Academic literature on the topic 'Disputed territories'

The oil-rich northern districts of Iraq were long considered a reflection of the country with a diversity of ethnic and religious groups; Arabs, Turkmen, Kurds, Assyrians, and Yezidi, living together and portraying Iraq’s demographic makeup. However, the Ba’ath party’s brutal policy of Arabisation in the twentieth century created a false demographic and instigated the escalation of identity politics. Consequently, the region is currently highly contested with the disputed territories consisting of 15 districts stretching across four northern governorates and curving from the Syrian to Iranian borders. The official contest over the regions administration has resulted in a tug-of-war between Baghdad and Erbil that has frequently stalled the Iraqi political system. Subsequently, across the region, minority groups have been pulled into a clash over demographic composition as each disputed districts faces ethnically defined claims. The ethnic basis to territorial claims has amplified the discourse over linguistic presence, cultural representation and minority rights; and the insecure environment, in which sectarian based attacks are frequent, has elevated debates over territorial representation to the height of ethnic survival issues. The existing literature and research on the region focuses heavily on the governance outcomes and little has been written about the impact of heightened identity politics on the everyday lives of citizens. It is in this respect that the thesis examines the evolution of the education system post 2003. Drawing on over 50 interviews with regional education officials and community representatives, the thesis presents the impact of amplified ethno-politics on the reconstruction of education in Iraq. The research provides the first academic exploration into education in the region, exploring the significance of cultural reproduction and the link between demands for ethnically specific education, societal security and the wider political contestation over the territory.

This thesis examines the conditions under which ethno-territorial cross-border conflicts can be resolved successfully. Ethno-territorial cross-border conflict is a type of ethnic conflict in which competing territorial and ethnic claims of distinct state and group actors occur; and this manifests itself primarily on three interrelated levels - inter-group conflict, conflict between the external minority and the institutions of its host-state, and the (territorial) conflict between host- and kin-state. An initial theoretical exploration of the subject establishes the framework of the subsequent study of individual cases, examining why the similar conflicts in Alsace, the Saarland, South Tyrol, and Northern Ireland required fundamentally different solutions. In addition to this, the condominia of Andorra and the New Hebrides are analysed, providing the basis upon which the concept of a condominium-style settlement for ethno-territorial cross- border conflicts is explored. By looking at the workings of integration, traditional consociation and consociation with permanent institutionalised kin-state involvement, secession, and condominium, the complexity of factors is studied that influence the development of ethno- territorial cross-border conflict, including inter-ethnic and intra-ethnic dimensions and the policies of the host and kin-state in relation to the conflict and each other. Thus refined, the analytical framework allows determining the conditions that must be fulfilled to provide lasting stability to a negotiated settlement. This set of stability criteria creates a paradigm that has relevance as an analytical tool beyond the case studies conducted in this thesis. It can be used to design case-specific solutions to actual ethnic conflicts and it can serve as an instrument to recognise instabilities in, and potential breakdowns of, existing settlements sufficiently early to respond to them constructively and to avoid a re-escalation of an already settled conflict.

El treball es centra en l’estudi de la nova forma d’organització interna amb que s’ha dotat el Moviment dels Treballadors Rurals Sense Terra - MST, representada en el territori per les conegudes com a ‘brigades’; en concret es tracta del cas de la Brigada Salvador Allende, que té el seu radi d’actuació en la Regió Nord-oest de l’estat meridional de Paraná. Els treballs de camp en assentaments i campaments, ens han permès dimensionar de quina manera la nova forma d’organització ha suposat un increment en el grau d’implicació i de participació de les famílies Sense Terra, i com d’aquest fet se’n deriva un augment significatiu en el grau de qualificació dels processos antagonistes que el MST protagonitza contra l’avanç del projecte capitalista per a l’agricultura brasilera. Ambdós models entren en conflicte al intentar implementar, en uns mateixos territoris, els respectius projectes de societat; ja sigui per continuar dedicant grans extensions de terra a la ramaderia bovina i al cultiu de canya de sucre o per reconvertir-les en petites explotacions familiars on es produeix aliments saludables.<br>El trabajo se centra en estudio de la nueva forma de organización interna con que se ha dotado el Movimiento de los Trabajadores Rurales Sin Tierra - MST, representada en el territorio por las conocidas como ‘brigadas’; en concreto se trata del caso de la Brigada Salvador Allende, que tiene su rayo de actuación en la Región Noroeste del estado meridional de Paraná. Los trabajos de campo en asentamientos y campamentos, nos han permitido dimensionar de que manera la nueva forma de organización ha supuesto un incremento en el grado de implicación y de participación de las familias Sin Tierra, y como de este hecho se deriva un aumento significativo en el grado de cualificación de los procesos antagonistas que el MST protagoniza contra el avance del proyecto capitalista para la agricultura brasileña. Los dos modelos entran en conflicto al intentar implementar, en unos mismos territorios, los respectivos proyectos de sociedad; ya sea para continuar dedicando grandes extensiones de tierra a la pecuaria bovina y al cultivo de caña de azúcar o para reconvertirlos en pequeñas explotaciones familiares donde se producen alimentos saludables.<br>The work focuses on studying the new form of internal organization that the Movement of Landless Rural Workers – MST has adopted, that is represented in the territory by what is known as the 'brigades', in particular, the case of the Brigade Salvador Allende, which has its strongest performance in the Northwest Region of the southern state of Parana. The field work in settlements and camps, has allowed us to dimensionate which is the new form of organization has led in to an increase in the degree of involvement and participation of landless families, and as of this fact results in a significant increase in the degree of qualification of the adversarial process that the MST stars against the advance of the capitalist project for Brazilian agriculture. The two models are in conflict cause they are trying to implement, in the same territories, the respective projects of society, either to continue to devote large tracts of land to livestock cattle and the cultivation of sugar cane or converting them into small family farms where they produce healthy food.

Submitted by Irene Nascimento (irene.kessia@ufpe.br) on 2017-03-27T18:23:25Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) COSTA_SAULO_BARROS_tese.pdf: 5095646 bytes, checksum: a517110a1cc907a14aa45c0889fc122d (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-27T18:23:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) COSTA_SAULO_BARROS_tese.pdf: 5095646 bytes, checksum: a517110a1cc907a14aa45c0889fc122d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-06-20<br>CAPES<br>A resistência e autonomia camponesa são elementos presentes nas ações de camponeses do Baixo Parnaíba Maranhense, diante do avanço do agronegócio de soja e eucalipto e, ainda, a contínua transformação do cerrado em florestas e campos. Nos anos 1990, este tipo de desenvolvimento se complexifica no Estado do Maranhão, com a migração de produtores do Sul do Estado para o Leste, como também do aumento das áreas cultivadas com pinos em municípios como Urbano Santos. Diversos conflitos ambientais e territoriais são desenvolvidos, transformando a diversidade de chapadas e baixões em espaços geográficos distantes. Empresas como a Suzano Papel e Celulose S. A. possuem papel central neste contexto, atrelando as áreas de cultivos, equipamentos industriais de transporte e logística, além da recém-­inaugurada planta industrial da empresa, em Imperatriz, Maranhão. Assim, o objetivo desta tese foi explicar as resistências dos camponeses que se estabelecem no âmbito do conflito territorial, frente ao incremento do cultivo de eucalipto no Baixo Parnaíba maranhense, no município de Urbano Santos, com aporte a Associação de Moradores São Raimundo. Como elemento desta pesquisa, a tese investigada foi que a luta e resistência dos camponeses se desenvolve frente à produção agroexportadora de eucalipto, afirmando como fundantes para sua reprodução: os usos da natureza, a posse histórica da terra e seu modelo produtivo, que entrelaça espaços tanto das chapadas quanto dos baixões, em um único território. Como resultado, observou-­se que a resistência concreta camponesa (SCOTT, 2013) possui a dimensão da autonomia e da luta, construída historicamente e materializada em ações que promovem mudanças radicais nas estruturas do Estado, assim como enfretamentos diretos com a empresa Suzano Papel e Celulose S. A. A lei do bacuri verde, que foi criada e aprovada pelo território da comunidade São Raimundo, município de Urbano Santos, Maranhão, em dezembro de 2012, com base nos princípios do extrativismo coletivo e diversificado, tem como princípio a luta contra o avanço dos plantios de eucalipto nos territórios de comunidades encurraladas multilateral e espacialmente na região. Esta lei revela a política que estes sujeitos tecem em suas práticas, demarcando seus modos de vida em vias do avanço do capitalismo agrário, consolidando o território camponês do Baixo Parnaíba a partir das suas representações espaciais das chapadas e dos baixões. Esta diversidade de usos e modos de vida de sujeitos e suas resistências internas pela preservação e uso do cerrado, descrevem outra polifonia na cartografia das resistências e dos territórios comunitários.<br>Peasant resistance and autonomy are elements present in the actions of peasants of Baixo Parnaíba from Maranhão against the soybean and eucalyptus agribusiness advance, and also the continuous change of cerrado in forests and fields. In the 1990s, this type of development is becoming more complex in the state of Maranhão with the migration from southern producers to the East of the state, as well as the increase of cultivated areas with pins in towns as Urbano Santos. Several environmental and territorial conflicts are developed, transforming the diversity of chapadas and baixões in distant geographical areas. Companies like Suzano Papel e Celulose S.A. has a central role in this context, linking to the areas of industrial crops the transport and logistics equipment, in addition to the newly opened industrial plant of the company in Imperatriz, Maranhão. Thus, the objective of this thesis was to explain the resistance of peasants who are established within the territorial conflict, against the increase of eucalyptus cultivation in the Baixo Parnaíba from Maranhão, in the town of Urbano Santos, with the contribution of the Dwellers Association of São Raimundo. As part of this research, the investigation of the thesis was the struggle and resistance developed by the peasants across the agro-­export production of eucalyptus, stating as foundational for their reproduction: the uses of the nature, the historical ownership of land and its productive model, which interweaves spaces of both chapadas and baixões in a single territory. As a result, it was observed that the peasant specific resistance (SCOTT, 2013) has the dimension of autonomy and struggle, historically built and materialized in actions that promote radical changes in state structures, as well as the direct confrontations with the company Suzano Papel and Celulose S.A. The law of the green bacuri, which was created and approved by the territory of São Raimundo’s community, in the town of Urbano Santos, Maranhão, in December 2012, was based on the principles: collective and diverse extraction, has as principle the fight against the advance of eucalyptus plantations in the territories of corralled communities multilateral and spatially in the region. This law reveals the policy that these subjects weave in their practices, demarcating their livelihoods in the process of the agrarian capitalism forward, consolidating the peasant territory of the Baixo Parnaíba from their spatial representations of chapadas and baixões. This diversity of uses and ways of life of individuals and their internal resistances for the preservation, and use of cerrado describe another polyphony in the mapping of resistance and community territories.

Submitted by Elesbão Santiago Neto (neto10uepb@cche.uepb.edu.br) on 2018-03-27T19:10:10Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Renally Késsia Paiva Nascimento.pdf: 61927714 bytes, checksum: 7b0ab1844454d841095f7d981085019b (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-03-27T19:10:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Renally Késsia Paiva Nascimento.pdf: 61927714 bytes, checksum: 7b0ab1844454d841095f7d981085019b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-05-22<br>CAPES<br>In 2014, satellites from the Philippines identified construction of large artificial structures by China on seven reefs on the disputed Spratly Islands, in the south China sea. It was the beginning of what would be called reef-islandization or construction of artificial islands. These structures are being designed to meet civil demands and for military purposes. As for this latter utility of artificial constructions, China has promoted a vague discourse, which in turn has contributed to escalating suspicions and tensions, which has drawn the attention of the world to Southeast Asia. Given this scenario, this paper aims to understand if the artificial islands are a risk response of China to the regional security dynamics of Southeast Asia. Through this, three specific objectives will be presented: to investigate which antecedent factors had the causal force to make China adopt the policy of construction of the artificial islands; Understand the prospect theory and its main definitions, and the functionality of the model of political legitimation; Describe what these artificial constructions are and what their role in China's territorial politics. The research is based on a qualitative methodology whose line of elaboration will be developed through two tools: descriptive and explanatory-exploratory. In addition to this, bibliographic tools will be used. In short, the dissertation will be worked over three chapters: in the first chapter a review of the literature on territorial disputes and prospect theory; the second chapter will address the context of artificial constructions and how China perceives itself within these territorial disputes.. Based on the analysis of the need to avoid future losses, the third chapter will address how China's dissatisfaction with the status quo of the dispute in the South China Sea led the country to accept risk policies in order to Change the dynamics of this territorial game.<br>Em 2014, satélites das Filipinas identificaram a construção de grandes estruturas artificiais pela China, em sete recifes, nas disputadas ilhas Spratly, no mar do sul da China. Era o começo do que se chamaria de reef-islandization ou construção de ilhas artificiais. Estas estruturas estão sendo projetadas a fim de atender, tanto demandas civis quanto militares. Para a esta última utilidade das construções artificiais, a China, tem promovido uma justificativa vaga, o que por sua vez tem contribuído para escalada de desconfianças e tensões, que tem atraído a atenção do mundo para o sudeste asiático. Diante deste cenário, o presente trabalho objetiva compreender se as ilhas artificiais são uma resposta de risco da China à dinâmica de segurança regional do sudeste asiático. Mediante a isto, três objetivos específicos serão apresentados: investigar quais fatores antecedentes tiveram força causal para fazer com que a China adotasse a política de construção das ilhas artificiais; entender a teoria do prospecto e suas principais definições, e a funcionalidade do modelo de legitimação política; descrever o que são essas construções artificiais e qual seu papel na política territorial da China. A pesquisa está pautada em uma metodologia qualitativa cuja linha de elaboração será desenvolvida através de duas ferramentas: descritiva e explicativo-exploratória. Somado a isto, serão utilizados instrumentos bibliográficos. Em suma, a dissertação será trabalhada ao longo de três capítulos: no primeiro capítulo será apresentadateoria do prospecto; o segundo capítulo abordará o contexto das construções artificiais e como a China se percebe no cenário de disputa atual. Partindo da analise de que se fazia necessário evitar futuras perdas à legitimidade do país, o terceiro capítulo abordará como a insatisfação da China frente ao status quo da disputa no sul do mar da China, conduziu o país a aceitar políticas de risco a fim de mudar a dinâmica deste jogo territorial.

La sobirania alimentària (SA) va ser reconeguda com a objectiu estratègic en la Constitució del 2008, durant el govern de Rafael Correa. No obstant això, durant aquest govern, l’avanç del model capitalista en el tema agro i els processos d’acumulació de les elits econòmiques del sector es va expandir, amb una sèrie d’efectes negatius per a la SA del país. D’una banda, el moviment agroecològic va aconseguir expandir-se i multiplicar experiències agroecològiques a nivell nacional. La present tesi s’emmarca en un dels dilemes que envolta la sobirania alimentària: la coexistència de models oposats. Exploro els actors i les estratègies de poder vinculades a l’Estat, a nivell general i en el cas de la palmera d’oli, que han viabilitzat la seva expansió durant el govern progressista de Correa. D’altra banda, identifico i analitzo els actors i les estratègies de resistència que han permès ampliar l’agroecologia, a través del cas del Colectivo Agroecológico del Ecuador, i indago la possibilitat de contrahegemonia de l’agroecologia. Per a aquesta anàlisi, utilitzo el territori, definit des de la geografia crítica, com a unitat d’anàlisi, i l’emmarco en la disputa de territoris materials i immaterials. Des d’un marc foucaultià, argumento que, durant el govern de Correa, la creació del règim de veritat, viabilitzada per la relació poder-saber-discurs, hauria estat una estratègia d’èxit per a mantenir l’hegemonia dels grups econòmics del sector agroalimentari, territorialitzar-se i acumular. Això, a costa de la desterritorialització del model de la SA, a través de: disposar de terra i mà d’obra pagesa; promoure un model dependent d’agroquímics; aprofundir l’agroexportació, incrementant la dependència a les importacions; la producció de patrons de consum servils a aquesta expansió. En el cas de la palma, la desterritorialització de la pagesia ocorre per despossessió amb violència directa i indirecta, i per transformació de la pagesia. En aquest sector, s’exerceix un biopoder en determinar la salut i la mort de la població a través dels patrons de producció i consum. D’altra banda, sota un marc gramscià, proposo la noció de geometria de resistència per entendre el sentit relacional que té la producció del territori agroecològic, basat en la solidaritat, la col·laboració i els altres coneixements. Sostinc que el Colectivo Agroecológico del Ecuador (CAE) es constitueix en un subjecte polític que ha aconseguit processos de resistència i territorialització a través d’estratègies polític-espacials i la construcció de subjectes polítics a través de: i. el des-disciplinament de les ments, ii. l’auto-reconeixement i l’auto-valoració com a agents de transformació; iii. el sentit de pertinença d’un subjecte col·lectiu, i iv. la pràctica agroecològica en si mateixa. La territorialització de l’agroecologia fomenta una forma de bio-emancipació, en alliberar la soci-naturalesa de les pràctiques capitalistes. Per últim, argumento que la tendència conjuntural de l’articulació de les organitzacions indígenes i pageses, i un aprofundiment de la relació organitzacions-Estat basada en interessos partidaris\/sectaris ha estat fomentada al llarg de la història per diversos esdeveniments\/formes de revolució passiva. Aquestes serien causa del seu afebliment i desarticulació, sent el principal impediment per a la consolidació d’un bloc històric no conjuntural, i impossibilitant posicionar la sobirania alimentària i l’agroecologia com un model contra-hegemònic.<br>La soberanía alimentaria (SA) fue reconocida como objetivo estratégico en la Constitución del 2008, durante el gobierno de Rafael Correa, sin embargo, durante éste el avance del modelo capitalista en el agro y los procesos de acumulación de las élites económicas del sector, se expandió, con una serie de efectos negativos para la SA del país. Por otro lado, el movimiento agroecológico logró expandirse y multiplicar experiencias agroecológicas a nivel nacional. La presente tesis se enmarcada en uno de los dilemas que rodea a la soberanía alimentaria: la coexistencia de modelos opuestos. Exploro los actores y estrategias de poder vinculadas al Estado, a nivel general y en el caso de la palma aceitera, que han viabilizando su expansión durante el gobierno progresista de Correa. Por otro lado, identifico y analizo los actores y las estrategias de resistencia que han permitido ampliar la agroecología, a través del caso del Colectivo Agroecológico del Ecuador, e indago la posibilidad de contrahegemonía de la agroecología. Para este análisis utilizo al territorio, definido desde la geografía crítica, como unidad de análisis, y lo enmarco en la disputa de territorios materiales e inmateriales. Desde un marco Foucaultiano, argumento que durante el gobierno de Correa la creación del régimen de verdad, viabilizada por la relación poder-saber-discurso, habría sido una exitosa estrategia para mantener la hegemonía de los grupos económicos del sector agroalimentario, territorializarse y acumular. Esto, a costa de la destrerritorialización del modelo de la SA, a través de: disponer tierra y mano de obra campesina; promover un modelo dependiente de agroquímicos; profundizar la agroexportación, incrementando la dependencia a las importaciones; la producción de patrones de consumo serviles a está expansión. En el caso de la palma, la desterritorialización del campesinado ocurre por desposesión con violencia directa e indirecta y por transformación del campesinado. En este sector se ejerce un biopoder al determinar la salud y muerte de la población a través de los patrones de producción y consumo. Por otro lado, bajo un marco Gramsciano, propongo la noción de geometría de resistencia para entender el sentido relacional que tiene la producción del territorio agroecológico, basado en la solidaridad, la colaboración, y los otros conocimientos. Sostengo que el Colectivo Agroecológico del Ecuador (CAE) se constituye en un sujeto político que ha logrado procesos de resistencia y territorialización a través de estrategias político-espaciales y la construcción de sujetos políticos a través de: i. el des-disciplinamiento de las mentes, ii. el auto-reconocimiento y auto-valoración como agentes de transformación; iii. el sentido de pertenencia de un sujeto colectivo; y iv. la práctica agroecológica en sí. La territorialización de la agroecología fomenta una forma de bio-emancipación, al liberar a la socio-naturaleza de las prácticas capitalistas. Por último, argumento que la tendencia coyuntural de la articulación de las organizaciones indígenas y campesinas, y una profundización de la relación organizaciones-Estado basada en intereses partidarios\/sectarios, ha sido fomentada a lo largo de la historia por varios eventos\/formas de revolución pasiva. Estas serían causa de su debilitamiento y desarticulación, siendo el principal impedimento para la consolidación de un bloque histórico no coyuntural, e imposibilitando posicionar a la soberanía alimentaria y a la agroecología como un modelo contra-hegemónico.<br>Food sovereignty (FS) was recognized within the 2008 Ecuadorian Constitution, under the presidency of Rafael Correa, as a strategic objective. However, during this period both the agroindustrial sector as well as accumulation of the economic elite sectors under a capitalist model expanded, resulting in a series of negative effects in relation to FS nationally. On the other hand, the agroecological movement also managed to expand and increase its experiences at a national level. This thesis is centred on one of the dilemmas surrounding food sovereignty: the coexistence of opposing models. I explore actors and strategies of power, linked to the State in general and specifically in relation to the case of palm oil which saw a boom during the self-proclaimed progressive government of Correa. On the other hand, I identify and analyse both actors and strategies of resistance that have enabled the agroecological movement to expand, through the specific case of the Colectivo Agroecol\u00F3gico del Ecuador. I explore the possibility of agroecology counterhegemony. For this analysis I use territory, defined within critical geography , as unit analysis, and frame this in relation to a material and immaterial territorial dispute. From a Foucauldian perspective, I develop the argument that under the government of Correa the creation of a regime of truth, made viable through the power-knowledge-discourse relationship was a successful strategy in order for the food industry economic groups to maintain their hegemonic power, further territorializing and accumulating. This was conducted by the deterritorialization of the FS model, via: making land and cheap labour available; promoting agrochemical dependency; entrenching agroexports, increasing dependency on imports; and consumption patterns functional to this expansion. In the case of palm oil, peasant deterritorialization occurs via dispossession by direct and indirect violence, and peasant transformation. In this sector a biopower is imposed determining the health and death of the population via patterns of production and consumption. On the other hand, under a Gramscian perspective, I propose the notion of &#8216;resistance geometry&#8217;, to understand the relational sense of the production of agroecological territory, based on solidarity, collaboration and the use of other forms of knowledge. I argue that the Colectivo Agroecol\u00F3gico del Ecuador (CAE) constitutes itself as a political subject that has achieved processes of resistance and territorialisation through diverse spacial-political strategies. Additionally, the action repertories of CAE, promotes the production of political subjects via the following: i undisciplining minds, ii. self-recognition and re-valuing as agents of transformation; iii. sense of belonging as a collective subject; and iv. agroecological practice in itself. The territorialisation of agroecology promotes a bio-emancipation process by socio-nature liberation from capitalist practices. Finally, I argue that the tendency of political conjuncture articulating indigenous and peasant organizations as well as the deepening of State-social organization relationships based on sectorial\/party political interests, has been promoted throughout history by various events\/forms of passive revolution. This would be the main reasons for the weakening and disarticulation of the organizational process of social organizations, impeding the consolidation of a non-political conjunctural historical power in order to position food sovereignty and agroecology as a counterhegemonic model.

Orientador: Woodruff Whitman Benson<br>Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Biologia<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-12T18:41:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Peixoto_PauloEnriqueCardoso_D.pdf: 865304 bytes, checksum: 19540c783ae14daa3ba0b5f8dffc1d86 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009<br>Resumo: Brigas territoriais entre machos de insetos voadores são resolvidas das mais variadas formas. Em borboletas, existem evidencias de que tamanho, idade e motivação são importantes determinantes das chances de vitória. No entanto, as regras utilizadas nas brigas, o contexto biológico que afeta a intensidade dos comportamentos agonisticos e o papel funcional das características dos machos na geração de custos durante os confrontos ainda são pouco conhecidos. Neste trabalho investiguei uma serie de características que podem influenciar os custos e benefícios dos confrontos territoriais utilizando as espécies de satirineos Hermeuptychia hermes (Fabricius, 1775), Moneuptychia soter (Buttler, 1877) e Paryphthimoides phronius (Buttler, 1867) como modelos de estudo. No capitulo 1 investiguei se as disputas intra-especificas pela posse de territórios em machos de H. hermes e de M. soter ocorrem com contato físico e quais podem ser as características funcionalmente relevantes para a distinção entre machos territoriais e não territoriais. Para tanto, documentei as brigas entre machos utilizando filmagens de alta velocidade e realizei comparações morfológicas e fisiológicas entre machos possuidores de territórios (residentes) e machos que ocuparam territórios nos quais os residentes originais foram removidos (intrusos). Machos residentes de H. hermes apresentaram massa corporal e muscular similares as dos seus pares intrusos, porem, possuíram menor desgaste alar e maior quantidade de lipídeos. Machos residentes de M. soter, por outro lado, foram mais pesados que os machos intrusos que ocuparam seus territórios. Machos de H. hermes podem dividir a interação em vôos circulares, espirais ascendentes e perseguições lineares, enquanto machos de M. soter usam vôos circulares mais lentos, os quais são seguidos por perseguições lineares e emissões de som (estalos). Contatos físicos não foram registrados para nenhuma espécie. No capitulo 2 investiguei o papel da residência previa na resolução de conflitos territoriais entre machos de H. hermes. Ao induzir disputas entre dois machos que se comportaram como residentes (um residente original e um residente induzido) e compara-las com disputas naturais entre machos residentes e intrusos, foi possível demonstrar que a residência previa aumenta as chances de vitória em um combate. Massa corporal afetou positivamente as chances de vitória nas brigas induzidas, mas não nas brigas naturais. Finalmente no capitulo 3, investiguei a influencia da presença de recursos alimentares no estabelecimento de territórios de acasalamento por machos de P. phronius. Machos desta espécie defendem sítios de acasalamento localizados em manchas de sol sem recursos evidentes. No entanto, manchas de sol previamente desocupadas passaram a ser defendidas depois de receberem frutas fermentadas. Apesar de machos que se estabeleceram nestes locais aparentemente se alimentarem das frutas, experimentos de escolha de territórios sugerem que eles preferem defender sítios sem recursos e utilizam a defesa de áreas com alimento como tática alternativa de acasalamento. Este estudo representa a primeira investigação deste tipo de variação nas táticas de acasalamento em borboletas. Alem de auxiliar a compreensão da evolução de determinados sistemas de localização de parceiros, esse sistema permite testar qual a implicação da existência de mais de uma tática reprodutiva na intensidade dos confrontos territoriais entre machos<br>Abstract: Territorial conflicts in flying insects may be resolved through many different ways. In male butterflies, size, age and motivation are often reported as important determinants of the winning chances. However, the rules used when fighting, the biological context that affects the intensity of agonistic behaviors, and the functional role of male traits in the contests costs generation are poorly known. In this study I investigated a series of characteristics that may influence the costs and benefits of territorial conflicts using the satyrine species Hermeuptychia hermes (Fabricius, 1775), Moneuptychia soter (Buttler, 1877), and Paryphthimoides phronius (Buttler, 1867) as study organisms. In chapter 1, I used high-speed video imagery to investigate whether intraspecific disputes between male H. hermes and male M. soter occur with physical contact. Additionally, I removed resident males from their defended sites and the subsequent intruders that established on those areas after the resident removal to assess if wing wear, body mass, fat content and flight muscle ratio are important determinants of male residency status. Resident males of H. hermes were similar in body weight and thoracic muscle mass to their intruder rivals, but had fewer wing wear and higher fat content. Resident males of M. soter, on the other hand, were heavier than intruder males. Male H. hermes divided their interaction in up to three phases consisting of circular flights, ascending spirals and back and forth persecutions, whereas male M. soter used much slower circular flights that were often followed by linear persecutions and clicking sound emissions. Physical contacts were not observed for both species. In chapter 2, I investigated the role of previous residence on contest resolution in the butterfly H. hermes. By inducing territorial interactions between males that behaved as residents (one original resident and another resident-induced one) and comparing them with natural contests between resident and intruder males, it was possible to show that previous residence increases the chances of victory. Body mass positively affected the winning chances in the induced fights, but was unimportant among the natural ones. Finally in chapter 3, I investigated the role of feeding resources in the territory establishment by males of the butterfly P. phronius. Male of this species typically defend sunny clearings on the forest edge which do not contain any evident resource. However, previously undefended sunny clearings were occupied by territorial males after receiving soft fermenting fruit. Although males which established on sites containing feeding resources seem to forage on the fermenting fruit, territory selection experiments shows that males prefer to defend sites without resources. This type of variation in the mate locating tactics has never been previously investigated for butterflies. In addition of helping the understanding of the evolutionary processes leading to different mate-locating strategies, this system allows the testing of the influence of different reproductive behaviors on the intensity of territorial conflicts between males<br>Doutorado<br>Doutor em Ecologia