Relevant bibliographies by topics / Discourse-givenness

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
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Academic literature on the topic 'Discourse-givenness'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 15 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Discourse-givenness"

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Lee, Yong-cheo. "Prosodic correlation between the focusing adverb ozik ‘only’ and focus/givenness in korean." Journal of Speech Sciences 2, no. 2 (February 4, 2021): 85–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.20396/joss.v2i2.15034.

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This study investigates the prosodic correlation between the focusing adverb ozik ‘only’ and focus/GIVENness in Korean. The goal is to test the issue of whether or not the element associated with ozik can be dephrased in Korean. This question is answered by a perceptual experiment in which the pitch contours of target sentences (i.e. Jeoneun ozik gichareul tamnida ‘I only take the train’ and Jeoneun ozik daehanhanggongeul iyonghamnida ‘I only take Korean Air.’) are modified using Praat. The modified sentences are embedded in two competing contexts in which focus/GIVENness on the element associated with ozik (i.e. gichareul ‘the train’, daehanhanggongeul ‘Korean Air’) is elicited. The results reveal that DoubleH (where both the focusing adverb and the object have prosodic prominence) is shown to be the most favored prosodic model when the element associated with ozik is focused in discourse. Conversely, OzikH (where the focusing adverb has prosodic prominence) is shown to be most favored when the element associated with ozik is GIVEN. Therefore, we argue that the element associated with ozik can be either prosodically prominent or dephrased depending on the discourse. This finding demonstrates that discourse functions such as focus and GIVENness are not directly contingent on the lexical semantics of the focusing adverb but instead are constrained by the discourse.
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Benatar, Ashley, and Charles Clifton. "Newness, givenness and discourse updating: Evidence from eye movements." Journal of Memory and Language 71, no. 1 (February 2014): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jml.2013.10.003.

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Selkirk, Elisabeth. "Contrastive focus, givenness and the unmarked status of “discourse-new”." Acta Linguistica Hungarica 55, no. 3-4 (December 2008): 331–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aling.55.2008.3-4.8.

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Storoshenko, Dennis Ryan. "The Shona reflexive as covert anaphora." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 61, no. 2 (April 6, 2016): 156–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2016.13.

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AbstractThis paper presents an analysis of reflexives in Shona. Taking seriously the observation that the reflexive morpheme zvi- is homophonous with one of Shona's object markers, I argue that this homophony is not accidental. Rather, the morpheme that emerges in reflexive contexts is object marking triggered by a covert anaphor. The analysis rests on two planks: first, establishing that zvi- is the default agreement form in the language generally; and second, establishing that a covert anaphor may trigger such an agreement. In so doing, a treatment of object marking as the exponence of discourse-givenness is advanced. The analysis is compatible with treatments of object marking in Shona as either an agreement affix or a clitic. Theoretical issues related to default agreement, covert anaphors, and distinctions between discourse-givenness and topicality are also discussed, along with an alternative account treating zvi- as a valence-reducing derivational affix.
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Nitka, Gabriela. "Die informationsstrukturell motivierte Entwicklung der Bekanntheit mit einer Entität, realisiert durch den Einsatz des Demonstrativpronomens derjenige und der deiktischen Determinative derjenige, diejenige, dasjenige, Pl. diejenigen." Germanica Wratislaviensia 143 (December 17, 2018): 269–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0435-5865.143.18.

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Der Beitrag expliziert und exemplifiziert die Entwicklung der Bekanntheit mit einem Diskursreferenten, die auf der Ebene der deutschen normativen Rechtstexte aus dem Bereich des Handelsrechts vollzogen wird. Als grammatische Ausdruckmittel, die diese Art der Spezifizierung zum Ausdruck bringen, fungieren hier das Demonstrativpronomen derjenige und die deiktischen Determinative derjenige, diejenige, dasjenige, Pl. diejenigen. Erwähnt werden sollte, dass die Kennzeichnung eines Diskursreferenten als bekannt/alt hier auf zwei Ebenen zugleich entwickelt wird, was in informationsstruktureller Hinsicht ein interessantes Phänomen darstellt.Formation of the “givenness” with a discourse representativereasoned by information structures with an entity realized bythe demonstrative pronoun derjenige and the deictic determinatives derjenige, diejenige, dasjenige, pl. diejenigenThis article describes and illustrates the formation of the “givenness” with a discourse representative, which is accomplished at the level of normative texts of the German Commercial Code. The grammatical means which illustrate such type of identification are the demonstrative pronoun derjenige and deictic determinatives derjenige, diejenige, dasjenige, pl. diejenige. It should be emphasized that the identification of a discourse representative as a given/new runs here on two levels, which – from a perspective of information structures – is a captivating phenomenon.
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Nagy, Judit. "Discourse Intonation and Information Structure: An Empirical Study of Existential There Constructions in Non-native Spontaneous Speech." Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, Philologica 8, no. 2 (December 1, 2016): 139–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ausp-2016-0023.

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Abstract The management of given and new information is one of the key components of accomplishing coherence in oral discourse, which is claimed to be a problematic area for language learners (Celce-Murcia, Dörnyei, and Thurrell 1995: 14). Research on discourse intonation proposes that instead of the given/new dichotomy, givenness should be viewed as a continuum, with different types of accessibility (Baumann & Grice 2006). Moreover, Prince (1992) previously categorized information structure into Hearer-old/Hearer-new and Discourse-old/Discourse-new information. There is consensus on the fact that focus or prominence associated with new information is marked with nuclear pitch accent, and its main acoustic cue, fundamental frequency (f0) (Ward & Birner 2001: 120). Non-native intonation has been reported to display numerous differences in f0 range and patterns compared to native speech (Wennerstrom 1994; Baker 2010). This study is an attempt to address the issue of marking information structure in existential there sentences by means of f0 in non-native spontaneous speech. Data originates from task-based interactions in the Wildcat Corpus of Native- and Foreign-Accented English (Van Engen et al. 2010). This paper examines two issues: (1) information structure in relation to the notions of givenness and different types of accessibility (Baumann & Grice 2006) and to Prince’s (1992) multidimensional taxonomy and (2) the use of f0 peaks to mark the prominence of new information. Several differences were measured among native speakers regarding the use of f0, sentence type, and complexity.
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ROZENDAAL, MARGOT ISABELLA, and ANNE EDITH BAKER. "A cross-linguistic investigation of the acquisition of the pragmatics of indefinite and definite reference in two-year-olds." Journal of Child Language 35, no. 4 (October 6, 2008): 773–807. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305000908008702.

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ABSTRACTThe acquisition of reference involves both morphosyntax and pragmatics. This study investigates whether Dutch, English and French two- to three-year-old children differentiate in their use of determiners between non-specific/specific reference, newness/givenness in discourse and mutual/no mutual knowledge between interlocutors. A brief analysis of the input shows a clear association between form and function, although there are some language differences in this respect. As soon as determiner use can be statistically analyzed, the children show a relatively adult-like pattern of association for the distinctions of non-specific/specific and newness/givenness. The distinction between mutual/no mutual knowledge appears later. Reference involving no mutual knowledge is scarcely evidenced in the input and barely used by the children at this age. The development of associations is clearly related to the rate of determiner development, the French being quickest, then the English, then the Dutch.
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Villerius, Sophie. "Voice and information structure in Surinamese Javanese." Linguistics in the Netherlands 35 (December 3, 2018): 139–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/avt.00010.vil.

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Abstract This paper examines the grammatical voice system of Indonesian and Surinamese Javanese speakers. Alongside Javanese, the Surinamese speakers also speak Sranantongo and Dutch. Studying the use of voice in both speaker groups shows that it depends both on givenness and animacy of arguments. This interacts with the speaker group. The Surinamese speakers were found to be less discourse-dependent, due to general language contact processes as well as convergence to Dutch and Sranantongo.
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Matthewson, Lisa. "Verum in Gitksan." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 66, no. 1 (January 19, 2021): 60–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2020.37.

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AbstractThis article provides an analysis of verum marking in the Tsimshianic language Gitksan. Original fieldwork data are provided to show that Gitksan verum is very similar in its distribution and discourse effects to English verum, but displays two interesting differences. First, Gitksan verum is not marked by focal stress, but by a dedicated particle (k'ap). Second, Gitksan verum does not require givenness of the core propositional material. I argue that when applied to a proposition p, k'ap is (a) disallowed discourse-initially or in answer to a wh-question; (b) felicitous when responding to a prior assertion or implication of ¬p; and (c) felicitous in other contexts only if there is prior controversy in the discourse about the truth of p. I show that the semantic contribution of the Gitksan verum particle can be captured by a discourse management analysis: verum(p) is licensed only when the speaker believes that some interlocutor is committed to ¬p.
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HAMLAOUI, FATIMA. "On the role of phonology and discourse in Francilian Frenchwh-questions." Journal of Linguistics 47, no. 1 (June 9, 2010): 129–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226710000198.

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It is argued that in Francilian French, the dialect of French spoken in the Paris metropolitan area, in-situ and frontedwh-questions have the same answerhood conditions but vary with respect to their respective focus-set (Reinhart 2006). The difference between the two types of questions lies in the discourse status of their non-whportion. Whereas thewh-phrase is never discourse-given, the non-whportion may or may not be, depending on the discourse context. In Francilian French in-situwh-questions, the non-whportion must be discourse-given. As this language exhibits a strong requirement on sentence stress to be kept rightmost it cannot, in contrast with English, assign sentence stress to a frontedwh-phrase when the non-whportion is discourse-given and needs to be destressed. The only way to simultaneously destress discourse-given items and keep sentence stress rightmost is by aligning thewh-phrase with the right edge of the clause. Whereas in Hungarian prosody triggers movement (Szendrői 2003), in Francilian French, prosody prevents it from occurring. An Optimal Theoretic analysis in the spirit of much recent work on focus and givenness in declaratives (Samek-Lodovici 2005, Féry & Samek-Lodovici 2006) captures this phenomenon.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Discourse-givenness"

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Ritz, Julia. "Discourse-givenness of noun phrases : theoretical and computational models." Phd thesis, Universität Potsdam, 2013. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2014/7081/.

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This thesis gives formal definitions of discourse-givenness, coreference and reference, and reports on experiments with computational models of discourse-givenness of noun phrases for English and German. Definitions are based on Bach's (1987) work on reference, Kibble and van Deemter's (2000) work on coreference, and Kamp and Reyle's Discourse Representation Theory (1993). For the experiments, the following corpora with coreference annotation were used: MUC-7, OntoNotes and ARRAU for Englisch, and TueBa-D/Z for German. As for classification algorithms, they cover J48 decision trees, the rule based learner Ripper, and linear support vector machines. New features are suggested, representing the noun phrase's specificity as well as its context, which lead to a significant improvement of classification quality.
Die vorliegende Arbeit gibt formale Definitionen der Konzepte Diskursgegebenheit, Koreferenz und Referenz. Zudem wird über Experimente berichtet, Nominalphrasen im Deutschen und Englischen hinsichtlich ihrer Diskursgegebenheit zu klassifizieren. Die Definitionen basieren auf Arbeiten von Bach (1987) zu Referenz, Kibble und van Deemter (2000) zu Koreferenz und der Diskursrepräsentationstheorie (Kamp und Reyle, 1993). In den Experimenten wurden die koreferenzannotierten Korpora MUC-7, OntoNotes und ARRAU (Englisch) und TüBa-D/Z (Deutsch) verwendet. Sie umfassen die Klassifikationsalgorithmen J48 (Entscheidungsbäume), Ripper (regelbasiertes Lernen) und lineare Support Vector Machines. Mehrere neue Klassifikationsmerkmale werden vorgeschlagen, die die Spezifizität der Nominalphrase messen, sowie ihren Kontext abbilden. Mit Hilfe dieser Merkmale kann eine signifikante Verbesserung der Klassifikation erreicht werden.
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Selkirk, Elisabeth. "Contrastive focus, givenness and the unmarked status of “Discourse-New”." Universität Potsdam, 2007. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2008/1967/.

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New evidence is provided for a grammatical principle that singles out contrastive focus (Rooth 1996; Truckenbrodt 1995) and distinguishes it from discourse-new “informational” focus. Since the prosody of discourse-given constituents may also be distinguished from discourse-new, a three-way distinction in representation is motivated. It is assumed that an F-feature marks just contrastive focus (Jackendoff 1972, Rooth 1992), and that a G-feature marks discoursegiven constituents (Féry and Samek-Lodovici 2006), while discoursenew is unmarked. A crucial argument for G-marking comes from second occurrence focus (SOF) prosody, which arguably derives from a syntactic representation where SOF is both F-marked and G-marked. This analysis relies on a new G-Marking Condition specifying that a contrastive focus may be G-marked only if the focus semantic value of its scope is discourse-given, i.e. only if the contrast itself is given.
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Ritz, Julia [Verfasser], and Stefan [Akademischer Betreuer] Evert. "Discourse-givenness of noun phrases : theoretical and computational models [[Elektronische Ressource]] / Julia Ritz. Betreuer: Stefan Evert." Potsdam : Universitätsbibliothek der Universität Potsdam, 2014. http://d-nb.info/1053125704/34.

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Ritz, Julia Verfasser], and Stefan [Akademischer Betreuer] [Evert. "Discourse-givenness of noun phrases : theoretical and computational models [[Elektronische Ressource]] / Julia Ritz. Betreuer: Stefan Evert." Potsdam : Universitätsbibliothek der Universität Potsdam, 2014. http://d-nb.info/1053125704/34.

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Bott, Stefan Markus. "Information Structure and Discourse Modelling." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/7573.

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This dissertation investigates the interrelation between information structure and discourse structure. Information-structurally backgrounded material is here generally treated as being anaphoric in a very strict sense. It is argued that, apart from having more descriptive content, elements from the sentence background are not different from other types of anaphora: they are subject to the same locality restrictions and they must correspond to the same semantic types. The treatment of the sentence background as a monolithic and atomic unit is refuted. Instead it is argued that sentence backgrounds may be built up from smaller units which are linguistically realise as links and tails (in the sense of Vallduví, 1992). It is shown that links and tails play different roles with respect to the structure of discourse: linguistically realised links have to be bound by a discourse topic, while tails have to be bound by other salient referents within the discourse environment.
Este trabajo investiga la interrelación entre la estructura informativa y la estructura del discurso. El material del trasfondo lingüístico (background) de la oración se trata como una serie de elementos anafóricos en sentido estricto. Aunque tengan más contenido descriptivo, comparten las mismas características con otros tipos de anáfora en términos de restricciones de localidad y del tipo semántico. Se rechaza un tratamiento del background de la oración como una unidad atómica. En este trabajo se argumenta que el background se puede construir a partir de elementos más fundamentales, llamados links y tails (siguiendo Vallduví, 1992). Links y tails juegan un papel muy distinto con respecto a la estructura del discurso: los constituyentes realizados como links tienen que estar ligados por un tópico discursivo, mientras que los constituyentes realizados como tails necesitan estar ligados por otros referentes discursivos que estén salientes en el entorno del discurso.
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Röhr, Christine Tanja. "Information status and prosody : production and perception in German0F*." Universität Potsdam, 2013. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2013/6611/.

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In a production experiment and two follow-up perception experiments on read German we investigated the (de-)coding of discourse-new, inferentially and textually accessible and given discourse referents by prosodic means. Results reveal that a decrease in the referent’s level of givenness is reflected by an increase in its prosodic prominence (expressed by differences in the status and type of accent used) providing evidence for the relevance of different intermediate types of information status between the poles given and new. Furthermore, perception data indicate that the degree of prosodic prominence can serve as the decisive cue for decoding a referent’s level of givenness.
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Books on the topic "Discourse-givenness"

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Baumann, Stefan. The intonation of givenness: Evidence from German. Tübingen: Niemeyer, 2006.

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Rochemont, Michael. Givenness. Edited by Caroline Féry and Shinichiro Ishihara. Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199642670.013.18.

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Distinguishing between two forms of givenness status,knownandsalient, this chapter investigates the latter, using deaccenting as a probe into the nature of salience-based givenness. A presuppositional account of salience-based givenness is presented, based on entailment and coreference. Other putative semantic relations claimed to underlie givenness-based deaccenting are shown to be inadequate. The question whether givenness can be reduced to focus is considered, with motivation provided for distinguishing among given, focused, and discourse new. It is seen that the distribution of accenting and deaccenting in English is only partly a function of context, with speaker’s communicative intent playing a critical and unpredictable role.
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Shi, Yili. Discourse Analysis of Chinese Referring Expressions: An Application of Gundel, Hedberg, and Zacharski's Givenness Heirarchy (Chinese Studies, V. 26). Edwin Mellen Press, 2003.

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Ward, Gregory, Betty J. Birner, and Elsi Kaiser. Pragmatics and Information Structure. Edited by Yan Huang. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199697960.013.10.

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Information structure deals with the question of how—and specifically, in what order—we choose to present the informational content of a proposition. In English and many other languages, this content is structured in such a way that given, or familiar, information precedes new, or unfamiliar, information. Because givenness and newness are largely matters of what has come previously in the discourse, information structuring is inextricably tied to matters of context—in particular, the prior linguistic context—and this is what makes information structure quintessentially pragmatic in nature. While it has long been recognized that various non-canonical word orders function to preserve a given-before-new ordering in an utterance, a great deal of research has focused on how to determine the specific categories of givenness and newness that matter for information structuring. A growing body of psycholinguistic work explores the role that these categories play in language comprehension.
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Geurts, Bart. Presupposition and Givenness. Edited by Yan Huang. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199697960.013.21.

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Presuppositions are items of information triggered by certain words and constructions that exhibit ‘projection behaviour’, which is to say that, except in special cases, they will escape from any level of embedding. Presupposed information is given, or at least presented as such, and there are two main theories of what it means for presuppositions to be given. On one account, a presupposition must be entailed in the local context in which it is triggered; on the other, presuppositions require that certain discourse entities be available in the context. On the latter account, but not on the former, anaphora is a special case of presupposition. It might be that both accounts are correct, though for different types of presupposition.
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Book chapters on the topic "Discourse-givenness"

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López, Luis. "Givenness and discourse anaphors." In Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today, 51–76. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/la.165.03lop.

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Nikolaeva, Irina. "Periphrasis in Tundra Nenets1." In Periphrasis. British Academy, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197265253.003.0004.

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A detailed picture of periphrasis in Nenets (Uralic) presents a typologically rare instance of periphrasis in a nominal paradigm (as opposed to more familiar verbal periphrasis). Previous accounts treated Nenets nouns as an uncontroversial example of periphrasis, but this chapter demonstrates that a closer look reveals a more complicated picture. It argues that the choice between the usage of the periphrastic dual form and the numeral ‘two’ (which takes the singular) correlates with definiteness and/or discourse givenness. In addition, analysis of this rare instance of periphrasis in a noun system reveals interesting aspects of the way the number system works in the language. The chapter also investigates the periphrastic realization of verbal negation, where the auxiliary carries the information of the verb type. For intransitive verbs, the type is either ‘subjective’ or ‘reflexive’ and there are, surprisingly, arguments in favour of treating these as purely morphological classes.
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"Focus, Questions and Givenness." In Questions in Discourse, 6–44. BRILL, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004378322_003.

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McCarthy, Philip M., David Dufty, Christian F. Hempelmann, Zhiqiang Cai, Danielle S. McNamara, and Arthur C. Graesser. "Newness and Givenness of Information." In Applied Natural Language Processing, 457–78. IGI Global, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-60960-741-8.ch027.

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The identification of new versus given information within a text has been frequently investigated by researchers of language and discourse. Despite theoretical advances, an accurate computational method for assessing the degree to which a text contains new versus given information has not previously been implemented. This study discusses a variety of computational new/given systems and analyzes four typical expository and narrative texts against a widely accepted theory of new/given proposed by Prince (1981). Our findings suggest that a latent semantic analysis (LSA) based measure called span outperforms standard LSA in detecting both new and given information in text. Further, span outperforms standard LSA for distinguishing low versus high cohesion versions of text. Our results suggest that span may be a useful variable in a wide array of discourse analyses.
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Conference papers on the topic "Discourse-givenness"

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Curteanu, Neculai, Cecilia Bolea, and Diana Trandabat. "Integrating Contrastive Focus with Givenness and Topic-Comment: A hierarchical focus architecture of the Romanian Discourse-Prosody interface." In 2011 6th Conference on Speech Technology and Human - Computer Dialogue (SpeD 2011). IEEE, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/sped.2011.5940745.

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