vitality of public political discourse in the councils, assemblies and courtrooms of the poleis due to the intense competitiveness among the urban elite and the recognition of the demos as a relevant political factor in the decision-making process. Civic politics continued to be oriented towards the concerns of the demos, and the key notions of democratic rhetoric and ideology remained a living political heritage in this period. It is against the background ofthis vibrant political culture that certain developments in the theory and practice of political discourse could increasingly gain ground: the intrusion and establishment of sophistic and perfonnative elements in political discourse, and, as a response to it, the emergence of a meta-discourse on the basic principles of political speech.
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Citvarienė, Daiva. "The ideological changes of Lithuanian art discourse of the 1990s." Doctoral thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2008. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2008~D_20081209_095613-08271.
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Dissertation thesis analyses the ideological processes of art discourse in the last decade of the 20th century – the formation and decline of different value related and ideological orientations, and their correlation, which makes an influence upon the changing conception of art and artist. These processes are analyzed referring to the reviews of the exhibitions of the discussed period, the exhibitions themselves, the declarations by the artists, who actively participated on the art scene, and their works, which were shaping the public art life. A separate attention is devoted to various layers of the artistic field – to the sociopolitical context, the works of art, the institutional exhibitions, and to the texts in cultural periodicals. The main aim of the thesis is to make a thorough analysis of the ideological and value related changes, which took place in the Lithuanian art discourse in the 1990s, and by underlining the artistic, institutional and sociopolitical contexts to reveal the changing content of symbolic constructions and their influence on the struggles for legitimization in the artistic field. The tasks of the research are: to define the role of the postsoviet intellectual (artist) in the Lithuanian art processes during the Rebirth period and in the years of independence; to explore the forms of politics of memory, which were established in the public discourse; to define the specificity of the concept of ideology in the postsoviet society; to analyze the... [to full text]Disertacijoje analizuojami XX a. paskutiniojo dešimtmečio meno diskurso ideologiniai procesai: skirtingų vertybinių, ideologinių orientacijų formavimasis, nykimas ir jų koreliacija, daranti įtaką meno ir menininko sampratos kaitai. Šie procesai analizuojami remiantis aptariamo laikotarpio parodų recenzijomis, pačiomis parodomis, aktyviai meno scenoje veikusių menininkų pasisakymais, jų kūriniais, formavusiais viešąjį dailės gyvenimą. Atskiras dėmesys skiriamas įvairiems meno lauko pjūviams – sociopolitiniam kontekstui, meno kūriniams, institucinėms parodoms ir tekstams kultūros savaitraščiuose. Ideologijų ir vertybių pokyčiai, vykę Lietuvos meno diskurse XX a. paskutiniajame dešimtmetyje, darbe tyrinėjami akcentuojant meninius, institucinius ir sociopolitinius kontekstus, atskleidžiant kintantį simbolinių konstrukcijų turinį bei jų poveikį meno lauko kovoms už legitimaciją. Disertacijoje keliami šie uždaviniai: apibrėžti posovietinio intelektualo (menininko) vaidmenį atgimimo ir nepriklausomybės metų Lietuvos meno procesuose; ištirti viešajame diskurse įtvirtintas atminties politikos formas; apibrėžti ideologijos sampratos specifiškumą posovietinėje visuomenėje, analizuoti ideologinį modernistinio meno pobūdį; apibrėžti pagrindinių meno institucijų ideologines nuostatas, atskleisti institucijų ideologinių susidūrimų pobūdį ir priežastis; išanalizuoti reikšmingiausias parodas ir atskleisti jų konstruotų naratyvų ideologines potekstes; atskleisti svarbiausius šio laikotarpio... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]
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Ismail, Salwa 1960. "Discourse and ideology in contemporary Egypt." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=39348.
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This study examines ideological discourse in contemporary Egypt. It investigates a number of discourses in terms of the meanings they generate and the role or function they play in the maintenance or transformation of relations of power in society. The analysis is guided by a semiotic view of ideology, that is, ideology understood as a system of representation which operates through language and other signifying practices.Central to our understanding of the effects of discourse on power relations is the conception of representation as an autonomous level of 'reality' in relation to other levels. The implication of such a conception is that meanings produced in discourse are not to be validated or adequated against the 'real', but are to be analyzed in terms of their interrelations with socio-economic and political structures, and in terms of their appropriation by social forces in positions of struggle. In this sense, it is relevant to look at the rules which govern the formation of the systems of representation; rules which are specific to the discursive formations. Within the framework of this study, the key mechanisms operative in discourse and ideology are validation and interpellation. Throughout the project, attention is paid to the role these mechanisms play in the production of subjects and the construction of subject positions. That is, particular emphasis is put on how ideological interpellations construct or constitute positions of resistance, struggle, domination, acquiesence which are validated or rejected by the receiver. This returns to the process of appropriation of meanings and the functionalization of discourse.
The analysis proceeds through an examination of the narrative and discursive structures of the various discourses under study. It is also concerned with the narrative programs which underlie the discourses as an act or intervention, focusing on the positions of speakers and receivers, the modalization of subject positions and their inscription in relations of power. In treating the Egyptian case, discourses from two socio-political conjunctures are analyzed: one a juncture of populist rupture marked by the consolidation of the revolutionary program, the other a juncture of socio-economic disintegration.
The study examines how the conjunctures manifest themselves in discourse. In this way, an attempt is made to see how the particular conjunctures are marked in the functionalization of certain terms and the imposition of certain ideologemes. The work seeks to demonstrate how this is linked to the appropriation of discourse by social forces. With regard to the first juncture, the discursive and narrative structures which underlie the nationalist discourse are identified. Within the later conjuncture, these structures are revealed in relation to the Islamist discourse, while an analysis of the secular discourse is also carried out. The general objective is to situate the process of the construction of meanings in relation to the socio-economic and political conditions which exist in the particular junctures of discourse production.
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Al-Kooheji, Lamya Abdulmajeed Mohammed. "Discursive strategies used by political parties in the Bahraini Council of Representatives : a critical discourse analysis of religious ideologies in politic language." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/10642.
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This study attempts to present the relations between discourse and ideology in debates taking place in the Bahraini Council of Representatives. It uses critical discourse analysis (CDA) and the Sociocognitive Approach (SCA) to ground the theoretical claims in the idea that Shiite members of parliament (MPs) in the Bahraini Council of Representatives employ discursive strategies differently from Sunni MPs. To test this hypothesis, the research aims first to observe whether, and if so how, the Sunni parties and the Shiite party employ discursive devices and strategies differently to achieve three ideological goals: attempting to gain political advantage discursively in parliamentary debates on topics related to dissent control and political freedom; manoeuvring the definitions of self and others in the contexts of dissent control and political rights; and manipulating the law to support one’s party’s and/or sectarian affiliation’s ideological stances about dissent-controlling laws and the definition of political freedom and political rights. The second aim of the research is to explore whether and how the use of discursive devices and strategies reflects the sectarian ideological conflict in Bahrain. The research critically analyses excerpts on dissent control and personal freedom from the Hansard of the Bahraini Council of Representatives. The research first marks discursive devices used by MPs. It then identifies discursive strategies. The research detects three major discursive strategies that are fulfilled by using the devices and called them ‘corroborating by information’; ‘intensifying grievance’; and ‘centralising pride and dignity’. The analysis shows that some discursive devices are used more intensively, though not exclusively, under certain strategies. The research also notes that the Shiite party, Al Wefaq, employs the strategy of intensifying grievance more often than other strategies. The Al Wefaq members demonstrate more tendency toward objecting than do the other parties to the dissent control in Bahrain. The research relates this tendency to the ideologies of Shi’ism as a religious and political institution that heavily relies on the ideology of protest and the feeling of injustice and discrimination. Finally, the research provides a preview of the use of identified strategies during the unrest that started in Bahrain in February 2011.