Dissertations / Theses: 'Discourse analysis – Political aspects'

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Foung, Kin Wai Dennis. "A critical discourse analysis of political speeches." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2008. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/979.

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Ndenguino-Mpira, Hermanno. "Interrogating China’s approach to relations with sub-Saharan Africa in official documents (2000-2010) through critical discourse analysis." Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/85732.

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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: China‘s rise as an economic superpower has had important consequences for its relations with African countries over the past 10-15 years. Not only were these relations thoroughly reviewed and significantly increased, but China also adopted a new cooperation policy that its administration describes as being based on mutual benefits and win-win economic collaboration. However, there is a sceptical public opinion in Africa and also in some developed countries about China‘s current engagement with African countries, and in particular with countries from the sub-Saharan region. In fact, China is frequently accused of acting as a new colonizing power and of increasing its relations with African countries simply as a strategy to achieve higher power-politics status and to structure a new global economic order. The present study addresses the question of whether China‘s official discourse about its relations with sub-Saharan African countries from 2000 to 2010 contains any grounds for the sceptical public opinion mentioned above. In more concrete terms, the main objective of the study is to determine from a linguistic perspective, and more specifically from a critical discourse analysis point of view, whether there are any overt or covert messages of power and ideology in China‘s discourse to sub-Saharan African countries which could justify the sceptical public opinion about China‘s current engagement in this part of the continent . The texts representing China‘s discourse about its relations with sub-Saharan African countries that are examined for this study comprise official speeches, statements, and other related official documents delivered by Chinese officials in the period 2000-2010, and published in English on the websites of various institutions, including China‘s official websites. These texts are examined from within the framework of the Discourse-Historical Approach (DHA) as set out by, specifically, Wodak (2001a). The texts are analysed using the DHA three-dimensional procedure consisting of (i) identifying the Content(s) and Topic(s) of the specific discourse, (ii) investigating the discursive strategies used in the specific texts, and (iii) analysing the linguistic means and the specific context-dependent linguistic realizations. On the one hand, the analysis of the Discourse Topics indicates that the relations between China and sub-Saharan African countries are grounded in China‘s pluralist approach to international affairs. From this perspective, then, it could be argued that China‘s current engagement in sub-Saharan Africa does not warrant the sceptical public opinion mentioned earlier. On the other hand, however, the analysis of the discursive strategies used to represent China and sub-Saharan African countries, indicates that such sceptisism is likely warranted. The relations between China and African countries have predominantly been investigated from economic and political perspectives. However, the manner in which these relations are expressed, implied, negotiated, interpreted, distributed, etc. in discourse has not yet received any systematic attention. The present study was therefore undertaken to contribute, from a linguistic perspective, to the knowledge of and the debate about China‘s current engagement in Africa.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: China se opgang as ‘n ekonomiese supermoondheid het belangrike gevolge gehad vir sy betrekkinge met Afrikalande oor die afgelope 10-15 jaar. China het hierdie betrekkinge deeglik hersien en beduidend uitgebrei, en het daarby ook ‘n nuwe samewerkingsbeleid aanvaar wat volgens sy administrasie gegrond is op wedersydse voordele en wen-wen ekonomiese samewerking. Daar is nietemin ‘n skeptiese openbare mening in Afrika en ook in sommige ontwikkelde lande oor China se huidige verbintenis met Afrikalande, en in die besonder met lande van die sub-Sahara streek. Trouens, China word gereeld daarvan beskuldig dat hy optree soos ‘n nuwe koloniale moondheid, en dat sy verhoogde betrekkinge met Afrikalande bloot ‘n strategie is om groter magspolitieke status te bekom en om ‘n nuwe globale ekonomiese struktuur daar te stel. Die huidige studie fokus op die vraag of China se amptelike diskoers oor sy betrekkinge met sub-Sahara Afrikalande vanaf 2000 tot 2010 enige gronde bied vir die genoemde skeptiese openbare mening. In meer konkrete terme, is die hoofoogmerk van die studie om vanuit ‘n taalwetenskaplike perspektief, en meer spesifiek vanuit die oogpunt van kritiese diskoersanalise, vas te stel of China se diskoers met sub-Sahara Afrika enige overte of koverte boodskappe van mag en ideologie bevat wat kan dien as regverdiging vir die skeptiese openbare mening oor China se huidige betrokkenheid in hierdie deel van die kontinent. In die studie word ‘n verskeidenheid tekste ontleed wat verteenwoordigend is van China se diskoers oor sy betrekkinge met sub-Sahara Afrikalande. Dié tekste sluit amptelike toesprake, verklarings en verwante dokumente van Chinese amptenare in wat gelewer is in die tydperk 2000-2010, en wat in Engels gepubliseer is op die webwerwe van verskeie instellings, insluitend China se amptelike webwerwe. Die tekste word ondersoek binne die raamwerk van die Diskoers-Historiese Benadering (DHB) soos uiteengesit in, spesifiek, Wodak (2001a). Die analise van die tekste volg die DHB se drie-dimensionele prosedure, wat die volgende inhou: (i) identifisering van die Inhoud(e) en Onderwerp(e) van die spesifieke diskoers, (ii) analise van die diskursiewe strategieë wat gebruik word in die spesifieke tekste, en (iii) analise van die talige middele en die spesifieke konteks-afhanklike talige realiserings. Aan die een kant dui die analise van die Diskoers Onderwerpe daarop dat die betrekkinge tussen China en sub-Sahara Afrikalande gebaseer is op China se pluralistiese benadering tot internasionale sake. Vanuit hierdie perspektief kan daar dus geargumenteer word dat China se huidige betrokkenheid in sub-Sahara Afrika nie gronde bied vir die skeptiese openbare mening wat hierbo genoem is nie. Aan die ander kant, egter, dui die analise van die diskursiewe strategieë wat aangewend word in die voorstelling van China en sub-Sahara Afrikalande daarop dat daar waarskynlik wel gronde is vir sulke skeptisisme. Die betrekkinge tussen China en Afrikalande is tot dusver merendeels vanuit ekonomiese en politieke perspektiewe ondersoek. Die wyse waarop sulke betrekkinge uitgedruk, geïmpliseer, onderhandel, geïnterpreteer, versprei, ens. word in diskoers, is egter nog nie sistematies ondersoek nie. Die huidige studie is gevolglik onderneem om, vanuit ‘n taalwetenskaplike perspektief, ‘n bydrae te lewer tot die kennis van en die debat oor China se huidige betrokkenheid in Afrika.

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Ke, Lan Terry. "A discourse analysis of the British prime ministerial debate on the basis of appraisal theory." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2014. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/116.

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Analysing ideology through discourse is practiced academically in humanities and other social sciences. It is based upon the hypotheses that through close reading, and systematic analysis, people can figure out the ideologies behind spoken and written texts. People adopt discourse analysis to associate context with the structure of discourse itself. For instance, social positions (e.g. ethnicity, gender or profession) are linked with structural units or linked with strategies of speech or talk that are embedded in their so cial, political and cultural contexts. Depending on their various social positions, lan guage users might be categorised into various groups or communities . They are ex pected to follow a certain set of rules and regulations of their social positions. Based on the Appraisal theory this thesis seeks to discover not only the words people have uttered, but also their implicature which is not easily noted. It also seeks to understand to what extent their words are related to their stance. Firstly, the thesis review what has been achieved on the Appraisal theory. Then the thesis will come to a detailed presentation of the theoretical framework . This leads to the main discussion of this thesis, which is a comprehensive analysis on the basis of the Appraisal theory and have a better under standing of each candidate's propositions.

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Ernst, Timothy C. "Toward a grounded normative theory of strategies of political communication used in politics disadvantages in policy debate." Scholarly Commons, 2011. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/768.

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This study examines politics disadvantages used in competitive policy debate. Specifically, this research examines politics disadvantages for their role and relevance in deliberation, an important form of political communication. Deliberation is the means by which citizens can engage in discussions of salient policy issues, and make political judgments about policies. This study developed a grounded theory about the type of deliberation manifest in politics disadvantages. Pre-constructed politics disadvantages from websites such as PlanetDebate.com, Cross-X.com, as well as from summer policy debate workshops were analyzed to develop a grounded theory. Through the process of coding and theoretical memoing, categories of political communication emerged from the disadvantage shells. The theory indicated that politics disadvantages develop an acontextual, narrowly adversarial view of deliberation. This theory was juxtaposed against already established theories of deliberation to reveal that politics disadvantages show serious deficiencies in the ways in which deliberation is taught to policy debaters.

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Bernard, Taryn. "Justificatory discourse of the perpetrator in TRC testimonies : a discourse-historical analysis." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1571.

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Thesis (MA (General Linguistics))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.
This study investigates the ways in which former South African Police (SAP) perpetrators of human rights violations justify their criminal actions in testifying before the Amnesty Committee (AC) of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). In particular, attention goes to the testimonies of former Commissioner of Police Johan van der Merwe, and former member of the Security Branch section of the SAP, Jeffrey Benzien. A key assumption in the study is that the justification of human rights violations is a discursive practice that is largely language dependent (Reisigl & Wodak 200: xi). The research draws on the theoretical aims and methods of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA). It refers largely to Benke and Wodak’s (2003) discourse–historical study on the justificatory discourse of ex-Wehrmacht officers of the Austrian army. This study therefore takes a discourse-historical approach to discourse and the data, an approach which takes into consideration the surrounding political and historical context of the selected texts, which are, in this case, the testimonies of perpetrators at the AC hearings. Besides an analysis of the justificatory discourses produced by two former police officers, the study reflects on how the discursive strategies of the apartheid perpetrators compare with one another and with the ex- Wehrmacht officers. CDA and the discourse-historical approach provide interdisciplinary angles on linguistic analysis of a text. For this reason, a review is given of literature which relates the study to political, historical and philosophical insights. The analysis particularly makes use of Foster et al.’s (2005) socio-political study of apartheid perpetrator narratives. The study reveals that perpetrators used a fixed set of justificatory discursive strategies to talk about human rights violations, and their role in such violations. These linguistic strategies are used for a number of different reasons, including reducing personal responsibility, avoiding talking about past atrocities, saving face where personal malicious and degenerate behaviour is made public and diverting feelings of personal guilt. On a discourse theoretical level the study eventually convinces that there are generic strategies typically used in justificatory discourse, whether it be in response to Wehrmacht atrocities of the Second World War or to security force excesses in repressing aspirations of disenfranchised citizens during the last thirty years of the Nationalist government in South Africa. Some stories don’t want to be told. They walk away, carrying their suitcases held together with grey string. Look at their disappearing curved spines. Hunch-backs. Harmed ones. Hold alls. Some stories refuse to be danced or mimed, drop their scuffed canes and clattering tap-shoes, erase their traces in nursery rhymes or ancient games like blind man’s bluff. Excerpt from “Parts of Speech” by Ingrid de Kok

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Smith, Sally Lynn. "Religion in the United Nations (UN) political declarations on HIV & AIDS : an interdisciplinary, critical discourse analysis." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2018. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/30615/.

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This interdisciplinary cultural studies research uses critical discourse analysis to review the four political declarations on HIV & AIDS adopted by the United Nations in 2001, 2006, 2011 and 2016. Religion is implicated in the tensions and conflicts around issues of HIV and sexual and reproductive health and rights in the negotiations that hinders consensus, resulting in compromises and omissions in the texts. The research identifies four dominant discourses in the declarations and an additional two in the wider HIV response of relevance to these tensions; a public health, biomedical discourse; a human rights, gender equality and community engagement discourse; political discourses of leadership and national sovereignty; and a traditional religio-cultural discourse. In the wider HIV response a broader religious discourse and secularist discourse are evident but missing from the text of the declarations. This critical discourse analysis of the declarations investigates how the discourses interact in the text; how the traditional religio-cultural discourse influences the text; what is missing from the final text; and reasons for the gaps. Close textual analysis of the declarations identifies tension between the public health, human rights/gender equality discourses and the traditional religio-cultural and national sovereignty discourses. The traditional religio-cultural discourse operates to limit public health and rights-based approaches to HIV prevention and frames women and girls as passive victims, without agency to exercise their rights. When compared against UNAIDS strategies as a standard, the declarations are missing commitments to address the risks of key populations to HIV. Missing also is reference to any contributions the faith community brings to the epidemic. The broad religious discourse includes supportive approaches to public health, human rights and gender equality, with the potential to bridge gaps in the negotiations. The traditional religious discourse is implicated in gaps in the text on key populations and rights. The dominance of secularism at the UN is implicated in exclusion of the broad religious discourse. While obstacles around rights-based approaches to HIV prevention and key populations persist, common ground and synergies between the discourses exist. Recommendations include: to ask new questions at the UN about the role secularism plays that may increase space for conservative voices to operate; seeking new ways of working to bridge some of the gaps; and including different perspectives that have the potential to bridge the gaps and open up new ways to achieve consensus.

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Castineira, Benítez Teresa Aurora. "Exploring political, institutional and professional discourses in Mexico: a critical, multimodal approach." Australia : Macquarie University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.14/70422.

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Thesis (PhD)--Macquarie University, Faculty of Human Sciences, Department of Linguistics, 2009.
Bibliography: p. 210-223.
General introduction -- A multimodal analysis of the 2006 Mexican presidential campaign billboards -- Study 2: Discourses of obligation and prohibition within an institutional setting -- Study 3: Gatekeeping practices at the LEMO: a multimodal analysis -- General conculsions.
This is a thesis composed of three studies linked by a common critical multimodal approach to the analysis of the data. Fairclough's (1992, 1995) three-dimensional framework was drawn on in order to explore the social practice, discursive practice and text dimensions of the discourses in question. The first two studies focus on printed texts in Mexican Spanish, whereas the third study addresses spoken interaction in English with occasional code switching to Spanish. -- Study 1: A Multimodal Analysis of the 2006 Mexican Presidential Campaign Billboards - This is a joint study (with my colleague Michael Witten and approved by my supervisor and the Department of Linguistics at Macquarie) which analyzes the political discourse of the multimodal and multisemiotic texts that the three major political parties involved in the 2006 Mexican presidential elections produced and extensively distributed through the medium of public billboards. We investigate how these parties express their particular ideologies, construct and convey social identities and relationships, and construct relations of power between themselves and the readers/viewers of these texts, through the medium of billboards. As indicated in the preamble, the methodological framework addresses these issues drawing on Fairclough's (1992, 1995) three-dimensional model of analysis while employing a variety of qualitative techniques, tools, and approaches. -- Study 2: Discourses of obligation and prohibition within an institutional setting - Following the theme of multimodal critical discourse analysis, this study examines the institutionalized discourses of obligation and prohibition at the Library of the Language Faculty (LEMO)*of a public university in Mexico. Six different texts pertaining to various genres ranging from a protocol to notices were examined. Multiple qualitative methodologies and tools such as those drawn from ethnography, critical discourse analysis, and systemic functional linguistics are utilized in the analysis of the data. Power relations between the institution and the library users are examined as well as the conditions of text production and reception, the latter through an ethnographic component. An emphasis is placed on the linguistic text. -- Study 3: Gatekeeping practices at the LEMO - This study investigates one of the gatekeeping practices at the Language Faculty of a public university in Mexico (see above). The particular practice concerned consists of the professional examinations (vivas) that students have to take in order to obtain their degrees of 'Licenciatura en Lenguas Modernas' (BEd in Modern Languages) in the English Teaching section of the university. This study focuses on the professional discourse(s) utilized by both candidates and examiners by means of analyzing the texts of four recorded professional examinations. This study chiefly draws on Goffman's (1959) dramaturgical concepts of 'frontstage' and 'backstage', where the analysis of the frontstage work addresses the Question-and-Answer section of the examinations, and the analysis of the backstage work addresses the subsequent deliberations among the examiners concerning the performance of the candidates. Multiple qualitative methodologies and tools are again drawn upon, such as ethnographic analysis, interactional sociolinguistics and critical discourse analysis. (* Facultad de Lenguas)
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
xii, 233 p. : ill. (some col.)

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Mushwana, Tinyiko. "A critical discourse analysis of representations of the Niger Delta conflict in four prominent Western anglophone newspapers." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007745.

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This thesis explores the manner in which the conflict in the oil-rich Niger Delta in Nigeria is represented in western Anglophone media. Large oil reserves in the Niger Delta have contributed millions of dollars towards the growth of Nigeria's export economy. Despite this, the Niger Delta is the least developed region in the country and is characterised by high rates of inequality. Residents of the Niger Delta have been outraged by the lack of action on the part of the Nigerian government and multinational oil corporations. Their discontent over the inequalities in the region has resulted in the proliferation of armed groups and militants who often use violent and criminal tactics to communicate their disgruntlement. This thesis closely examines the representations of the violent insurgency in the Niger Delta by conducting a Critical Discourse Analysis of 145 news texts selected from four western Anglophone newspapers from 2007 to 2011. The depiction of the conflict as it appears in the four newspapers is discussed in relation to an overview of scholarly literature which explores the portrayal of Africa not only in western media, but also in other forms of western scholarship and writing. The research undertaken in this study reveals that to a significant extent representations of the Niger Delta conflict echo and reflect some of the stereotypical and age-old negative imagery that informs meanings constructed about the African continent. However, the analysis of the news texts also shows that there are certainly efforts amongst some newspapers to move beyond simplistic representations of the conflict. The disadvantage however, is that these notable attempts tend to be marred by the use of pejorative language which typically invokes negative images associated with Africa. This study argues that the implications of these representations are highly significant as these representations not only affect the way in which the conflict is understood, but also the manner in which the international community responds to it.

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Nanabawa, Sumaiya. "A discourse analysis of print media constructions of 'Muslim' people in British newspapers." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006767.

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This research study aimed to examine how the identity of ' Muslim' people is constructed in British print media today, and whether or not these constructions promote or undermine a xeno-racist project. The research draws on the idea that identity is partly constructed through representation, with an emphasis on how language can be used to construct and position people in different ways. Using a social constructionist paradigm, the study further considers the role that print media has in providing a discursive field within which the construction and reproduction of racist attitudes and ideologies in contemporary global society can take place. Sixty-five newspaper articles were selected from the online archives of British newspapers, The Guardian and The Daily Telegraph using systematic random sampling. These were analysed using the six stages of Foucauldian discourse analysis outlined by Carla Willig. To provide a more fruitful account, the analysis also incorporated the methods of Potter and Wetherell whose focus is on the function of discourse, as well as van Langenhove and Harre's focus on subject positioning, and Parker's use of Foucauldian analysis which looks at power distributions. The analysis revealed that Muslims are discursively constructed as a direct politicised or terror threat, often drawing on discourses of sharia law, and Muslim-Christian relationships. They are also constructed as a cultural threat, drawing on discourses of isolation, oppressed women, the veil/headscarf, identity, visibility and integration. The analysis also showed some variation in constructions, and these extended from the racialization of Muslims to showing the compatibility between Islamic and western values. This study discusses the form these different constructions take and the possible implications these constructions might have in contributing toward a prejudiced and largely negative image of Islam and Muslims.

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Apostolis, Juanita Joleen. "A critical analysis of Global Warning coverage in the National Geographic (2000-2010)." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1607.

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National Geographic is a magazine that inspires people to care about the planet through its articles of exploration, education, and conservation. Magazines are a significant source of knowledge and compete with a variety of other media, constantly rethinking where they can improve in comparison to other media. Research in this dissertation shows that some magazines offer high quality imagery for artwork, photos and advertisements, which remains critical for industries and readers. They often offer greater depth than radio, TV, or even newspapers, so that people interested in an analysis of news and events still depend on magazines for informative and general news. People often turn to media—such as television, newspapers, magazines, radio, and Internet—to help them make sense of the many complexities relating to environmental science and governance that (un)consciously shape our lives. Global warming, as a subject, demands both political and personal responses in all parts of the world, and effective decision making at both scales depends on timely, accurate information, according to Shanahan (2009:145). The quality and quantity of journalism about climate change will therefore be key in the coming years. National Geographic comprises a variety of themes, such as environment, science, wildlife, travel and photography. This study is an analysis of the writing and photography related to one theme - global warming. It provides a critical analysis of the coverage of the global warming discourse in one magazine, examined over an eleven-year period from 2000 to 2010. This theme is powerful in that it represents ethical responsibility and concern for nature and our world and the analysis attempts to define the objects of discourse within the coverage, thus, evaluating if the format of the coverage informs and educates the audience about global warming.

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Lo, Bianco Joseph. "Officialising language : a discourse study of language politics in the United States." View thesis entry in Australian Digital Theses Program, 2001. http://thesis.anu.edu.au/public/adt-ANU20020902.101758/index.html.

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Pole, Tlou Gilbert. "A genre-theoretic analysis of texts of government speeches in Sepedi." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/50251.

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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2005.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study assumes the theoretical framework of text construction as advanced by Grabe and Kaplan (1996) for the analysis of Sepedi texts of government speeches from the magazine: ANC TODAY. The theory that is used in this study invokes the linguistic elements that can be used by both the teachers and learners to critically analyse texts in classrooms. This genre-theoretic approach is employed as framework, for analysing the linguistic, rhetorical and discourse properties for Sepedi texts. It also addresses the parameters of the ethnography of writing advanced by Grabe and Kaplan: "who writes what to whom, for what purpose, why, when and how?' The text construction analysis executed in the study enable the learners to acquire skills, knowledge and values of outcomes-based language teaching. The information structuring of text analysis and construction enables learners to write, read and use language structure and conventions for learning and career pathways. The textlinguistic strategies for analysing written texts in language teaching enables learners to analyse texts successfully and gain an awareness of language use in texts.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie aanvaar die teoretiese raamwerk van tekskonstruksie soos voorgestaan deur Grabe en Kaplan (1996) in die analise van Sepedi tekste van regeringstoesprake uit die tydskrif ANC TODAY. Die teorie wat aanvaar word, gebruik die linguistiese elemente wat aangewend kan word deur taalonderwysers sowel as taalleerders om tekste krities te ontleed. Die genre-teoretiese benadering word ingespan as raamwerk vir die analise van die linguistiese, retoriese, en diskoerskenmerke van Sepedi tekste. Dit spreek ook die etnografie van skryf, soos voorgestaan deur Grabe en Kaplan, aan: wie skryf wat aan wie, vir watter doel, wanneer, waarom, en hoe. Die tekskonstruksie analise uitgevoer in hierdie studie stel leerders in staat om vaardighede, kennis en waardighede van uitkoms-gebaseerde taalonderrig te verwerf. Die informasie strukturering in teksanalise stel leerders in staat om te lees, skryf en praat in hulle toekomstige beroepe. Die tekslinguistiese strategieë vir die analise van geskrewe tekste in taalonderrig stel leerders in staat om tekste suksesvol te ontleed en 'n bewussyn te ontwikkel van taalgebruik in tekste.

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Souza, Rudney Soares de. "A práxis política em cena no Brasil: ethos, carisma e poder no discurso eleitoral midiatizado." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2018. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/21070.

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Fundação São Paulo - FUNDASP
This thesis is part of the theoretical-methodological principles of Discourse Analysis and its aim is to examine the strength of discursive ethos, charisma and media power in the construction of the Brazilian political subject in the HGPE, Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral, ((Free) political advertising time), in the second round of the 2014 presidential elections. The specific objectives are: to verify the strategy and the discursive mechanisms used in the discourses of the political enunciator that seeks legitimation; to understand and explain the argumentative strength of the discursive ethos, the charism and the media in the organization and functioning of political discourse; to identify the discursive formations that cross different discourses of electoral campaigns and their relations with the interparty competitions that show the politician through the confrontation of their imaginary relations with their real conditions of existence. In order to base our analysis, we use the papers of Maingueneau (1995, 1996, 1997, 2004, 2006, 2007, 2008a, 2008b, 2008c, 2010a, 2010b, 2015) and Charaudeau (1996, 1999, 2000, 2006a, 2006b; 2008b; 2009; 2012; 2016). Given the interdisciplinary nature of the perspectives they address, it is possible to dialogue with Weber (1999), Bourdieu (1989), Foucault (2003, 2014), Bobbio (2015), among others. The topic is relevant, since it deals with the functioning of the mediatized political discourse in Brazilian territory and shifts studies on politics to interdiscursivity, recovering the socio-historical conditions of discourses of a fierce presidential election. The candidates Aécio Neves (PSDB) and Dilma Rousseff (PT) carried out electoral programs that projected, in the social imaginary, a divided society. Our hypothesis is that the mediatized political discourse in the HGPE projects a discursive identity of the enunciator, in other words, a discursive ethos that aims to legitimize it as a charismatic subject. We want to affirm that the charism emphasizes the positioning of the discursive ethos, since in him and by him we see the political subject validating themselves as the best. In this perspective, the concepts of subjective charisma and objective charisma, when entering the scenographies, locate the political enunciator between the symbolic logic and the pragmatic logic to reach the adhesion of the co-enunciator. In order to achieve the objectives we have proposed, we have constituted a corpus composed of twelve electoral programs broadcast in the HGPE, six by Aécio Neves and six by Dilma Rousseff. The analyzes revealed that the political subject, in showing their discursive ethos of a brazilian politician, oscillates between the symbolic logic and the pragmatic logic to reach their goals of adhesion and seduction and, thus, to validate, discursively, their figure of power that is projected on the television screen
Esta tese insere-se nos princípios teórico-metodológicos da Análise do Discurso e tem por objetivo geral examinar a força do ethos discursivo, do carisma e do poder da mídia na construção do sujeito político brasileiro no HGPE - Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral -, no segundo turno das eleições presidenciais de 2014. Os objetivos específicos são: verificar as estratégias e os mecanismos discursivos utilizados nos discursos do enunciador político que busca legitimação; entender e explicar a força argumentativa do ethos discursivo, do carisma e da mídia na organização e no funcionamento do discurso político; identificar as formações discursivas que atravessam diferentes discursos de campanhas eleitorais e suas relações com as competições interpartidárias que evidenciam o político por meio do confronto de suas relações imaginárias com as suas condições reais de existência. Para fundamentar nossas análises, utilizamos os trabalhos de Maingueneau (1995; 1996; 1997; 2004; 2006; 2007; 2008a; 2008b; 2008c; 2010a; 2010b; 2015) e Charaudeau (1996; 1999; 2000; 2006a; 2006b; 2008a; 2008b; 2009; 2012; 2016). Dado o caráter interdisciplinar das perspectivas que abordam, permitem o diálogo com Weber (1999), Bourdieu (1989), Foucault (2003; 2014), Bobbio (2015), entre outros. O tema mostra-se relevante, pois trata do funcionamento do discurso político midiatizado em território brasileiro e desloca os estudos sobre política para a interdiscursividade, recuperando as condições sócio-históricas de discursos de uma eleição presidencial acirrada. Os candidatos Aécio Neves (PSDB) e Dilma Rousseff (PT) protagonizaram programas eleitorais que projetaram, no imaginário social, uma sociedade dividida. Nossa hipótese é que o discurso político midiatizado no HGPE projeta uma identidade discursiva do enunciador, ou seja, um ethos discursivo que visa a legitimá-lo como sujeito carismático. Queremos afirmar que o carisma enfatiza o posicionamento do ethos discursivo, na medida em que nele e por ele vemos o sujeito político validando-se como melhor. Nessa perspectiva, os conceitos de carisma subjetivo e carisma objetivo, ao adentrarem às cenografias, situam o enunciador político entre a lógica simbólica e a lógica pragmática para conquistar a adesão do co-enunciador. Para atingirmos os objetivos que propusemos, constituímos um corpus composto de doze programas eleitorais veiculados no HGPE, seis de Aécio Neves e seis de Dilma Rousseff. As análises revelaram que o sujeito político, ao mostrar seu ethos discursivo de político brasileiro, oscila entre a lógica simbólica e a lógica pragmática para atingir seus objetivos de adesão e de sedução e, assim, validar, discursivamente, sua figura de poder que é projetada na tela da televisão

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Bojabotseha, Teboho Pankratius. "The use of language by the African National Congress in its 1999-2009 national election manifestos." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/86198.

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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: There is more to language than just its formal structural properties and, similarly, more to language function than just its communicative and naming function. Language does not exist independent of society. As a part of society, it is used in a diversity of functions: it influences thought processes, constitutes what people perceive as reality, and produces, reproduces and denies prejudices. It is in pursuit of its ideological function that language plays a significant role in the establishment and maintenance of systematically asymmetrical power relations. This study focuses on the role that language plays in efforts to position the African National Congress (ANC) as more fit to govern than other political parties in South Africa. Adopting a qualitative research strategy, the study provides an analysis of the discourse that is constructed in the ANC’s 1999, 2004 and 2009 national election manifestos. The analysis is presented within the framework of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and is performed in terms of linguistic devices, techniques and strategies such as genre and its sequential structure, pronouns, contrasting expressions, intertextuality, grounding and elision, statistics and numerical figures, and discourse. It is demonstrated that the three election manifestos are situated within a specific socio-economic and political context defined by poverty, unemployment and inequality, which are rooted in the South African history of colonialism and race-based capitalism. The texts draw from resources of the genre of manifesto and show common structural features. It is shown that ambiguous pronouns are used to build up affinities between the ANC and the reader/listener with respect to the achievements of the ANC-led government, what work still needs to be done, and to position the ANC’s vision as one that is generally shared by the people. Contrasting expressions are used to disparage the apartheid system and to extol the post-1994 democratic system. In all three texts the ANC is foregrounded as the organization which not only brought freedom to South Africa, but which in fact led the struggle for freedom and change. At the same time, there is an omission of other political organizations and the role they played in this struggle. It is also demonstrated that the three texts constituted by elements of other texts such as the Freedom Charter (1955), the Reconstruction and Development Programme (1994) and the Constitution (1996) use statistics and figures to bestow the ANC with a systematic and scientific gravitas. Lastly, the three manifestos reflect a discourse of “complete” or “total” freedom, which is inclusive of the social, economic and political aspects of the reality of South Africans’ lives. It is argued that these linguistic devices, techniques and strategies are used in the 1999, 2004 and 2009 national election manifestos to position the ANC as more fit to govern South Africa than other political parties.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Taal behels meer as net formele strukturele eienskappe, en die funksies van taal behels eweneens meer as net benaming en kommunikasie. Taal bestaan nie onafhanklik van die gemeenskap nie. As ’n deel van die gemeenskap, word taal in ’n verskeidenheid funksies gebruik: dit beïnvloed denkprosesse, bepaal wat mense beskou as die werklikheid, en dien om vooroordele te skep, te verhoog en te ontken. Dit is in die uitoefening van sy ideologiese funksie dat taal ’n beduidende rol speel in die vestiging en handhawing van sistematies asimmetriese magsverhoudings. Hierdie studie fokus op die rol wat taal speel in pogings om die African National Congress (ANC) te posisioneer as meer geskik om te regeer as ander politieke partye in Suid-Afrika. Met ’n kwalitatiewe navorsingstrategie as uitgangspunt, bied die studie ’n analise van die diskoers wat gekonstrueer word in die ANC se onderskeie manifeste vir die 1999, 2004 en 2009 nasionale verkiesings. Die analise word aangebied binne die raamwerk van Kritiese Diskoersanalise (“Critical Discourse Analysis”) en word uitgevoer in terme van taalkundige meganismes, tegnieke en strategieë soos genre and sy sekwensiële struktuur, voornaamwoorde, teenstellende uitdrukkings, intertekstualiteit, opstelling en weglating (“grounding and elision”), statistieke en getalle, en diskoers. Daar word aangetoon dat die drie verkiesingsmanifeste ingebed is in ’n spesifieke sosio-ekonomiese en politieke konteks van armoede, werkloosheid en ongelykheid, wat gegrond is in die Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis van kolonialisme en rasgebaseerde kapitalisme. Die tekste benut die middele van die manifes-genre en vertoon gemeenskaplike strukturele kenmerke. Daar word aangetoon hoe dubbelsinnige voornaam-woorde gebruik word om ’n affiniteit tussen die ANC en die leser/hoorder tot stand te bring ten opsigte van die ANC-regering se prestasies, die werk wat nog gedoen moet word, en ook om die ANC se visie voor te hou as een wat algemeen deur die mense gedeel word. Teenstellende uitdrukkings word gebruik om die apartheidstelsel te verdoem en die post-1994 demokratiese stelsel op te hemel. In al drie tekste word die ANC vooropgestel as die organisasie wat nie net vryheid na Suid-Afrika gebring het nie, maar wat in feite die stryd om vryheid en verandering gelei het. Terselfdertyd word geen melding gemaak van ander politieke organisasies en die rol wat hulle in dié stryd gespeel het nie. Daar word ook aangetoon dat die drie tekste wat verskeie elemente insluit van ander tekste soos die Freedom Charter (1955), die Heropbou- en Ontwikkelingsprogram (“Reconstruction and Development Programme”, 1994) en die Grondwet (1996) gebruik maak van statistieke en getalle om die ANC te bedeel met ’n sistematiese en wetenskaplike gravitas. Die drie manifeste vertoon, laastens, ’n diskoers van “totale” of “volledige” vryheid, wat die sosiale, ekonomiese en politieke aspekte van die werklikheid van Suid-Afrikaners se lewens omvat Daar word geargumenteer dat dié taalkundige meganismes, tegnieke en strategieë in die 1999, 2004 en 2009 verkiesingsmanifeste gebruik word om die ANC te posisioneer as meer geskik om te regeer as ander politieke partye.

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Major, Mary Elizabeth. "War's Visual Discourse| A Content Analysis of Iraq War Imagery." Thesis, Portland State University, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1535957.

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This study reports the findings of a systematic visual content analysis of 356 randomly sampled images published about the Iraq War in Time, Newsweek, and U.S. News and World Report from 2003-2009. In comparison to a 1995 Gulf War study, published images in all three newsmagazines continued to be U.S.-centric, with the highest content frequencies reflected in the categories U.S. troops on combat patrol, Iraqi civilians, and U.S. political leaders respectively. These content categories do not resemble the results of the Gulf War study in which armaments garnered the largest share of the images with 23%.

This study concludes that embedding photojournalists, in addition to media economics, governance, and the media-organizational culture, restricted an accurate representation of the Iraq War and its consequences. Embedding allowed more access to both troops and civilians than the journalistic pool system of the Gulf War, which stationed the majority of journalists in Saudi Arabia and allowed only a few journalists into Iraq with the understanding they would share information. However, the perceived opportunity by journalists to more thoroughly cover the war through the policy of embedding was not realized to the extent they had hoped for. The embed protocols acted more as an indirect form of censorship.

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Bradfield, Sarah-Jane. "A critical discourse analysis of the Daily Nation and the Standard’s news coverage of the 2007/2008 Kenyan elections." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/63437.

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This study investigates the Daily Nation and Standard’s news coverage of Kenya’s 2007/2008 general election and the unprecedented eruptions of violence which followed. This research responds to the question which came about as Kenyan print journalists and editors considered their role in possibly contributing to the violence, which took on an ethnic dimension. Vernacular radio has been fingered for having escalated longstanding ethnic tensions, but the role of the press has not been fully understood. In the aftermath of the violence, print journalists and editors met over a series of Round Table events in Nairobi to consider whether their conduct during the election could have encouraged violence. Although ten years have passed since this incidence, much of what happened within the Kenyan print media during and after the 2007/2008 general election remains unexplored and, largely, unexplained today. Although the pre- and post-election phases spanned months, my research is confined to purposive samples from a four-week period from 3 December 2007 to 4 January 2008. These four weeks were selected as they are roughly representative of the three phases of the national election which are considered significant to this study, namely the pre-election phase, the election, and the post-election violence. The research is concerned with analysing and understanding the coverage in the two dailies, the Daily Nation and Standard, and comparing the discursive work of the two, particularly in relation to identity and ethnicity. This study draws on cultural studies, critical discourse analysis and normative theories of the media to inform the research project. The critical discourse analysis explores the discourses articulated during and after the election, with a particular focus on issues of identity, ethnicity and incitement. Through this process the study found that both publications avoided references to ethnicity, despite this being an important factor in Kenyan politics and voter behaviour. In analysing these issues the study found that while the publications might claim to attempt to avoid fuelling tensions by not reporting on ethnicity, the disavowal comprised a silence which positioned the press in a collaborative role, in which it colluded with a powerful Kenyan state. Although a significant amount of time has gone by since the 2007/2008 elections, this study still considers the event significant in understanding the conduct of journalists during times of violence, and specifically for the future of journalism in Kenya.

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Egglestone, Tia Ashleigh. "A critical discourse analysis (CDA) of the contesting discourses articulated by the ANC and the news media in the City Press coverage of The Spear." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1012975.

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This research focuses on the controversy surrounding the exhibition and media publication of Brett Murray’s painting, The Spear of the Nation (May 2012). It takes the form of a qualitative Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), underpinned by Fairclough’s (1995) three-dimensional approach, to investigate how the contesting discourses articulated by the ruling political party (the ANC) and the news media have been negotiated in the City Press coverage in response to the painting. While the contestation was fought ostensibly on constitutional grounds, it arguably serves as an illustrative moment of the deeply ideological debate occurring in South Africa between the government and the national media industry regarding media diversity, transformation and democracy. It points to the lines of fracture in the broader political and social space. Informed by Foucault’s conceptualisation of discourse and the role of power in the production of knowledge and ‘truth’, this study aims to expose the discourses articulated and contested in order to make inferences about the various ‘truths’ the ANC and the media make of the democratic role of the press in a contemporary South Africa. The sample consists of five reports intended to represent the media’s responses and four articles that prominently articulate the ANC’s responses. The analysis, which draws on strategies from within critical linguists and media studies, is confined to these nine purposively sampled from the City Press online newspaper texts published between 13 May 2012 and 13 June 2012. Findings suggest the ANC legitimise expectations for the media to engage in a collaborative role in order to serve the ‘national interest’. Conversely, the media advocate for a monitorial press to justify serving the ‘public interest’. This research is envisioned to be valuable for both sets of stakeholders in developing richer understandings relevant to issues of any regulation to be debated. It forms part of a larger project on Media Policy and Democracy which seeks to contribute to media diversity and transformation, and to develop the quality of democracy in South Africa.

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Nothnagel, Ignatius. "Conceptual metaphors in media discourses on AIDS denialism in South Africa." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1653.

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Thesis (MA (General Linguistics))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.
According to Nattrass (2007:138), the denial and questioning of the science of HIV/AIDS at government level by, amongst others, Thabo Mbeki (former State President) and Manto Tshabalala-Msimang (former Minister of Health) resulted in an estimated 343 000 preventable AIDS deaths in South Africa by 2007. Such governmental discourse of AIDS denialism has been the target of criticism in the media and by activist groups such as the Treatment Action Campaign. This study investigates the nature of this criticism, specifically considering the critical use of metaphor in visual texts such as the political cartoons of Jonathan Shapiro, who works under the pen name of “Zapiro”. The purpose is to determine whether the nature of the criticism in visual newspaper texts differs from that of corresponding verbal newspaper texts, possibly providing means of criticism not available to the verbal mode alone. A corpus of texts published between August 1999 and December 2007 that topicalise HIV/AIDS was investigated. This includes 119 cartoons by Zapiro, and 91 verbal articles in the weekly newspaper Mail & Guardian. The main theoretical approach used in the analyses is Conceptual Metaphor Theory, developed by Lakoff and Johnson (1981), and its extension to poetic metaphor, developed by Lakoff and Turner (1989). Because of the socio-political nature of the problem of HIV/AIDS, the study also draws on Critical Discourse Analysis, including complementary concepts from Systemic Functional Linguistics. The study reveals that visual and verbal texts make use of similar sets of conventional conceptual metaphors at similar frequencies, which confirms the predictions of Conceptual Metaphor Theory. The study further reveals that the cartoons enrich these metaphors through four specific mechanisms of poetic metaphor, which the verbal articles do not. This indicates a significant difference between the two types of texts. Furthermore, it is found that the use of such poetic metaphors directly contributes to the critical power of the political cartoons. The study indicates that multi-modality in cartoons, which triggers single metaphoric mappings, adds a dimension to the critical function of the text that is absent in the verbal equivalent. The finding that the visual texts enable a form of cognition that is not available to verbal texts, poses one of the most significant avenues for future research. Thus, cartoons apparently achieve a type of criticism that is not found, and may not be possible, in the verbal texts alone. This makes the political cartoon a text type with an important and unique ability to articulate political criticism.

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Ntshalintshali, Dlezakhe Simon. "Uhlahlelo-mhlahlandlela lwemibhalo yegeneri yezepolitiki ephephandabeni lesiZulu." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53703.

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In-depth analysis of genre-texts of political articles in newspapers.
In-depth analysis of genre-texts of political articles in newspapers.
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The purpose of this study is to do an in-depth analysis of genre-texts of political articles in newspapers. The genre theoretical approach is employed as framework for analysing the linguistic, rhetorical and discourse properties of isiZulu texts, giving a demonstration of a more general theory of genre analysis in writing, advanced by different writers. The genrebased approach to literacy and language teachingwas explored. A general overview was given of genre in folklore, genre in linguistics, genre in rhetoric and general description of genres was provided. The parameters of writing, that is the "who writes, what, to whom, where, when, why and how", were utilised in each text under investigation. These parameters were used to assess the communicative writing competence of the author of each text. Aspects of the text analysis such as information structuring, topic structuring, coherence and cohesion, cognitive move structure and structural description have been employed. This study presents the findings of the analysis of the lIanga newspaper texts by describing the critical analysis of textlinguistic aspects through the examination of genre text and outcomes-based language teaching in Curriculum 2005.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie studie is om 'n in-diepte analise te maak van genre tekste van koerantartikels in isiZulu wat handeloor politieke aangeleenthede. Die genre-teoretiese benadering is gebruik as raamwerk vir die analise van die taalkundige, retoriese en diskoerseienskappe van isiZulu tekste, en te demonstreer hoe, vir die doeleindes van teksanalise, 'n meer algemene teorie van genre analise in skryfwerk gebruik kan word. Die genre-benadering tot geletterdheid en taalonderrig is eerstens ondersoek. 'n Algemene oorsig is gegee van genre in folklore, genre in die taalkunde, genre in retoriek en 'n beskrywing van die kenmerke van genres is gedoen. Die parameters van skryf, naamlik wie skryf wat aan wie, waar, waarom, en hoe, is gebruik om elke koerantartikel te ondersoek. Hierdie parameters is aangewend om die kommunikatiewe skryfvaardigheid van die skrywer van elke teks te assesseer. Aspekte van teksanalise, naamlik inligtingstrukturering, onderwerpstrukturering, koherensie en kohesie, kognitiewe skuifstruktuur en strukturele beskrywing is aangewend in die analise van die tekste. Die studie bied die bevindinge van die analise van die lIanga koerantartikels in isiZulu deur die kritiese analise te beskryf van tekslinguistiese aspekte met verwysing na genre-tekste en uitkoms-gebaseerde taalonderrig in Kurrikulum 2005.

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Cooper, Valerie Ann. "Ideologies and practices of public diplomacy media outlets : a critical discourse analysis of China Radio International and Voice of America." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2019. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/711.

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Countries around the world are increasingly making use of public diplomacy methods in order to advance their interests and garner favour with foreign publics, with the aim of creating 'soft power'. One of the most direct methods of doing such is through state-sponsored media outlets, which serve as government mouthpieces with the ability to speak directly to foreign populations. Such practices have recently gained more attention from Western practitioners and academics due to their increased use by countries like Russia and China, and especially in regards to their increasing media presence around the globe. However, this ignores the fact that countries like the United States have been using such outlets since the mid-1900s in openly propagandistic attempts to 'win hearts and minds. In order to understand the practices and ideologies used by such media outlets in their quest to influence foreign publics and create soft power, this research combines a content analysis with a Discourse-Historical Approach to critical discourse studies of two state-sponsored radio programmes, China Radio International and Voice of America, broadcast in March 2016. Of particular interest is the ideology and tactics used to portray countries such as China, the United States, and other countries into which these programmes are broadcast. The results demonstrate that cultural and media values feature subtly but significantly in these programmes, offering justification for their respective governments' actions, while also being used to condemn actions of other countries. Furthermore, the results reveal a hierarchical approach to coverage of countries, with many countries being reduced to inactive bystanders in global affairs.

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Wang, Jiayan. "A study of speech acts in U.S. presidential candidate." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2013. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1367.

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22

Davis, Shannon Renee. ""The Buck Stops With Me" : An Analysis of Janet Reno's Defensive Discourse in Response to the Branch Davidian Crisis." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1998. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc279086/.

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This study provides a genre analysis of Janet Reno's apologia in response to the Mt. Carmel disaster. Discussions of the events leading up to the crisis, Reno's rhetorical response, and relevant situational constraints and exigencies are provided.

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Holmqvist, Emanuelsson Gustaf. "Understanding Netflix’s establishment in Sweden : A study on how Swedish trade press and cultural journalism build up Netflix as powerful with regards to economic and cultural aspects." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, JMK, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-183189.

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This thesis expands an understanding of how Netflix has been established in Sweden’s media landscape. It seeks to investigate what effect the press has had, and more specifically, the study explores how the press builds up Netflix as powerful and how it imbues Netflix with legitimacy. Methodologically the thesis starts off with a usage of purposive sampling in order to find articles. The material is further handled with a critical discourse analysis, where writers’ language is explored, along with an investigation into how the world is represented with regards to identities, relationships and sociocultural aspects. Analysed articles with an economic focus come from Dagens Industri and those with cultural focus comes from Aftonbladet, Expressen, Dagens Nyheter and Svenska Dagbladet. Moreover, the study is based on theories and earlier studies within political economy, with a pursuit to understand film and television industry; trade press, to interpret the economic articles; cultural journalism, to interpret the cultural articles from; and power, to distinguished different power aspects in Netflix. The analysis comes in two parts: the economic analysis, which is divided in three ways and a two-folded cultural analysis. When it comes to economic legitimacy, two major aspects are prominent: Netflix’s success in competition against other streaming services and a clear establishment on the global market. Some articles have also given reasons to understand Netflix’s situation as ambiguous, meaning its future is uncertain. With regards to cultural legitimacy, the question of quality is significant, along with a connection to other social contexts such as gender, politics and climate. Netflix is perceived as having a societal responsibility. As a result of this thesis, it can be noted that cultural articles tend to be more critical than economic. Cultural journalists appear to cover the subject with a more open approach, using personal opinions, often suggesting what Netflix can improve. Writers of economic articles demonstrate a stricter portrayal of Netflix, mainly focusing on developments and success.

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Oyewo, Ayanfeoluwa Olutosin. "Tug of war : a critical discourse analysis of Punch and Daily Trust newspapers' coverage of polio eradication in Nigeria." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1017787.

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The resurgence of the polio virus in Nigeria following vaccine rejections poses a severe threat to the total worldwide eradication of polio. Vaccine refusals are a huge problem in Nigeria, especially in the North, which accounts for about 60 percent of polio cases in 2013. These refusals were informed by claims that polio vaccines contained anti-fertility properties that were designed by the ‘West’ to reduce the Muslim population. These claims and subsequent vaccine rejections culminated in the killing of health workers during an immunisation exercise in February 2013. This study is an analysis of the coverage of the polio eradication controversy by two newspapers- Punch and Daily Trust, following the killings of the health workers. Daily Trust is situated in Northern Nigeria, while Punch is situated in the South. The choice of these newspapers is based on the argument by Ayodele (1988) and Omenugha (2004) that the Nigerian press has been accused of escalating tension in the country because they view many aspects of the Nigerian reality from the lenses of religious, political and cultural prejudices. Because it is a text-based study, the chosen research method is Fairclough’s (1995) model of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), following a preliminary thematic content analysis. In addition to Fairclough’s model, the study employs textual analytic tools such as narrative analysis and rhetoric/argumentative analysis. The selected texts, which comprise editorials and news stories are analysed based on the themes identified during the thematic content analysis. The study concludes that while the two newspapers differ in their locations and stylistic approach to news, they are similar in their coverage of the polio eradication crisis. They both side with the Federal Government and help perpetuate the South versus North animosity thereby ignoring the intricacies involved in the polio eradication controversy.

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Frazier, Erica Lynn. "The Green New Deals of Great Britain, Ireland and Northern Ireland : A Critical Discourse Analysis." Thesis, Orléans, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017ORLE1159.

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Cette thèse suit l’évolution et la transmission du concept de GND à travers le temps et l’espace via l’analyse des documents produits par les groupes GND de Grande Bretagne, d’Irlande et d’Irlande du Nord dans une perspective comparative. La thèse intègre des méthodes quantitatives et qualitatives, dont des entretiens semistructurés, l’analyse lexicométrique et une forme adaptée de l’Analyse Critique du Discours afin de répondre à la question suivante : « Comment les discours et les idéologies des 'Green New Deals' de l'Irlande, la Grande-Bretagne et l'Irlande du Nord peuvent-ils être compris en relation les uns aux autres et dans leurs contextes respectifs ? » La thèse explore l'influence des contextes et des groupes sur les discours et le contenu idéologique des textes Green New Deal, et avance l’argument que bien que les Green New Deals aient, à des degrés divers, le potentiel pour constituer la première étape d'une transition sur le long terme vers une économie politique juste et verte, ils se doivent de développer certains thèmes pour permettre à leur potentiel transformateur d’opérer, au lieu de renforcer les idéologies actuellement dominantes
This thesis follows the evolution and transmission of the Green New Deal concept through time and space by examining the British, Irish and Northern Irish Green New Deal documents from a comparative perspective. It uses quantitative and qualitative methods including Corpus Linguistics, Critical Discourse Analysis and the collection of elite oral history interviews to respond to the guiding question, “How can the discourses and embedded ideologies of the Green New Deals of the Republic of Ireland, Great Britain and Northern Ireland be understood in relation to one another and their respective contexts?”. The thesis explores the influence of contexts and groups on the discourses and ideological contents of the Green New Deal texts, ultimately finding that though the Green New Deals have the potential to act as transitional documents in a move towards a just green political economy, further work must be done to develop key themes in the texts and ensure they realise their transformative potential rather than simply reinforcing currently dominant ideologies

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Scalzilli, Guilherme de Camargo 1970. "Opinião e ativismo na imprensa brasileira : um estudo sobre a revista Caros Amigos." [s.n.], 2015. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/270663.

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Orientador: Maria das Graças Conde Caldas
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem
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Resumo: O tema central deste trabalho é o artigo de opinião como instrumento de militância política na mídia impressa brasileira. Inicialmente questionamos o paradigma ético da objetividade que alimenta os mecanismos legitimadores do jornalismo contemporâneo. Em seguida apresentamos as bases conceituais da Análise de Discurso de linha francesa, particularmente as desenvolvidas por Dominique Maingueneau, recorrendo a Patrick Charaudeau para a abordagem do Discurso Político e a Eliseo Verón para a do Contrato de Leitura. Depois passamos a um estudo do ativismo jornalístico, abordando questões como subjetividade, gênero, autoria, ideologia e dogmatismo. Então apresentamos a trajetória da revista Caros Amigos, lançada em 1997, de cunho predominantemente autoral e engajado na defesa de valores de esquerda. A revista é objeto de um Estudo de Caso interpretativo a respeito de artigos de opinião dedicados ao tema Política Brasileira, colhidos numa amostragem periódica de cinco exemplares, separados por intervalos quadrienais (1997, 2001, 2005, 2009 e 2013). A análise comprova que o repertório opinativo é propício para a investigação da identidade editorial do veículo de comunicação, mesmo quando os articulistas desfrutam de relativa liberdade de pauta e posicionamento. Os traços semânticos e as variações do ethos autoral pedagógico mostram que o articulismo da publicação era fundamental para o projeto pluralista e inovador que a marcava inicialmente, e que a restrição do seu espaço opinativo esteve ligada à adoção de um modelo mais sectário e ortodoxo de jornalismo militante. Além disso, o conjunto de colaboradores da revista serve como espécie de microcosmo da intelectualidade brasileira de esquerda, refletindo as suas oscilações ao longo dos governos federais que se sucederam desde o final do século passado
Abstract: The central theme of this work is the opinion article as political activism tool in the Brazilian media. We initially criticize the ethical paradigm of objectivity that endorses the legitimizing mechanisms of contemporary journalism. Next, we present the conceptual foundations of French Discourse Analysis, particularly those developed by Dominique Maingueneau, using Patrick Charaudeau to address the Political Discourse and Eliseo Verón for the "reading contract". Then we come to a study of journalistic activism, examining issues such as subjectivity, genres, authorship, ideology and dogmatism. We present the trajectory of Caros Amigos magazine, launched in 1997, predominantly authorial and engaged in the defense of left-wing values. The magazine is the subject of a interpretive Case Study on opinion articles devoted to Brazilian political subjects, and collected on a periodic sampling of five copies, separated by four-year intervals (1997, 2001, 2005, 2009 and 2013). The analysis shows that the opinionative repertoire is conducive to research the editorial identity of print media, even when the writers enjoy relative assignment and bias freedom. The semantic marks and the changes in pedagogical authorial ethos show that columnism was central to the pluralistic and innovative project that initially marked the magazine, and that the restriction of its opinionative space was linked to the adoption of a more sectarian and orthodox militant journalistic model. In addition, the magazine's columnist set serves as a kind of microcosm of Brazilian left-wing intellectual thinking, reflecting its fluctuations over the federal governments since the end of last century
Mestrado
Divulgação Científica e Cultural
Mestre em Divulgação Científica e Cultural

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Butler, Robert. "Approche multimodale de l'analyse du discours politique : l'exemple des Liberal Democrats." Thesis, Pau, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PAUU1048/document.

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Tout énoncé consiste en un message, explicite ou implicite, qui met en relief les objectifs du locuteur et aiguille l’interlocuteur vers une réponse ou une interprétation attendue par le locuteur. Dans le cadre du discours politique, la parole du personnage politique a pour objectif de mettre l’interlocuteur et le spectateur de son côté. Le langage employé est donc très souvent persuasif. Les études montrent que la communication ne passe pas exclusivement par la communication verbale. Elles mettent en évidence la place occupée par la cognition dans toute communication. L’approche formaliste ne tient pas compte de la dimension psychologique de la communication, tandis qu’une approche psychologique ne tient pas compte de la cognition sans placer la communication dans une structure suffisamment élaborée. Dans le cadre théorique que nous avons choisi, le domaine de la cognition s’inscrit dans une approche conceptuelle. Par conséquent, il conviendra d’analyser non seulement la communication verbale mais aussi la communication non-verbale. Dans quelle mesure le message verbal passe-t-il par d’autres voies ? L’analyse procédera à la mise en relief de la dimension paralinguistique tant dans l’espace que dans le temps : geste, regard, posture.La montée au pouvoir du Parti conservateur au Royaume-Uni en 2010 a donné lieu à la première coalition britannique depuis 1945. C’est la participation de son adversaire, les Liberal Democrats, qui a suscité de nombreux débats sur la faisabilité d’une coalition en raison d’un décalage idéologique important. Il sera donc indispensable d’analyser le contexte politique par rapport à la nature du discours. Pour ce faire, il conviendra d’adopter une approche cognitive de l’analyse du discours. Dans quelle mesure les phénomènes linguistiques et paralinguistiques sont-ils volontaires ou involontaires ? Dans quelle mesure existe-t-il une concordance entre les différents phénomènes observés ? L’approche multimodale permettra de montrer le rapport entre sémantique, phonologie, lexique et grammaire afin de mesurer la pertinence du discours. Les théories cognitivistes élaborées par Leonard TALMY et Ronald LANGACKER seront le point de départ de cette approche conceptuelle. Celle-ci permettra d’aboutir à une analyse de tous les éléments linguistiques et paralinguistiques en fonction de la situation d’énonciation : discours, entretien, débat
Every utterance is composed of an implicit or an explicit message which highlights the speaker’s aims and steers the interlocutor towards a response or an interpretation intended by the speaker. In the field of political discourse, the objective of the politician’s discourse is to make the interlocutor and the spectator take a partisan view. Consequently, the language used is often persuasive. Studies have shown that communication is not exclusively verbal. They reveal the role of cognition in all forms of communication. A formalist approach does not take into account the psychological dimension of communication, while a psychological approach fails to account for cognition by not addressing communication within a sufficiently detailed linguistic context. In the framework that we have chosen, the cognitive domain is located within a conceptual approach. As a result, it is necessary to analyse both verbal and non-verbal communication. To what extent is the spoken message transmitted through other means? Our analysis will highlight the paralinguistic dimension of language both in space and time – gesture, gaze and posture. The electoral success of the Conservative Party in the United Kingdom in 2010 gave rise to the first British coalition government since 1945. The role played by the party’s opponent, the Liberal Democrats, has led to many debates about the feasibility of a coalition due to the ideological divide. It is therefore essential to examine the political context with regard to the type of discourse. In order to achieve this, we have chosen a cognitive approach to discourse analysis. To what extent are the linguistic and paralinguistic phenomena intended or unintended? To what extent is there any coherence between these different observable phenomena? A multimodal approach will help us to identify the link between semantics, lexis and grammar in order to determine the relevance of the discourse. A number of theories of cognitive linguistics and Critical Discourse Analysis form the basis of our conceptual approach, with particular emphasis on the cognitive dimension put forward by Leonard Talmy. This will enable us to analyse all the linguistic and paralinguistic features of discourse, depending on different situations which include speeches, interviews and debates

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Conceição, Rosineide Maria da. "Propagandas da campanha eleitoral a prefeito de Cuiabá do segundo turno de 2012 : aspectos discursivos." Universidade Federal de Mato Grosso, 2014. http://ri.ufmt.br/handle/1/362.

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Este estudo foi desenvolvido no âmbito do Programa de Mestrado em Estudos de Linguagem, na Linha de Pesquisa “Práticas textuais e discursivas: múltiplas abordagens”. Buscou desenredar o(s) discurso(s) que permearam a campanha a prefeito de Cuiabá em 2012, tal como fora veiculada no Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral pela televisão aberta (doravante HGPE/TV), no segundo turno, disputado por Mauro Mendes, filiado ao Partido Socialista Brasileiro (PSB) e Ludio Cabral, filiado ao Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT). Teve por objetivo: apreender as relações interdiscursivas que permearam as propagandas do HGPE/TV; compreender como as propagandas políticas se construíram como cenas de enunciação (cena englobante, cena genérica e cenografia); compreender de que modo o ethos do enunciador participa da construção da cenografia; discutir especificidades do debate político no HGPE/TV. Tais objetivos não esgotaram as possibilidades de estudo que tal objeto oferecia, mas é o que se apresentava como passível de realização no momento. Foi uma pesquisa arquivista, com a diferença de que se pôde observar o arquivo em se fazendo, uma vez que se acompanhou, dia a dia, o que o HGPE/TV levava ao ar para a população cuiabana, em meio a que estavam os eleitores que poderiam fazer um ou outro candidato vitorioso. O estudo foi balizado pela Análise de Discurso (AD) da vertente francesa, utilizando os seguintes conceitos: interdiscurso, polêmica, cenas de enunciação (cena englobante, cena genérica e cenografia) e ethos. Os conceitos explorados na dissertação foram tratados, principalmente, na companhia de Dominique Maingueneau, um analista de discurso da escola francesa que tem mostrado a fecundidade desse paradigma interpretativo na leitura de qualquer tipo de enunciado, incluindo os enunciados multimodais como são os enunciados do HGPE/TV. A análise mostrou a polêmica em torno do “alinhamento”, um argumento de campanha reivindicado pelo candidato do PT e rebatido pelo do PSB, bem como em torno da “competência administrativa”, reivindicado pelo candidato do PSB e rebatido pelo do PT.
This study was conducted within the scope of the Master Program in Language Studies, in the Research Line “Textual and discursive practices: multiple approaches”. It sought to disentangle the discourse(s) which permeated the campaign for mayor of Cuiabá in 2012, as it is made public in the Free-time Political Propaganda on television (hereinafter HGPE/TV), in the second round, disputed by Mauro Mendes, affiliated to the Brazilian Socialist Party (PSB) and Ludio Cabral, affiliated to the Workers’ Party (PT). It aimed to: apprehend the interdiscursive relationships which permeated the HGPE/TV advertisements; understand how the political advertisements were crafted as enunciation scenes (enclosing scene, generic scene and scenography); understand how the ethos of the enunciator participates in the construction of the scenography; discuss specificities of the political debate in the HGPE/TV. Such objectives have not exhausted the possibilities of study that this object offered, but it is what was presented as achievable at the time. It was an archival research, with the difference that it was possible to observe the file in the making, by following day by day what was being broadcast by the HGPE/TV to the population of Cuiabá, among those the electors that could make one or the other winning candidate. The study was marked by the Discourse Analysis (DA) of the French strand, using the following concepts: interdiscourse, polemic, enunciation scenes (enclosing scene, generic scene and scenography) and ethos. The concepts explored in the dissertation were addressed mainly in the company of Dominique Maingueneau, a discourse analyst of the French school that has shown the fruitfulness of this interpretative paradigm in the reading of any type of statements, including multimodal statements as are the utterances of the HGPE/TV. The analysis showed the controversy around the “alignment”, an argument of campaign claimed by the PT candidate and rebutted by that of the PSB, as well as in relation to “administrative competence”, claimed by the PSB candidate and rebutted by the PT candidate.

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Weinblum, Sharon. "The management of security and democracy in political discourse: an analysis of the competing discursive articulations of the security-democracy nexus in the Israeli Parliament." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209748.

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This dissertation departs from the common understanding that the democratic challenge is to strike the right balance between security and democracy; rather it asserts that the relations between security and democracy are discursively constructed by political actors. The dissertation takes as case study a state where the security discourse has been acute and omnipresent since the very beginning of its establishment: Israel. Drawing on discourse theory premises and narrative analyses, the research enlightens how the security-democracy nexus is articulated in political discourse. The study offers a careful analysis of a set of debates held within the Israeli parliament, the Knesset, over laws and decisions taken in the name of security and that generated discussions over democratic values and principles. The main focus of the analysis is the post-second intifada laws, but the study also offers account of previous discursive articulations at play in the 1980s. Indeed, the understanding of the discursive articulations of the security democracy nexus would not be possible without digging into the roots of its discursive articulations. The overall work gives a detailed account of the way the dominant narrative, by articulating security and democracy in a "defensive democracy" story, has reproduced and reshaped the boundaries of the Israeli polity.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Borges, Julie Kellen de Campos 1974. "As denominações do imigrante nas políticas de imigração no Estado de São Paulo : a produção da diferença." [s.n.], 2013. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/269837.

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Orientadores: Carolina Maria Rodríguez Zuccolillo, Christian Puech
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem
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Resumo: As complexas relações com o estrangeiro são constitutivas de nossa história social e política de modo particular, seja no período da colonização portuguesa, seja após a Independência (1822), quando se intensificaram os fluxos de imigrantes para o Brasil. Este trabalho de tese, inscrito na perspectiva teórica da Análise de Discurso, visa compreender quais sentidos foram produzidos para o imigrante e a imigração no Estado de São Paulo, considerando que na segunda metade do século XIX estes sentidos não se desvinculam das políticas nacionais de imigração. Analisamos os processos de significação do sujeito imigrante e, no mesmo movimento de sentidos, do brasileiro, em discursos da/sobre a imigração textualizados em verbetes de dicionários de língua portuguesa, periódicos franceses, relatórios produzidos por órgãos públicos responsáveis pela imigração e o antigo acervo do Memorial do Imigrante/Museu da Imigração do Estado de São Paulo. Ao tratarmos dos discursos produzidos pelas diversas instituições destacadas, pensamos a língua como instituição que funciona, discursivamente, estabilizando sentidos, produzindo regiões de significância para o sujeito no espaço numa formação social dada. Considerando que as instituições produzem arquivo, ou seja, memória institucional, analisamos como as projeções imaginárias para o imigrante e a imigração recobrem sentidos já-ditos sobre a história social brasileira. Concluímos observando que o sentido de imigrante sempre desliza, as palavras "imigrante" e "imigração" enquanto efeito de discurso e investida do político não referem universos semânticos logicamente estabilizados, podendo o sujeito, no processo político e social de partilha dos espaços ser denominado/significado estrangeiro no seu próprio país.
Abstract: The complex relations with the foreigner are particularly constitutive of our social and political history, whether during the Portuguese colonization or after gaining independence (1822), when flows of immigrants to Brazil intensified. This thesis work, written from the theoretical perspective of discourse analysis, aims to understand what meanings were produced for the immigrant and immigration in São Paulo state, considering that in the second half of the 19th century these meanings are not detached from the national immigration policies. We have analyzed the significance of the immigrant and, in the same way, the significance of the Brazilian, in the discourses of / on immigration textualized in entries of Portuguese language dictionaries, French newspapers, reports produced by government agencies responsible for immigration, and the former collection of the Immigrant Memorial/Immigration Museum in São Paulo state. In addressing the discourses produced by the highlighted institutions, we think of language as an institution that works discursively, giving a sense of stability, and producing regions of significance for the subject in the space in a determined social formation. Considering that the institutions produce archive, i.e., institutional memory, we analyze how the imaginary projections for the immigrant and immigration overlie the sense of the Brazilian social history. We conclude by observing that the sense for the immigrant is always shifting, the words "immigrant" and "immigration" as an effect of discourse and invested with the politics do not refer to logically stabilized semantic universes, so the subject, in the political and social process of sharing spaces, may be classified as a foreigner in his own country.
Doutorado
Linguistica
Doutora em Linguística

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Chan, Seng In. "The discursive engineering of Chinese foreign policy in Xi Jinping's era :the case of the "One belt, one road" initiative." Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3953861.

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Castelfranchi, Juri 1969. "As serpentes e o bastão : tecnociencia, neoliberalismo e inexorabilidade." [s.n.], 2008. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280500.

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Orientador: Laymert Garcia dos Santos
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: Neste trabalho são analisadas as práticas e o discurso da tecnociência contemporânea, definida não apenas como fusão entre ciência e tecnologia mas como acontecimento que funciona no interior de uma específica economia de poder e que é caracterizado pela interação e a retroalimentação mútua do capitalismo, da ciência e da tecnologia. São mapeados movimentos e rupturas no funcionamento da tecnociência, examinando a fonte dos financiamentos para a pesquisa, o ethos dos cientistas, as fomlas de apropriação do conhecimento e as políticas de C&T à luz dos conceitos foucaultianos de govemamentalidade e dispositivo. O discurso tecnocientífico atual é analisado a partir do monitoramento de documentos oficiais e declarações públicas de cientistas-empreendedores, policy-makers, ONGs etc. O cruzamento de tais elementos mostra que ciências, técnicas e capitalismo funcionam entrelaçados. Em alguns casos, impulsionando-se mutuamente: cada parte se apoia nos sucessos, na autoridade, nos efeitos de verdade e na potência das outras. Noutros casos, há dissonâncias e atritos. Os resultados da pesquisa indicam que a tecnociência atual é, ao mesmo tempo, piramidal e reticular, inexorável e modulável. De um lado, retrata si mesma como fundamentada num saber a-político, neutral, objetivo, universal, que "cai" na sociedade quando aplicado, divulgado, transformado em objeto técnico e em mercadoria. A tecnociência aparece como o bonde que não podemos perder, cuja marcha é automática e cuja regulação deve ser deixada com os especialistas. Por outro lado, no neoliberalismo a tecnociência precisa receber inúmerosfeedbacks, escutar as demandas do mercado e as preocupações do cidadão. Conclui se que a tecnociência atual é um dispositivo qe geometria variável modulado por parâmetros que nem sempre podem ser estabelecidos' nG, il1terior de uma tecnocracia. Funciona ativando mecanismos de despolitização e de inv.isibilização dos conflitos; e constitui-se como implacável politicamente através de repetidas performances voltadas para a mobilização da população e a afirmação de inevitabilidade. No entanto, sua configuração atual é um acontecimento apoiado em terrenos (epistêmicos, econômicos e sociais) movediços
Abstract: ln this work practices and discourse of contemporary technoscience are analyzed. Technoscience is defined not only as the merging between science and technology, but as an event, functioning inside a certain economy of power and characterized by the interaction and reciprocal feedback of capitalism, science and technology. Movements and ruptures in technoscience are mapped by means of the examination of the sources of funding for research, the ethos of scientists, the forms of appropriation of knowledge and S&T policies, using concepts by Michel Foucault, such as govemmentality and apparatus (dispositif). The contemporary technoscientific discourse is analyzed by monitoring official documents and public declarations by entrepreneurs-scientists, policy-makers, NGOs, etc. By crossing such elements, it is shown that sciences, techniques and capitalism function today inside an entanglement. ln some cases, they boost each other: every part is supported by the successes, the authority, the truth effects of the other ones. In other cases, dissonance and friction exist. The results of this research show that contemporary technoscience is, at the same time, pyramidal and reticular; it may seem inexorable, but it may also be modulated. Technoscience depicts itself as grounded on an a-political, neutral, objective, universal knowledge, "falling" down into society when applied, popularized and transformed in a technical object or a product. Its progress is told to be semi-automatic, and its regulation should be left with the experts. On the other side, in neoliberalism, technoscience needs also to receive feedback, to listen to the demands of the market and to the worries of the citizens. It can be concluded that contemporary technoscience is a dispositlf of.variable geometry, modulates by parameters that cannot be always established by a technocracy. It functions by acting mechanisms of depolitization and invisibilization of conflict; it constitutes itself as politically implacable by means of continuous performances of inevitability and mobilization of population. However, its configuration is an event grounded on shifting epistemic, economic and social lands
Doutorado
Sociologia da Cultura
Doutor em Sociologia

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Bouzereau, Camille. "Doxa et contredoxa dans la construction du territoire discursif du front national (2000-2017)." Thesis, Université Côte d'Azur, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020COAZ2023.

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Au croisement de deux méthodes, l’analyse des données textuelles et une linguistique centrée sur les dimensions syntaxiques, énonciatives et pragmatiques des faits de langue, cette thèse a pour objectif de caractériser linguistiquement les discours politiques du Front National sur la période contemporaine (2000-2017). Partant du postulat que ce parti politique français est un parti désormais ancré dans le système mais qui, paradoxalement, se revendique comme un parti « antisystème », nous étudions la mise en discours de cette opposition. Ce travail interroge ainsi l’intérêt heuristique de la notion de contre-discours au sein du discours politique et défend la thèse que le discours du FN se construit systématiquement, avec des stratégies argumentatives singulières et sur des thématiques qui lui sont propres, comme un contre-discours mettant en confrontation une seule et unique doxa face à une contre-doxa. Pour réaliser cette recherche, nous avons créé, sur le logiciel Hyperbase, une plateforme d’analyse de données textuelles, un vaste corpus de plus de 3 millions d’occurrences structurées en 5 bases de données. Plus de 300 discours lepéniens et trois campagnes présidentielles sont ainsi passés au crible de nos outils et de notre analyse. Pour répondre à notre interrogation fondamentale, trois champs de pertinence – correspondant chacun à une approche linguistique – se succèdent et progressent d’une analyse infra-textuelle, centrée sur l’étude des spécificités lexicales et syntaxiques du discours FN, vers une analyse textuelle consacrée à la cohésion inter- et supra-phrastique de la textualité lepénienne, pour aboutir à l’organisation discursive et aux relations que pose le discours du FN localement et globalement aux autres discours
This thesis is at the croassroads of two methods: textual data analysis and the linguistics centred on the semantic, enunciative, pragmatic dimensions of language facts. Its aim is to characterize linguistically the political discourses of the French National Front (FNF) over the contemporary period (2000-2017). Starting from the postulate that this French political party is now anchored in the system and, paradoxically, claims to be an 'anti-system' party, we study the speech construction of this opposition. This work thus questions the heuristic interest of a counter-discourse notion within the political discourse. It defends the thesis that the FNF's speech is systematically built, on its own specific themes and with singular argumentative strategies, like a counter-discourse opposing a single and unique doxa to a counter-doxa.To carry out this research, we have used the Hyperbase software, text data analysis platform, to create a vast corpus over three million occurrences structured in five databases. We have thus applied our tools and our analysis to more than 300 Lepenian speeches and three French presidential campaigns.To answer our fundamental question, three fields of relevance - each corresponding to a linguistic approach - follow one another. They progress from an infra-textual analysis, centred on the study of the lexical and syntactic specificities of the FNF discourse, to a textual analysis devoted to the inter- and supra-phrastic cohesion of the Lepenian textuality, in order to arrive at the discursive organization and the relations that the FNF discourse locally and globally poses to other discourses

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Mukundu, Rashweat. "A critical discourse analysis of the coverage of operation "Restore Order" (Operation Murambatsvina) by Zimbabwe's weekly newspapers, the state-owned The Sunday Mail and the privately owned The Standard, in the period 18 May to 30 June 2005." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002925.

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On May 16 2006 the government of Zimbabwe embarked on a clean-up programme of urban centres, destroying informal human settlements and informal businesses. This operation, which the government called operation "Restore Order", resulted in the displacement of nearly one million people and left thousands of families homeless. This study is a discussion and an analysis of the coverage of the clean-up operation by two of Zimbabwe's leading Sunday newspapers, The Sunday Mail and The Standard. The Sunday Mail is owned by the Zimbabwe government and The Standard is privately owned and perceived to be oppositional to the current Zimbabwe government. The two newspapers, therefore, covered the clean-up operation from different perspectives and often presented conflicting reports explaining why the clean-up operation was carried out and the extent of its impact on the lives of millions of Zimbabweans. The chosen research approach is the Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) framework as developed by Fairclough (1995). Using CDA, this study seeks to find out and expose the underlying ideological struggles for hegemony between different social and political groups in Zimbabwe and how the newspapers became actors in this process. This process is made possible by looking at how news reporting is organised in the two newspapers, issues of language use, sourcing and external factors that influenced the coverage of the operation.

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Stent, Alison. "Reading the Sowetan's mediation of the public's response to the Jacob Zuma rape trial: a critical discourse analysis." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002940.

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In this minithesis I conduct a critical discourse analysis to take on a double-pronged task. On the one hand I explore the social phenomenon of the contestation between supporters of then-ANC deputy president Jacob Zuma and supporters of his rape accuser. The trial, which took place in the Johannesburg High Court between mid-February and early May 2006, stirred intense public interest, both locally and internationally. The performance of thousands of Zuma’s supporters and a far smaller number of gender rights lobby groups, both of whom kept a presence outside the court building throughout the trial, received similar attention. Second, I examine how the Sowetan, a national daily tabloid with a black, middle-class readership, mediated the trial through pictures of the theatre outside the court and letters to the editor. The study is informed by post-Marxist and cultural studies perspectives, both approaches that are concerned with issues of power, ideology and the circulation of meaning within specific sociocultural contexts. A rudimentary thematic content analysis draws out some of the main themes from the material, while the critical discourse analysis is located within a theoretical framework based on concepts from Laclau & Mouffe’s theory of meaning, which assumes a power struggle between contesting positions seeking to invalidate one another and to either challenge or support existing hegemonies. This is further informed by, first, Laclau’s theorisation of populism, which assumes that diverse groupings can unite under a demagogue’s banner in shared antagonism towards existing power, and second, by concepts from Mamdani’s theorisation of power and resistance in colonial and post-colonial Africa, which explicates three overarching ideological discourses of human rights, social justice and traditional ethnic practices. The study, then, explores how these three discourses were operationalised by the localised contestations over the trial.

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Brenner, Tatiana. "La sémiosphère des discours politiques sur Twitter : une analyse contrastive de quatre pays (France, Allemagne, Royaume-Uni, Russie)." Thesis, Bourgogne Franche-Comté, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017UBFCH031.

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Ce travail de recherche vise à approfondir les connaissances scientifiques au sujet de la communication politique sur Twitter dans le contexte culturel de plusieurs pays. Notamment, il propose un angle d’analyse novateur à travers la notion de sémiosphère. Cette thèse examine les composants du discours politique sur Twitter, à la lumière de la théorie de Lotman sur la sémiosphère, tout particulièrement, la manière dont ils s’articulent en espace sémiotique cohérent autour d’un « événement », au sein du dispositif sociotechnique. Cette analyse questionne des problématiques qui touchent à la modélisation, la représentation et l’interprétation de « l’événement » à travers les discours actualisés dans leurs contextes culturels. La thèse s’appuie en partie sur l’analyse quantitative, mais plus encore qualitative d’un corpus multilingue (français, britannique, allemand, russe). La recherche se nourrit d’une épistémologie variée, mise au service d’une approche au niveau international, à la fois contrastive et compréhensive, de la communication politique sur Twitter
This research aims to deepen present-day scientific knowledge about politicians’ communication on Twitter in different national contexts. Namely, it proposes a new angle of analysis through the notion of semiosphere. The PhD examines components of political discourse on Twitter, by means of Lotman’s theory of the semiosphere, particularly their structure as a coherent semiotic space created around an “event” on a digital platform. This analysis deals with the questions of modelling, representing and interpreting of an “event” within the discourses put in different cultural contexts. The PhD is based on the quantitative but especially qualitative analysis of different language-based corpora (French, British, German, Russian). The research mobilises a variety of theoretical approaches, in order to set up a contrastive as well as comprehensive approach to the analysis of political communication on Twitter

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Thomas, Julie George. "Information Censorship: A Comparative Analysis of Newspaper Coverage of the Jyllands-Posten Editorial Caricatures in Cross-Cultural Settings." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2010. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc31550/.

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The identification and examination of cultural information strategies and censorship patterns used to propagate the controversial issue of the caricatures in two separate cultural contexts was the aim of this dissertation. It explored discourse used for the coverage of this topic by one newspaper in a restrictive information context and two newspapers in a liberal information context. Message propagation in a restrictive information environment was analyzed using the English daily Kuwait Times from the Middle East; the liberal information environment of the US was analyzed using two major dailies, the New York Times and the Philadelphia Inquirer. The study also concurrently identifies and elaborates on the themes and frames through which discourse was presented exposing the cultural ideologies and premises they represent. The topic was approached with an interdisciplinary position with the support and applicability testing of Chatman's insider-outsider theory within information science and Noelle-Neumann's spiral of silence theory and Herman and Chomsky's propaganda model based in the area of mass communication. The study has also presented a new model of information censorship - circle of information censorship, emphasizing conceptual issues that influence the selection and censorship of information.

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Gomari-Luksch, Laleh. "Realism, rationalism and revolutionism in Iran's foreign policy : the West, the state and Islam." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/13719.

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Iran's foreign policy is consistent and is fundamentally realist with a revolutionist vision while the means are rationalist is the central argument of this dissertation. I make use of the English Schools three traditions of realism, rationalism and revolutionism in analyzing the speeches of Iranian statesmen to identify the ways in which the dynamics of the three traditions have evolved since 1997 and what it means for interpreting the developments of Iran's foreign policy ventures. I utilize both quantitative and qualitative methods of analysis in examining the speeches of the supreme leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, the presidents since 1997. The quantitative method employs a customized software generating figures that represent the recurrence of realist, rationalist and revolutionist terminologies in all the documents downloaded from the official websites of the Iranian statesmen as well as the United Nations and select news agencies and affiliates. The quantitative phase of the analysis, meanwhile, carefully examined selected statements of the supreme leader and the presidents uncovering the foreign policy argumentations and justifications, which were studied alongside foreign policy actions and classified under the three traditions. The findings suggest that Iran's foreign policy is the same as in the other states of international society – it is consistent and dynamic. It is simultaneously realist, rationalist and revolutionist with each tradition serving a specific purpose, which cannot be disentangled from the other two.

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Nicolas, Loïc. "La rhétorique et sa critique: à la rencontre du discours et de la liberté." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209942.

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L’objet de cette thèse est d’engager une discussion concernant l’épistémologie de la discipline rhétorique et de formuler des propositions visant à la refonder. En partie spéculative, la réflexion que je mène à partir des travaux de Chaïm Perelman notamment, rattache cette antique discipline à la « raison pratique ». Une raison agissante qui donne l’occasion d’assumer et d’affronter l’indétermination du monde – sans pour autant faire de cette indétermination un chaos, ni en prendre ombrage pour sombrer dans le relativisme. Dans cette perspective, la rhétorique se trouve conçue comme un dispositif propre à accompagner les hommes dans le difficile exercice d’une liberté citoyenne. Une liberté au sens fort, ancrée dans la pratique du politique, telle que l’entendaient les Anciens.

Je m’efforce tout d’abord de montrer que, dès l’origine, la rhétorique a représenté une compétence nouvelle, mais aussi une occasion unique de dire, d’habiter et de séculariser le monde. Ma démarche consiste donc à réfléchir l’émergence de la rhétorique dans la Grèce ancienne. À ce titre, j’analyse la fonction politique, sociale, symbolique, attribuée à la parole dans cette Cité démocratique dont elle a accompagné l’invention. Parole qui s’est vue accorder une place inégalée :comme support et comme condition de l’action citoyenne. Pourtant, force est de constater que, malgré ce succès, la rhétorique a très vite été dénoncée comme un art de tromper, de mentir, de dissimuler ses lacunes. Des générations de philosophes, d’hommes d’Église ou de scientifiques se sont attachés à démonter son fonctionnement, sa dynamique, à décrier son enseignement et, finalement, à souhaiter son évincement. C’est pourquoi, je m’intéresse aux critiques qui ont été adressées à la parole rhétorique depuis l’Antiquité jusqu’au XIXe siècle. Par là, j’entends donner une vision nouvelle de cette antique « fonction » du langage, par-delà la synthèse de ses caricatures.

En outre, mon propos s’attache à mettre en lumière les lieux communs sur lesquels se fonde notre relation au discours. Dans une optique qui va d’Aristote à Perelman, je défends l’idée selon laquelle la rhétorique ne constitue pas (comme on pourrait le penser) une méthode pour apprendre à vivre ensemble dans la paix des mots, mais, avant tout, une façon de pratiquer la critique avec et contre l’autre :l’adversaire. Et ceci afin de prendre des décisions dans le monde contingent des affaires humaines. Or, c’est justement au titre de sa fonction agonistique que la rhétorique a perdu sa place et son sens dans nos démocraties. Face à cela, l’enjeu de mon travail est de mettre en évidence, après Perelman, l’existence d’une raison tout à la fois une et plurielle. En effet, la multiplicité des voies possibles, leur antagonisme, n’est pas le signe d’une raison anarchique et inconséquente, le signe d’une raison hantée par la déraison. Il s’agit, au contraire, d’une chance offerte à la raison de se mettre à l’épreuve et de risquer la liberté. Du reste, perdre cette dimension agonistique, la dénoncer, la condamner comme irrationnelle, ainsi que le font les théories normatives de l’argumentation, revient à manifester la coupure entre le langage et les ressources critiques de la rhétoriques qui permettent de faire de nos prises de parole un moyen et une ressource de l’émancipation.

Doctorat en Langues et lettres
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Kerseboom, Simone. "Pitied plumage and dying birds : the public mourning of national heroines and post-apartheid foundational mythology construction." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1019884.

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The original contribution of this thesis is the examination of the official construction of a post-apartheid foundation myth through the analysis of the dead body politics of five iconic South African women that spans the three presidencies that have defined South Africa’s democratic era. This thesis examines the death and funeral of Albertina Sisulu, the return and burial of Sara Baartman, and the commemoration of Charlotte Maxeke, Lilian Ngoyi, and Helen Joseph. Sisulu, Baartman, Maxeke, Ngoyi, and Joseph have been constructed as heroines and as foundational figures for the post-apartheid nation in official rhetoric. It will contend that the dead body politics of these women not only informs a new foundational mythology, but also features in the processes of regime legitimation when the ANC-dominated government faces strong societal criticism. Although such official expressions of nationalism may appear exhausted, this thesis will show that nationalism remains a powerful and dangerous force in South Africa that attempts to silence opposition and critical analysis of perceived failing government policies or inaction. This thesis will indicate that as women’s bodies and legacies are appropriated for nationalist projects they are subsumed in discourses of domestic femininity in official rhetoric that dangerously detract from women’s democratic rights and their ability to exercise responsible and productive citizenship in the post-apartheid state. It will argue that women’s historic political activism is contained within the meta-narrative of ‘The Struggle’ and that women are re-subsumed into the patriarchal discourses of the past that are inherited in the present. This thesis approaches this topic by considering a top-to-bottom construction of post-apartheid nationalism through applying feminist critical discourse analysis to official rhetoric articulated at the public mourning and commemorative rituals of these five women.

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Santos, Phillip. "Representing conflict: an analysis of The Chronicle's coverage of the Gukurahundi conflict in Zimbabwe between 1983 and 1986." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002936.

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This research is premised on the understanding that media texts are discourses and that all discourses are functional, that is, they refer to things, issues and events, in meaningful and goal oriented ways. Nine articles are analysed to explicate the sorts of discourses that were promoted by The Chronicle during the Gukurahundi conflict in Zimbabwe between 1982 and 1986. It is argued that discourses in the news media are shaped by the role(s), the type(s) of journalism assumed by such media, and by the political environment in which the news media operate. The interplay between the roles, types of journalism practised, and the effect the political environment has on news discourses is assessed within the context of conflictual situations. This is done using insights from the theoretical position of peace journalism and its critique of professional or mainstream journalism as promoting war/violence journalism. Using the case of The Chronicle's reportage of the Gukurahundi conflict in Zimbabwe, it is concluded that, in performing the collaborative role, state owned/controlled media assume characteristics of war/violence journalism. On the other hand, it is concluded that The Chronicle developed practices consistent with peace journalism when it both espoused the facilitative role and journalistic objectivity. These findings undermine the conventional view among proponents of peace journalism that in times of conflict, the news media should be interventionist in favour of peace and that they should abandon the journalistic norm of objectivity which they argue, promotes war/violence journalism.

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Demarchelier, Elsie. "Le rêve américain dans le discours politique depuis les années 1960 : crises et ruptures." Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2020. http://accesdistant.sorbonne-universite.fr/login?url=http://theses.paris-sorbonne.fr/2020SORUL074.pdf.

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L’objectif de cette thèse est d’étudier comment, dans un contexte de crises économiques et sociales, la rupture du consensus sur le projet national exprimé par le rêve américain a conduit, depuis les années 1960, à un certain nombre d’évolutions quant à l’expression des valeurs nationales dans le discours politique institutionnel. Par « rêve américain », on entend à la fois un mythe et une idéologie nationales se déclinant selon plusieurs modalités : rêve d’ascension sociale lié à l’« éthique protestante » du travail, mais aussi rêve de liberté et d’égalité des chances pour un peuple élu détenteur d’une mission sacrée de réforme du monde. En adoptant comme corpus les discours d’acceptation de la nomination à l’investiture Démocrate et Républicaine depuis 1960, ce travail applique à l’étude de l’expression du rêve américain la méthodologie de l’analyse du discours et, plus particulièrement, la théorie de l’hégémonie d’Antonio Gramsci. Selon celle-ci, on peut en effet envisager les évolutions de l’expression du rêve comme nécessaires à la survie d’une idéologie dominante : face à un contexte de crise, le rêve américain a pu ainsi conserver sa position hégémonique et perpétuer sa fonction de légitimation de l’ordre social
This dissertation aims to study how, in a context of economic and social crises, the breach of consensus on the national project expressed by the American dream has triggered some changes regarding the way national values have been expressed in institutional political discourse since the 1960s. The American dream can be defined as a national myth and a national ideology ; it offers a variety of meanings among which are the dream of upward mobility with its relation to the Protestant work ethic, and the dream of freedom and equal opportunities for a chosen people entrusted with a sacred mission to reform the world. Using as a body of research the Democratic and Republican nomination acceptance speeches since 1960, this study applies the methodology of discourse analysis, and especially Antonio Gramsci’s hegemony theory, to the analysis of the expression of the American dream. Indeed, according to Gramsci’s theory, the changes in the way the dream has been expressed may be deemed necessary to the survival of a dominant ideology : faced with a context of crisis, the American dream has thereby been able to maintain its hegemonic position and its role as a tool for legitimizing social order

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Menuet, Laetitia. "Le discours sur l'espace judiciaire européen : analyse du discours et sémantique argumentative." Phd thesis, Université de Nantes, 2006. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00133442.

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La recherche menée dans cette thèse traite du discours de l'Union européenne sur l'espace judiciaire européen entre 1996 et 1999. En convoquant l'analyse du discours et la lexicométrie dans un cadre théorique de la sémantique argumentative, elle analyse le sens des mots autour de l'expression « espace de liberté, de sécurité et de justice ». L'objectif est de définir comment s'élabore la réappropriation de valeurs universelles au profit du discours et de l'identité européenne véhiculée par les procédés argumentatifs utilisés pour représenter l'espace judiciaire européen. Le contexte politique et les théories linguistiques de la méthode d'analyse exposés, cette thèse porte sur les conditions de communication du discours et de sa particularité sémantique, en montrant qu'il construit une identité en triade renvoyant aux trois valeurs de son emblème triptyque (« liberté, sécurité et justice ») : les institutions, la criminalité organisée et les citoyens. Elle révèle les indices linguistiques de cette construction identitaire avec ses enjeux politiques et de légitimation en introduisant la notion de « normalisation discursive ». Celle-ci adopte un schéma linguistique très marqué conduisant à la mise en œuvre d'un processus de « manipulation argumentative » défini et démontré dans ce travail. Les résultats illustrent que la normalisation et la manipulation engendrent une circularité du discours reposant sur le conflit de deux orientations discursives : celle d'un discours sécuritaire et celle d'un discours sur l'État de droit et la démocratie.

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Belluigi, Dina Zoe. "Excavating the 'critique' : an investigation into disjunctions between the espoused and the practiced within a Fine Art studio practice curriculum." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003413.

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This report presents the findings of a case study excavating the event of the ‘Critique’ (crit), the formative assessment method within a Fine Art Studio Practice curriculum. Arguments informed by critical postmodernism, education theories and contemporary art criticism are utilised to construct a dialectic of higher education, contemporary art and fine art studio practice. An emphasis is placed on the importance of agency, expressed through intentionality and critical thinking, with a recognition of the relationship between ‘the self’ and ‘the other’. Using critical discourse analysis, the disjunctions between the espoused and practiced curriculum are explored. The researcher analyses how the assessment practices of the case studied are influenced by unexamined agentic factors, such as inter-departmental relations, lecturers’ assumptions and prior learning, and structural determinants, such as the medium-specific Bachelor of Fine Art degree structure and prevailing artistic traditions. The research findings indicate that these are underpinned by tensions between two orientations, the espoused curriculum’s discourse-interest informed by critical theory, and the theory-in-use. The latter is shown to have unexamined modernist leanings towards formalism and a master-apprentice relationship between lecturer and students, which encourages reproduction rather than critical, creative thinking. The dominant discourses in the case studied construct a negative dialectic of the artist-student that can be seen to deny student agency and authorial responsibility. Findings suggest that students experience this as alienating, to the extent that to preserve their sense of self, they adopted surface and strategic approaches to learning. An argument is made for lecturers’ critically reflexive engagement with their teaching practice, and thereby to model ethical relationships between ‘self’ and ‘other’ during ‘crits’. In addition, emphasis is placed on how assessment practices should be more aligned with the espoused curriculum, so that the importance of a reflexive relationship between form and content, process and product, intentionality and interpretation is acknowledged.

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Lins, Camila de Barros. "Impeachment de 2016: uma análise crítica discursiva dos jornais de Pernambuco." Universidade Católica de Pernambuco, 2018. http://tede2.unicap.br:8080/handle/tede/952.

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Sem resumo em língua estrangeira.
A presente pesquisa tem como foco de estudo o discurso da mídia e busca compreender como foi construído o discurso midiático na cobertura sobre os acontecimentos relacionados ao impeachment da Presidenta da República democraticamente eleita, Dilma Rousseff, e ao governo provisório, exercido pelo então vice-presidente, Michel Temer, nos jornais de Pernambuco, além de identificar padrões e indícios que apontem uma heterogeneidade ou homogeneidade discursiva da mídia, comparar a elaboração do discurso político entre os veículos analisados e refletir sobre o posicionamento da mídia diante da maior crise política da história recente do Brasil. As matérias analisadas foram publicadas nos cadernos de política dos três principais veículos impressos do Estado: Diario de Pernambuco, Folha de Pernambuco e Jornal do Commercio e referem-se à cobertura de fatos políticos relevantes que aconteceram no período de duração do governo provisório, entre 12 de maio e 31 de agosto de 2016. A primeira data corresponde ao afastamento de Rousseff, e a segunda ao término do processo de impeachment, que culminou na destituição definitiva da presidenta eleita. A base teórica-conceitual deste estudo articula conceitos da Análise Crítica do Discurso (ACD) – a partir, sobretudo, de Fairclough (2008 [1992]; 1995) e Van Dijk (1998a; 1998b; 2009 [2008]), além de contribuições da corrente de linha francesa, a partir de Charaudeau (2005) – e da Teoria do Enquadramento – com base, por exemplo, em Entman (1993), Gitlin (1980) e o Porto (In: RUBIM (org.), 2004). As matérias foram analisadas de acordo com os critérios de identificação, interpretação, descrição e classificação dos enquadramentos presentes no discurso, conforme indicações de Hertog e McLeod (In: REESE; GANDY; GRANT (ed.)), Entman (1993), Porto (In: RUBIM (org.), 2004) e Pan e Kosicki (1993), a partir dos recursos da Análise Discursiva Crítica apontados por Fairclough (2001 [1992]). Observou-se, na maioria das matérias analisadas, a predominância de enquadramentos favoráveis ao discurso pró-impeachment e/ou pró-Temer, o que pode ser interpretado como reflexo do posicionamento principal adotado pelos três jornais pernambucanos durante o processo de impeachment.

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Christianopoulos, Victor Steve. "A media discourse analysis." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2004. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B3014615X.

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Burris, Jessica Margaret. "Finding Feminism in American Political Discourse : A Discourse Analysis of Post-Feminist Language." UNF Digital Commons, 2012. http://digitalcommons.unf.edu/etd/395.

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The term “feminist” is a widely used label that is often embraced by women who do not advocate feminism. The wide use of the feminist label in contrast to the declining presence of feminist activism indicates a problem with the development of a third wave of feminism in the United States. In this study, I evaluated trends in feminism in the United States through an analysis of public political discourse. A semantic discourse analysis of political discourse from 1870 to 2011 evaluated a shift in the use of inclusive and exclusive pronoun usage by female political speakers. Speeches compiled for this study were obtained from internet sources such as NPR, C-Span and CNN, and evaluated the oratory of Victoria Woodhull, Geraldine Ferraro, Hillary Clinton, Sarah Palin and Michelle Bachmann. The results of this study indicated that there was not a strong shift in the use of inclusive and exclusive pronouns overtime, but there was a large growth in both population and diversity of the targeted audience, and this growth was often not accommodated for in the discourse of contemporary female political candidates. The slow shift in inclusive discourse indicated a post-feminist line of thought that questioned the validity of an argument for a third wave of feminist activism in the United States. Political discourse cannot define a cause for post-feminism, but can indicate a downward trend in the influence of feminism as a contemporary cultural movement.

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Martins, de Souza Luiz Carlos 1968. "Cartas para quem? = o funcionamento discursivo da "falta" no filme Central do Brasil." [s.n.], 2012. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/268941.

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Orientador: Suzy Maria Lagazzi
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem
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Resumo: Prezado viajante, Este bilhete lhe dá direito a uma viagem pela estrada metodológica da Análise de Discurso Materialista para que você contemple o filme em DVD ?Central do Brasil?, de Walter Salles Jr. Você passará por três estações a partir da ausência do pai como principal metáfora articuladora dos trilhos narrativos, para que você veja o entrecruzamento entre dois caminhos: o discurso religioso e o discurso psicanalítico, na estruturação do funcionamento da falta metaforizada nessa ausência, movimentando o político no social. Inicialmente você verá os mapas da viagem, circunscritos na perspectiva materialista de Análise de Discurso: a apresentação do corpus, e a indicação dos principais conceitos nele operacionalizados. Em seguida a viagem se dará em três ?estações? através do batimento sinuoso entre descrição e interpretação: na primeira estação se dá a descrição da estrutura organizacional da superfície linguageira em suas condições de produção e circulação, e a formulação narrativa da falta, lhe direcionando para o deslocamento desta em objetos discursivos. Na estação seguinte você se deterá na observação dessa falta nos dois significantes representados como sujeitos: Dora e Josué. Vendo isso, você estará apto para a próxima estação: a inscrição da falta em metáforas e metonímias discursivas: nas imagens de Santa Maria e de Jesus Cristo, em relação a Dora e a Josué, no pai e nas cartas, e noutros objetos cênicos, como um pião e um lenço, objetos discursivos visibilizados nos planos como unidades de significação pela fragmentação da montagem do filme. Esperamos que você perceba que o Cristianismo intervém na superfície textual e discursiva, como também a Psicanálise, no tratamento dado às constelações familiares, à Metáfora Paterna, à lettre lacaniana (carta, letra, significante) e às projeções entre Dora e Josué. Não se assuste: há um embate do sujeito com o Real, em derivas e deslocamentos em torno de posições de sujeito. Entenda conosco quais processos discursivos estão em jogo nessa viagem, tomando a falta como um gesto estruturante do político nas relações sociais. Na chegada possível, você verá que os sentidos são possíveis pela relação e determinação entre o Real da história, o Real da linguagem e o Real do inconsciente, de forma que as condições sócio-históricas são constitutivas das significações do texto. Agradecemos sua preferência. Boa viagem
Abstract: This work assumes the Materialist Discourse Analysis methodology to analyze the DVD movie "Central Station", by Walter Salles Jr. Taking into consideration that the father's absence is the main metaphor that articulates the narrative surface, the intention was to understand this absence in the intersection between religious discourse and psychoanalytic discourse, asking about the politics in social relations. The introduction circumscribes the materialist perspective of Discourse Analysis, and presents the corpus, and the main concepts employed into it. The following chapters are formulated as "stations" around the stages of analysis: on the first step the language's organizational structure surface is described under certain conditions of production and circulation, the narrative design of the ?lack? and its displacement as discoursive objects. Observing the treatments in the screenplay, it was noticed the inscription of the sense effects on the names of biblical characters (Joshua, Jesus, Moses, Isaiah, Hannah, Pedrão - Big Peter), references to images of St. Mary and Jesus Christ - stage props noticed as units of meaning in the fragmentation of the shots of film edition. Psychoanalysis derives from the treatment given to family constellations, to the Paternal Metaphor, to the lacanian letter and to the projections between Dora and Joshua. From the crossing between description and interpretation, it was intended to give evidence to the clash between the subject and the Real, drifts and shifts in the subject positions. The last step of the analysis examines the discursive processes, which make the ?lack? a structuring gesture of the politics in social relations. The audiovisual, object of aesthetic completion and an important commodity in the contemporary world, acts as a massive investment in the subject, determining, renewing and contradicting the circulation of capital, and the effects of the spectacle's ideology, imposed by the logic of the market. The [meanings] senses are possible through the relation and the determination between the Real from the History, the Real from the language and the Real from the unconscious, so that the socio-historical conditions constitutes the meanings of the text
Doutorado
Linguistica
Doutor em Linguística

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Yu, Bin-Bin. "Aspects of parliamentary discourse in Taiwan : a pragmatic analysis." Thesis, University of Reading, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.440100.

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James, Edwin M. (Edwin Martin). "Rhetoric as Praxis: A Model for Deconstructing Hermeneutic Discourse." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1993. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500434/.

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Abstract:

This study proposes a model for the deconstruction of nationalism. Nationalism is a discursive construct. This construct manifests in ideologies and formalizes order. Individuals should question these institutions in order to achieve legitimate societal participation. This criticism can be accomplished through self-reflection. The model demonstrates that sanctioned individual(s) provide interpretations of events. These interpretations recycle authority. The hermeneutic obscures an individual's understanding of the originating fact. Self-reflection allows an individual, such as Malcolm X in the Nation of Islam, to come closer to discovering the original fact. Critiquing the hermeneutic can reveal the imperfections of the message(s). Revealing the imperfections of an ideology is the first step to the liberation of the individual and society.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Discourse analysis – Political aspects'

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